Number 92. The profits [navigations—MS.] of the citizens of Manila do not equal their losses

But if these duties were less, and the profits greater, or even greater than what they are said to be, the city of Manila would not be compensated for the damages and losses suffered there and in its trade, past and present—partly through serving your Majesty, partly by being bound to danger and difficulty by their navigation (which is a circumstance that should be considered, since the same profit on what is sent from Sevilla to the Indias, or on that which goes from Madrid to Toledo, is not sufficient for Filipinas), and partly because of the special disasters that have happened to it from its foundation. These damages and losses have been so excessive that if they were noted in detail with the attention that they merit it would seem not only inevitable that that city, as noble [notable—MS.] as unfortunate, would be poor and ruined, but impossible that it should not be finished, destroyed, and deserted; and impossible that, struggling against so many disasters as it has suffered, it should still survive with some luster and wealth. Inasmuch as it is the purpose to avoid in this memorial generalities that do not influence or persuade, the mention of the misfortunes that have happened to Manila has two special and necessary ends. One is the presentation of the services, valor, and merits of its citizens; the other is the notable and lamentable recompense for the profits of its commerce and navigation, since it was necessary that the profits be much greater, to offset thereby the losses and expenses. Their evil will be mentioned by years. Many which are yet unknown, or which are minor, will not be mentioned; and it will be seen whether that city deserves to be protected, its inhabitants rewarded, its commerce aided, and its petitions decided in the most favorable manner that the matters and cases proposed will permit.



Number 93. Misfortunes, losses, and damages that have been suffered by the city of Manila and its inhabitants.

The Spanish government was established in the distinguished and very loyal city of Manila, as capital of all the islands of those seas, in the year 1572.

In the year 575, the pirate Limahon, a Chinese, attacked it with a fleet of seventy large warships. Finding it in so incipient condition, and poorly fortified, he entered and sacked it. The Spaniards defended it rather by valor than by number, in a small fort that they had built.

In the year 578, while Guido de Labacarris was governor, the ship "San Juanillo" sailed for Nueva Espaa, in command of Captain de Ribera, in which it was thought to recover the loss inflicted by the pirate; but the loss became greater, for that ship was lost, and it was never known how or where.

In the year 580, Captain Don Juan Ronquillo del Castillo sailed for Nueva Espaa, in a ship that carried no small cargo. After having sailed for many days, and having found himself in the neighborhood of Nueva Guinea, he put back in distress in a very bad condition. In this it is to be noted that among the losses which Manila feels keenly, is that the ships of their commerce have to put back in distress; for in that year besides failing to obtain the profits of what they invest, and the investment of what is sent in return, they lose most of the principal, which they export—not only in averias, but in the costs and expenses.

In the year 581, Governor Don Juan Ronquillo de Pealosa imposed a duty of two per cent on the merchandise exported to Nueva Espaa, and three per cent on that carried by the Chinese to Manila. Although he was censured for having imposed those duties without having any order for it, they remained.

That year a fleet sailed from Manila, in command of Don Juan Ronquillo, to succor Maluco and protect the Portuguese who were then in possession of those islands; but after the cost, expense, and expedition, in which many of the inhabitants took part, it had no effect.

In the year 583, on February 27, while the funeral honors of the governor were in progress, fire caught in the church of St. Augustine; and as the edifices of that time were of wood, all of the city was burned and made desolate, and not a thing was saved—not even the fort, in which almost all the possessions of the citizens were lost—while some people met death. That was one of the greatest losses that that city has suffered.

That year, building was recommenced; and, in order to avoid a similar damage, it was determined that all the houses should be built of stone. That caused the inhabitants the expense that one may understand, and the city became one of the most beautiful that can be seen.

In the year 584, Captain Pedro Sarmiento went to Maluco with renforcements, with another fleet, which had the same expense and effect as the first.

In the year 585, another fleet sailed in command of Captain Juan de Moron, from which, as from the others, Manila derived nothing else than having incurred the expense.

That year, an insurrection that the natives of the country were attempting was discovered. It was quieted with some damage, although less than it might have been.

In the year 587, the Englishman, Tomas Candi[sh] besieged Nueva Espaa, and pillaged and burned the ship "Santa Ana," which was en route to Acapulco very richly laden.

In the year 588, the same pirate tried to burn a ship in the shipyard of the islands of Pintados. He was resisted by Manuel Lorenzo de Lemos, who was in charge of its building. Some men were killed in this affair, and all the men of the islands were placed under arms.

In the year 590 the royal Audiencia of Manila was suppressed. It had been established in the year 584, [sic] and its suppression must also be reckoned among the hardships of that city, because of those which it suffered until the year 597, when the Audiencia was restablished.

In the year 591, the commerce of Japon—which was of great advantage, because of the provision of food which was taken thence to Manila—began to be disturbed. That was occasioned by the barbarian emperor Taycocama trying to make the governor of Filipinas pay him vassalage and tribute. That peril lasted as long as the life of the emperor. The islands suffered from it, not only because of the lack of those friendly relations, but because it was necessary to place themselves in a state of defense against the tyrant, who was threatening them with his fleets.

In the year 593, the two ships "San Felipe" and "San Francisco" sailed for Acapulco. They put back in distress, one at Manila, and the other at the island of Zebre [Zienbre—MS.], very much crippled and wrecked.

That year was even more unfortunate. For Governor Gomez Perez Das Marias sailing for the conquest of Terrenate with nine hundred Spaniards and more than two hundred boats (reckoning galliots, galleys, fragatas, virreys, and other craft), and arriving at the island of Caa, the Chinese who were taken as rowers in the flagship galley mutinied, and killed the governor and forty Spaniards who were with him. Thereupon, the expedition ceased, and the expenses incurred by the citizens for it, as most of them had embarked in it, were lost.

In the year 596, the galleon "San Felipe," one of the trading ships, under command of Don Matias de Landecho, made port in distress at Japon, where it was wrecked. Those pagans seized the goods aboard the ship, and martyred some of the Spaniards, together with the religious and natives. The Church has placed the latter in the list of the holy martyrs.

In the year 598, Don Luis Das Marias left for the expedition to Camboxa with two ships and one galliot, and two hundred Spaniards. After many misfortunes he put in at China, where his vessels were wrecked and beached, some of the men being saved.

In the year 600, two ships under command of Juan Martinez de Guillestigui sailed for Acapulco. Both put back and were lost—the ship "Santa Margarita" at the islands of the Ladrones. The natives entered it in the island of Zarpana, as it was almost destitute of men, and pillaged all its cargo; and the men who were saved remained there some years. The ship "San Geronimo" put in at the island of Catanduanes, where it was wrecked although the men escaped.

That year the Englishman [sic] Oliverio de Noort came in sight of Manila with war vessels, in order to await those ships which were expected from Nueva Espaa. Therefore it was judged advisable to drive him away. Doctor Antonio de Morga, auditor and lieutenant-general of Governor Don Francisco Tello, sailed to attack him. He took one moderate-sized ship, another of less size, one patache, and one galliot, with one hundred Spaniards in each boat. He attacked the pirate, and the flagship, having been conquered, was set afire. Thereupon that of Espaa cast off its grappling-irons, but was so hardly used that it immediately sank. Some of the men escaped in the small boat, and Doctor Morga reached an island by swimming; while the ship was lost, with the rest of the soldiers. The other ship conquered the English almiranta, and took it to Manila. It was an important capture, but very costly.

In the year 601, the galleon "Santo Tomas" en route from Nueva Espaa, under command of Licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera Maldonado (who had been appointed to the post of auditor), having been blown by a storm to the Embocadero of Capul and the bay of Catamban, was driven ashore and was wrecked. However, the men and most of the cargo were saved. The latter was taken to Manila overland and by sea, a distance of eighty leguas.

In the year 602, Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato went out in a fleet to attack the Mindanaos, who were infesting the coast of Manila. Although he inflicted some punishment upon them, the cost was greater than the remedy.

That year the ship "Espiritu Santo," en route to Acapulco, after it had cast out all its cargo because of the gales that it encountered, put in at Japon, where it was in danger of receiving the same treatment as had been given to the ship "San Felipe." It was saved from that by the watchfulness of Don Lope de Ulloa y Lemos, its commander. The ship "Jesus Maria," with a like loss, put in at the islands of the Ladrones; and, at the end of five months of navigation, both ships returned to Manila, almost without crew and without cargo.

In the year 603, on the eve of St. Philip and St. James, some houses caught fire; and although many of the edifices were now of stone, the fire leaped to others which were built of wood, and so many were burned that the loss was estimated at more than one million.

That year was one of misfortunes for Manila. The Mindanaos sailed out on a marauding expedition, and went in sight of Manila, pillaging and burning some villages, and taking some Spaniards captive. It was necessary to send a fleet against them, under command of Gaspar Perez, who made them retire.

That year, on the fourth of October, occurred the dangerous uprising of twenty thousand Chinese, who lived in the environs of Manila. Although they were conquered and punished after two months of war, it was at a great loss to the country and to the Spaniards. In the first onset one hundred and fifty of the best Spaniards were killed, almost all citizens, although there were not more than seven hundred citizens. The island was desolated and destroyed for more than twenty leguas round about the city, which was in danger of being lost. The inhabitants who were left had to sally out, and, pursuing the enemy, finally conquered and made an end of them.

That year, of the two ships that sailed according to the permission, die flagship "Nuestra Seora de los Remedios," after having cast out a great part of its cargo, and having lost its masts, put in at Manila; while the "San Antonio," most richly laden, and with many people who, in order to escape the hardships of that city, were going to Nueva Espaa, suffered a greater hardship—for it was swallowed up by the sea, and no one heard what became of it.

In the year 604 was despatched the general decree granting the permission to the islands, which restricted the commerce with Nueva Espaa, as has been declared.

In the year 606, Governor Don Pedro de Acua made the Maluco expedition, which, although it had a good outcome, was very costly for the citizens of Manila, most of whom took part in it. He took five galleons, four galleys with poop-lanterns, three galliots, four champans, three fustas, two lanchas, two brigantines, one flat-bottomed boat, and thirteen fragatas with high freeboard. He had one thousand three hundred Spaniards serving for pay, besides the volunteers and inhabitants, who were numerous. All incurred the expense that can be imagined in the expedition, without deriving other advantage than their service as loyal vassals.

That year, while the governor was in Maluco with all the force of the islands, the Japanese revolted in Manila, and the country arose in arms and was in great danger; but, after they had done some damage and caused much, they were subdued.

In the year 608, two ships sailed for Acapulco, under command of Juan Tello de Aguirre, and the flagship was wrecked in the Embocadero of Capul, one hundred leguas from Manila.

In the year 609, three ships sailed under command of Juan Ezquerra. The flagship "San Francisco" was wrecked in Japon, and the ship "Santa Ana," which went to Nueva Espaa the following year, put in at the same island.

In the year 610, of the two ships that sailed in accordance with the permission, the almiranta returned to put in at Filipinas.

That year Governor Don Juan de Silva sailed with five ships and three galleys to attack four Dutch ships and one patache which had been before Manila for six months, pillaging all the vessels that entered and left, and holding the city almost besieged. He found only three of the ships, burned one, and captured the two others with a loss of many men; for those expeditions, although their outcome is favorable, are always a source of loss to the inhabitants, because of the many who are killed, and because of the expenses incurred in them.

In the year 611, the governor built another fleet, with which he entered Maluco—but without accomplishing more than the cost, which was heavy; and little was the reputation with which he returned.

In the following year, 612, there was nothing with which to make the despatch of the ships to Nueva Espaa, because of the losses and expeditions above mentioned, and an advice patache alone was sent.

In the year 614, two or three ships from Olanda burned and sacked the town of Arevalo [Arrebalo—MS.] with all its [surrounding] country.

In the year 616, Governor Don Juan de Silva made the disastrous expedition to Malaca with all the force of the islands, of which mention has been made. He died there, and lost on that occasion all the sum that had been spent, which was so vast that it is affirmed that a million was left owing to Spaniards and Indians. To the extortions that were practiced for this, some attribute the ill-success of the expedition.

That year, while Don Juan de Silva was away with the fleet, the Mindanaos came with sixty caracoas, and burned a ship and two pataches which were being built in the province of Camarines, and pillaged the land, seizing and capturing many people.

That year the trading ships, under command of Don Francisco de la Serna, put back. Fearful of the enemy, one discharged its cargo twenty leguas from Manila, and carried the goods overland. The other went to the island of Cibuyan.

In the year 617, occurred the battle of Playa Honda, which was fought by the commander Don Juan Ronquillo, with seven ships and three galleys pitted against six of the Dutch. He sank the flagship, and one other ship, and another was burned. Of the Spanish ships, the galleon "San Marcos" was run aground and wrecked, as above stated. [In the margin: "In number 31."]

That year two ships sailed to Nueva Espaa, under command of Juan Pardo de Losada, and both of them put back.

In the year 618, advice was received in Espaa of the straitened condition in which the islands were, through so many disasters, losses, and foes; and it was determined to send them a goodly renforcement by way of East India. The commander, Don Loreno de Zuaola, was given one thousand seven hundred soldiers with six huge ships, and two pataches, manned by seven hundred and thirty-two seamen and thirty religious. The fleet left Cadiz, and after sailing twelve days was, on December 26, 619 [sic], struck by so fierce a gale that the flagship and almiranta, besides three other large ships, were lost. The ship which was left, with the two battered pataches, [59] returned to Espaa. Thus deprived of the greatest renforcement that has ever been sent to the islands, and when there was most need of it, the islands were greatly afflicted by that loss; but it was supplied by the valor of their inhabitants, who maintained themselves with their usual reputation at the risk of their lives, at the cost of their possessions, and in spite of their enemies.

In the year 620, of the two ships that sailed under command of Don Fernando Centeno, the flagship was lost, thirty leguas from Manila, through the fault of the pilot, whom they hanged there, while the almiranta put back to Manila.

In the year 625, Governor Don Geronimo de Silva made an expedition, taking for it five galleons (two of which were of 1,400 toneladas), one patache, and two galleys. There were 2,269 soldiers, 152 pieces of artillery, and five champans, with food and ammunition in as great abundance as if they had sailed from Sevilla to Lisboa.

In the year 631, the ship "Santa Maria Madalena," while already laden with its cargo in the port of Cavite, and about to sail, went to the bottom—drowning fourteen persons, and losing all the cargo aboard it, as it remained a fortnight under the water. The ship "Santa Margarita," which was left alone, sailed out, but put back with the losses of other times.

In the year 634, the trade of the Filipinas with Japon was suppressed by the efforts of the Dutch. That was a great loss, and it is not known that it has been revived.

In the year 635, as the city of Manila was so ruined and poor, it had no wealth with which to lade the ships of their permission, and hence the ships did not sail to Nueva Espaa.

These are the chief instances of which our knowledge can make relation, and in which Manila and the islands have suffered misfortunes; and those disasters have been so many that of all the sixty-five years since its foundation only fifteen are free from loss and disaster; and some of those disasters are so great that the prosperity of other years was unable to make up for them. From all of them can easily be inferred the proof of the two propositions—namely, the services of their citizens, and the small profits in their commerce, if, as the former are qualified by valor, the latter are proportioned to the losses, risks, and hardships that they endure in order to maintain it.



Number 94. Fifth point: in which is explained the commerce of the islands, according to its parts

For the last justification and the final point, this commerce of the islands with Nueva Espaa will be explained. It has two parts, one the coming with the merchandise, and the other the return voyage with the returns [from the merchandise] in silver. Regarding both will be stated what profits they produce, and whether it will be advisable to suppress or restrict the commerce, or how illegal acts can be prevented.



Number 95. Trade of the islands necessary in Nueva Espaa, because of their goods

In regard to the first part, which pertains to the merchandise, the trade of the Filipinas is so necessary today in Nueva Espaa, that the latter country finds it as difficult as do the islands to get along without that trade; and its lack cannot be supplied with merchandise from these kingdoms. The wares taken to Acapulco are plain and figured velvets, satins, and damasks; grograms, taffetas, and picotes; headdresses and stockings; silk, loose and twisted, in skeins, that reeled on spindles, and woven; thread; tramas, [60] plushes, and other silk stuffs and textiles. Of cotton, there are sinavafas, [61] fine glazed buckrams [bocacies], glazed linen [olandilla], fine muslins [canequies], and semianas; and of cotton and silk, beds, curtains, coverlets, quilts, and other pieces. [They also carry] civet, musk, and amber; gold and pearls; crockery-ware, cabinets, and articles made of wood, and other things; and the products of the islands themselves, of which mention has been made [In the margin: "In number 15"]. But the bulk of the commerce is reduced to the silk and cotton textiles; for there is but little else that is rare or elegant, or that has much export. From the skeined silk, and the silk thread, and trama are manufactured in Nueva Espaa velvets, veils, headdresses, passementeries, and many taffetas, which were taken to Per when there were ships that went to Callao, and to other parts of the Indias—where the black, brown, and silver-colored goods that are sent from Sevilla do not arrive in good shape, because the sea rots them. It is known that the skein silk of China is more even and elegant for delicate and smooth fabrics than is the Misteca [62] which is produced in that kingdom; besides that, there is less of the latter kind than is necessary in the country. By this trade and manufacture, more than fourteen thousand persons support themselves in Mexico, La Puebla, and Antequera, by their looms, the whole thing being approved by royal decrees. Of the cotton textiles, linens [lienzos] are used in Nueva Espaa more than any other stuff, as they are so cheap that they sell for one and one-half or two reals per vara. Therefore, they are desired by the Indians and negroes; and when these are lacking, even though there should be an over-supply of the linens of Europa, they do not want them or use them, as those are dear and not so much used by them; and they get along with their own cloths from Campeche or La Guasteca, and others that they weave. Hence the importation of these linens (which are brought from China) is now proposed as an expedient measure; if that be administered at the account of the royal treasury, it would gain annually more than one hundred and twenty thousand pesos, as is apparent from a decree of November 20, 606.



Number 96. Distinctions in products from the islands, and their qualities with respect to those of Espaa.

All these products that are trafficked from the islands are divided into six [sic] classes. The first is of silk, in skeins, thread, and trama. The second, the silk textiles. The third, the cotton textiles. The fourth, the products of the islands. The fifth, other small wares and articles that are brought. Of these, the last class amounts to but little, and is not harmful to the commerce of Espaa, as it is composed of rarities and foreign products. The fourth class, namely, that of the products of the islands, by that very fact ought to be exported—a claim that is founded on justice; since it is not usual to prohibit to any province its own trade, and the exportation of its products wherever they may have a sale, even though foreign commerce be denied to it. Besides, this sort has the characteristic of the third, namely, that these wares are so cheap that their like cannot be supplied from Espaa, as has been said, on account of the great difference of their prices. [In the margin: "In number 95."] Hence, the wares of these kingdoms would not be used any more, even did those of the islands fail; nor less, even if there were an over-supply. For the Indians and negroes care only for the linens of China and Filipinas, and, if they do not have them, they get along without them; for they have no wealth to give eight reals for what costs them one and one-half reals. One thousand bales of linen which is shipped from Sevilla in each trading fleet always finds a sale, and no more can be carried [to Nueva Espaa]—because that would create a lack in Espaa, and it would, moreover, be too advantageous to the foreigners, to whom almost all this commodity belongs. [63] Two thousand bales of cotton textiles exported from Manila are also consumed [there]; and the fact that there is less or more does not cause any considerable loss in the linen made from flax and hemp, nor does it involve much money; for the two thousand bales of cotton are worth one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, while one thousand of fine linen are worth more than one million.



Number 97. Damage caused to the [sale of] Spanish silks by those of China

The second and first classes of goods are those which may cause more damage, because they come in conflict with those same commodities that are exported from Espaa. Since the latter are dearer, and the former cheaper, while the people are increasing daily, and the wealth decreasing, necessarily they desire the goods that have the more moderate price, even though it is not of the same quality. But this damage, which is the only one, is not such as is imagined. First, because the prohibition of sending textiles to Per causes a much smaller quantity to go to Acapulco than formerly. Second, because on account of the danger from the piracies of the Dutch, few silks are shipped from China to Manila, and those cost so dear that it is not the product in which there is greatest profit; nor can so much be bought, since he who formerly bought two or three boxes with one thousand pesos, now buys one. Thus the merchants make the bulk [of their exportations] in cotton linens, and in the products of the islands. Third, because Nueva Espaa is now so full of Spaniards, and they have so little money, that one can understand of them in regard to the silks, what has been said of the Indians in regard to the cotton textiles—namely, that if they find those of China, they use them, and if not, they get along without them. Where this is most true, and where it ought to be considered, is in the mines—where the aviadors [64] do not and cannot use the cloth from Castilla because of its quality and value; but that of China, as it is cheaper and more durable and serviceable. Consequently, with one thousand pesos' worth of it they maintained their mining operations longer than they could with five thousand worth of that from Espaa. From that it follows that if [the supply of] it were to fail, the mines would necessarily decrease; and that would redound to the greater damage of the royal treasury, and to that of the country, your vassals, and commerce, than what is suffered today, even though what is stated be considered as accurate and true. If there was an over-supply of textiles when there were fewer people, and now much less rather than more is imported, and there are more consumers, there can be but little resulting damage to the goods that are carried hence. Fourth, because the silk in skeins, as already said, is what is consumed; and, if it should fail, more than fourteen thousand persons who are employed and supported by its manufacture would perish. [In the margin: "In number 96."] Fifth, because this [export from Espaa] is already very little, since a great quantity of the silk used by the looms of Granada and Toledo was formerly taken to Sevilla; but, since the year 618, that has been decreasing so much that the workmen of that trade, through lack of silk with which to work, have gone to Nueva Espaa. The cause that lies at the root of this injury is found in the navigation from China to Manila, in which passage the silk is plundered by the Dutch; they carry it to their country, and send it to Castilla by the hands of third persons, and sell it at a great profit. It would be better to have it carried, as formerly, from Manila by way of Mexico, the vassals of this crown thus gaining the profit that its enemies gain. This is a matter of no slight importance, and one which has been advanced as a measure for securing a gain of one-half million for the income of the royal treasury—as appears from a decree of February 16, 602, which was sent to Filipinas; and from the memorials furnished in the year 621 by Oracio Levanto, who tried to make a contract for it.



[XCVIII.—Ex. his.] The damage caused by the silver that is sent to the islands is not at the charge of their inhabitants.

Fourth, in regard to the second point, which concerns the silver that is carried from Nueva Espaa, it is not denied that it may be damaging and prejudicial to bleed that kingdom on that side; but it is denied that the excess in this is that which is alleged—as has been proved. [In the margin: "In number 83."] And if this be conceded, it ought to be noted that this commerce was granted in favor of the citizens of the islands, and not of others; and since most of them are poor, and cannot maintain a commerce of such value as those of Nueva Espaa wish, the residents of Mexico have entered and gained control of a great part of the commerce, under [cover of] the permission granted to the citizens of Manila, and aided by certain persons. The violations of law have resulted from that; for, as the Mexican exporters make those consignments and carry the returns for them—in violation of the royal decrees, and in opposition to the inhabitants of Manila—they are hidden and kept not only from your Majesty's employees (or they endeavor to keep these under obligations, so that they will not denounce them), but from the citizens of the islands, who are not guilty in that. On the contrary, the inhabitants desire and endeavor to obtain a remedy for this, because of the damage that it causes them, not only in usurping their permission from them (as it has in fact been usurped, by good or evil means), but because, if more silver than what their inhabitants carry goes in the Filipinas ships, as that which exceeds [the permission], it belongs to the exporters of Mexico. Such money is sent for investment, and to be returned on the first voyage, and those who have it in charge try to buy on their arrival; and to shorten the time of their return, they will force prices in that place so high, that what is bought from the Chinese for one hundred will immediately advance to two hundred. Since the inhabitants have scanty means and considerable expense, in order that they may therewith support themselves their profits must be great; but on account of such proceedings their profits come to amount to nothing, and they become ruined. Consequently, the whole profit is made by the inhabitants of Mexico; and, as they have more money, and are not burdened with the obligations of the islands—their expeditions, wars, and renforcements—their profits, although smaller, are larger for their commerce than for that of the citizens of Manila; the latter lose, not only in the purchase, for the Mexicans increase the prices of the merchandise, but afterward in the sale which they make in Nueva Espaa. There they are compelled to sell more cheaply, in order to return immediately, or to take silver at high interest—which is not done by the inhabitants of Mexico; for they remain in their houses and sell as they choose; for they sell slowly, and by that means make up the excess of the price in Manila. The citizens of the latter place cannot enjoy that advantage, and hence return ruined, or with so little profits from so long voyages that, at the end, they scarcely realize the principal with which they commenced. Besides, as the greater part of their possessions are those on which the duties are paid, as they come registered, while the others are concealed and unregistered, by that fact also their costs increase and their profits are diminished.



Number 99. Intention of the inhabitants of the islands in regard to the excesses of the commerce

Therefore it is to be noted that it is not, and cannot be, the intention of the inhabitants of the islands to have the illegal acts that shall have been committed in that commerce remain unpunished, or that liberty be given for the continuance of these and the commission of greater transgressions. They are honest in this, as they ought to be in obeying and observing the royal orders and mandates, which they reverence and respect with so much more obedience, love, and good-will, as the distance which separates them [from Espaa] is greater, and it is more difficult for their great services (for they are great) to be seen and valued, and for them to obtain the rewards and favors which they deserve. What they solicit with the humility of vassals of so Catholic a monarch, and represent under the arguments of expedients and good government which they propose (subject in everything, to what should be of greatest service to your Majesty), is, that the past be punished in such manner that the penalty be not equal for those who have not been equally guilty—and if any have been, it was rather because they have been carried away by their need and hardships than for the sake of the profit of their business; since whatever they have acquired in their business (which, according to the wealth that they possess, is known to be little), has been spent and intended to be spent in your Majesty's service, in ministering to and maintaining those islands, at the cost of their blood and possessions. They ask that, at present, attention be given to what is hidden and concealed; and that this be corrected and reduced to the amount that is permitted and ordered, without the inhabitants being proceeded against or punished for what they have done through ignorance, until it shall be known in the islands what they ought to do, and new orders issued. For the future they petition that the increase of duties on the goods within the permission be avoided, whether it be silver or merchandise; that there be no innovation in the appraisals of it; that their boxes be not opened or appraised in a different manner from that which has been observed, followed, and kept—since, as has been seen, they pay more than they are able, although not as much as they owe. [In the margin: "In number 91."]



Number 100. Summary of what is alleged in this memorial

Therefore they once more represent to your Majesty what is contained in greater detail in this memorial. The charges made against their commerce, inasmuch as these were based on malicious reports and on less knowledge than was required by the matter, have disturbed, changed, and altered it, so that it is in danger of being lost or suspended (which amounts to the same thing), and with it all the Filipinas, whose importance is so well known. That can be understood from the strong arguments advanced for not abandoning them when they were less necessary than now, when the fact of that importance has been established by so decisive a resolution. To this can serve as new motives the extraordinary manner of their discovery; the greatness of their territory, and therein the notable and especial greatness of the city of Manila—which, as the mistress of so many seas, and capital of so many archipelagos, is the second pole of this monarchy; and the estimation in which their qualities are held, both for the nature of their lands and from what has been acquired from their commerces, which, if they are small as regards their own products, [in their beginnings—MS.] are most opulent as regards those of foreign lands. That is facilitated by their remarkable situation, which, as it is the center of so many islands and powerful kingdoms, is, if not in advance of all of them, superior to many, as it is the key of the ancient and ever rich commerce of the Orient. That commerce, after so many changes, came into the possession of Portugal, and through the Filipinas was communicated to Castilla. It has been usurped in part by the enemies of this crown (who now go to search for it, and carry it on in various ports of its origin), against whom India and the islands are defending and maintaining it. The islands especially protect the commerce of China and that in cloves, as they are now lords of the islands of Maluco—which they recovered after they had been lost, and which they preserve, although infested [by enemies], at the cost of the blood and the possessions of their inhabitants. They are exposed always to the raids of powerful opponents, who in order not to lose what they have had the good fortune to acquire, the Oriental trade and that of Maluco (which is of the greatest value), spend the most of what they gain in forts, presidios, and fleets, that they may resist the Filipinas. If the islands are important for that reason, not less important are they for the effects that result from their preservation. These effects are the promulgation of the Catholic faith, and the extension of the gospel preaching through so extensive regions, and so remote kingdoms of pagans and Moors—which in spite of the northern heresy, has been received by some, while others are ready to receive it; the assurance of safety for India, which has doubled its strength because of the nearness of the islands, which on all occasions renforce it; the prevention and hindrance of the enemies from the trade in which they most wish to be absolute masters, and which they would obtain were it not for that valiant resistance, and that fortified camp; the relief of the Western Indias from their raids, which because of this diversion have rest; and finally, the maintenance of the reputation of this crown, in the most remote part of its domain. And since, in order to obtain these and other effects, it is sufficient that the Filipinas be maintained in the force and renown that they have at present, for that only two methods are to be found, which consist either in spending from the royal treasury the amount necessary for them, or in giving them a commerce such that all the cost of the islands may be derived from it. Each method is impossible alone, for the expense of the islands is considerable, and the amount that they contribute is not sufficient, as those of Maluco are dependent on them, while the royal treasury is exhausted. The commerce ought not to be opened so widely that its duties supply all [the cost of the islands], because of the injury that this would cause to the commerce of Espaa, which is more important. The only remedy comes to be (and it is that admitted by experience) the union of both these means, each sharing a portion of the expense. With this the royal treasury will be relieved, the commerce permitted, and the islands maintained. In order to provide a guarantee for this obligation, it is advisable to favor the inhabitants of the islands, who have attended and are attending to their defense (as that is the chief part of their preservation) with so abundant aid and so liberal expense. For this, taking a middle course between the damages and the advantages, the restricted commerce with Nueva Espaa, without which they cannot live, is permitted to them. And although results from that concession the withdrawal of a quantity of silver (which if it came to these kingdoms could enrich them more), and its passage to the foreigners, besides the bringing of merchandise from which results a less consumption of the goods of these kingdoms: as this is not the only cause that weakens the trade of the Indias, but there are others very different from it, it is necessary, in order that that trade be not ruined, that this of Filipinas be preserved, but not more than in the quantity that is sufficient for its maintenance, and that is not harmful. Thus has the commerce been given its present form, conceding it alone to the inhabitants of the islands, restricted as to the amount of its merchandise and the silver for its returns, by imposing on both the latter and the former a fixed and determined quantity, as also on the ships which are to carry it. That is the condition least damaging to each part which, attentive to the state of so many kingdoms and the mutual relations of so many provinces, it has been possible to arrange. Although great illegalities have been ascribed to this permission, which are not lacking in any part of the world, and are found in all commerces, and are tolerated—either because it is impossible to correct them, or because it is not advisable to reduce them to the full rigor of the orders—those that are found in this commerce are not greater than those of others; for [65] neither the silver nor the merchandise which is hidden can exceed the amount permitted so greatly as has been represented, as has been [herein] stated. If there is any violation, there are sufficient precedents so that it ought to be tolerated, and the greatest reason [for so doing]; for it is impossible for that commerce to last in any other way, or to have capital with which to maintain it. [This is true], not only because of the duties that are paid, which are heavier than those of Sevilla; but because of the great amount that is lost in it by the risks, expenses, and hardships of its navigation, and by the special disasters that the islands and their inhabitants have suffered, and are liable to suffer—which are such and so many, that it is a wonder that they are not destroyed, ruined, and deserted by the onset of their disasters, losses, and diminutions, which it seems that the loyalty, the valor, and the constancy of their inhabitants have opposed. Besides that, their commerce is no longer what it was formerly; nor does it cause the damage that is noted; nor is it such that it can be done away with, without the downfall of the islands, the suffering of Nueva Espaa, peril to Eastern India, the loss of its commerce, a greater infesting of the Western Indias, and the sorrow of these and those kingdoms for the result of this cause, as it is common to them all, as is proved. Therefore, the procurator-general of the islands, reducing all their affairs to this memorial, petitions your Majesty to grant them favor in the affairs and points which he will request in a separate memorial.

Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon



DOCUMENTS OF 1637

Defeat of Moro pirates. [Unsigned and undated; but probably written by Pedro Gutierrez, S.J., in 1637.] Auditorship of accounts in Manila, 1595-1637. [Unsigned and undated; probably written in 1637.] Conquest of Mindanao. Marcelo Francisco Mastrilli, S.J.; June 2. Events in Filipinas, 1636-37. Juan Lopez, S.J.; July 23. Corcuera's triumphant entry into Manila. Juan Lopez, May-July. Royal aid requested by the Jesuits at Manila. Francisco Colin, S.J., and others; July-August. Letters to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; August 20.

Sources: The first, third, and fourth of these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid; the second and seventh, from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the fifth, from Barrantes's Guerras piraticas, pp. 303-310; the sixth, from Pastells's edition of Colin's Labor evanglica, iii, pp. 757-758.

Translations: The first of these documents is translated by Arthur B. Myrick and Emma Helen Blair; the second, fourth, and sixth, by James A. Robertson; the third, by Helen E. Thomas; the fifth, by Alfonso de Salvio; the seventh, by Emma Helen Blair.



DEFEAT OF MORO PIRATES

A relation of the battle with the fleet from Mindanao, and the victory of the Spanish, off the coast of that island and the cape known as Punta de Flechas, on the day of the blessed Saint Thomas the Apostle, December 21, 1636.

Tagal, a chief of Mindanao, [66] who was entitled Captain-general of Corralat on sea and land, had performed exploits in his service for many years, both in wars waged with the Goloes and in various incursions, and on all these occasions came off with good fortune. In the past year of 636, in the beginning of April, he asked Cachil Corralat, king of Mindanao, to give him four caracoas, with which he would go over to the islands of the Castilians, and spend nine months plundering them—urging that he would return rich, with his ships laden not only with Vissayans but Castilians; and that he would bring him the God of the Christians a prisoner; and other inducements. Corralat gave him the vessels, and with them he went, in the said month of April, to the chiefs of Taguima and Jolo, urging them to accompany him. They excused themselves, saying that they were near neighbors of the Spaniards, and desired no wars with them. No one accompanied him from those islands, but he, with the four joangas, entered among the islands of Cuyo and Calamianes, and the coast of Mindoro, where he remained almost eight months, robbing and inflicting enormous damage. He plundered the churches of Cuyo and Calamianes, profaning the vessels and holy vestments, breaking the holy images, and capturing the ministers in these islands. He seized three Augustinian Recollect fathers, and captured the corregidor of Cuyo [67] and another Spaniard. The Moro committed and uttered many blasphemies against our Lord and His saints, and the holy images and consecrated things, calling out in a loud voice that Mahomet had taken prisoner the God of the Christians. Having seized a chalice, with the paten that belonged to it, they used the latter for a plate for buyos, and the chalice to spit in. They made a hole through the linen cloth on the image of Christ our Lord, through which a man would thrust his head, wearing it as one would a scapulary, suspending it mainly over the breast and shoulders. They also kept the choristers' mantles, in order to wear them when they entered Mindanao. Returning, then, with much booty and many captives, their four large caracoas and three smaller vessels, seven in all, laden with the plunder which they had seized, the Moro dared to go where his sins carried him, to pay for his arrogance and madness. Although he had a large force, he did not choose to pass between Jolo and the island of Basilan, or Taguima, as he had done in coming; but he actually passed, in the darkness of night, before the fort at Sanboangan, in the strait which is made by the said island with Basilan, for a distance of a league and a half, more or less, from the fort. This was astonishing audacity; and if, for our sins, he had returned unhindered to Mindanao, they would have lost all fear of that fort and the royal arms. He actually passed the strait without being noticed, and at dawn arrived at a place where he could not be seen by our people. The day on which he passed before our fort was a Wednesday, December seventeenth, on the evening of the Expectation of our Lady, about eight o'clock. The next day just as Father Gregorio Belin [68] was preparing to say mass, there arrived a Lutao Indian, who has always displayed fidelity to the Spaniards; and told him, as above, how that night the enemy had passed near there on their return, and that it would be easy to go forth in pursuit of them, because they were heavily loaded and weighed down, for they had been at sea for eight months. Beside this, the Mindanaos had a superstition or idolatry according to which all those who are returning to their land victorious are obliged to proceed to a hill that is encountered after doubling Punta de Flechas, [69] and at the point. Each man brings from the ships one of the lances that they carry, made of bamboo hardened in the fire; and these are usually hurled into the ground on this hill, because it is of soft stone. The Indian said that this superstition was so infallible and established among them that on no account would they omit going together to this place; and thus it was necessary that we should come to blows with them. The father placed the whole matter before Sargento-mayor Bartolome Diaz Barrera, governor of Sanboangan, and Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gonzales—who is an excellent officer, a captain of infantry in the garrison there. These men, overcoming many difficulties, prepared, in two hours, with incredible promptness and diligence, a fleet of six ships with one hundred infantrymen and one hundred and fifty volunteer Bisayan warriors, with their cannon and all necessary supplies; and the said governor detailed Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gonzales to pursue the enemy. The latter set out with his fleet, with such energy that although some of our vessels were mere rafts, and all had but scanty equipment, and let in much water, he allowed nothing to hinder him, but [kept on his course], overcoming many difficulties. On the first day he sent back to the fort one of his six vessels, because he saw that it was falling behind the rest on account of leaking badly; and with only the five remaining he pursued the enemy, with remarkable persistence, for three days and three nights.

On the morning of St. Thomas's day, Father Belin, at Sanboangan, felt such impulses to expose the most holy sacrament that he was almost unable to restrain himself; and, although he could hardly overcome the difficulties arising from the inconvenience of the sacristy, he exposed [the body of] our Lord, in supplication for the fleet. The governor was piously present, and the people adored the Lord with supplications. At that very time (as has been carefully investigated) our fleet discovered two of the enemy's ships near Punta de Flechas, one rather small and the other very large. The smaller vessel, on account of its lighter draft, was able to run ashore—all those who were able fleeing, and leaving the ship, their captives and arms, and many other things in the hands of our men. Aboard the large vessel was a chief named Anpay Apuy; with terrible fury and determination he attacked our capitana, fired three shots at her, and pierced her with one. But [the men of] our capitana with great gallantry and valor boarded her, and discharged several shots. The Moros would not surrender, so almost all of them were killed; even those who escaped by swimming attacked our almiranta, which was assisting the capitana. Many Christian captives were rescued, with a large amount of plunder found at Punta de Flechas. Our people sighted four other vessels at the place where they practiced their superstition, where they were casting their lances of burned bamboo. As soon as the enemy saw our fleet, they tried to escape by lightening their ships of the captives aboard them. Two vessels which they had drawn ashore were captured, but the other two escaped on account of their lightness of draft, after receiving several volleys from our fleet. The darkness of the night helped them, as well as their having thrown overboard nearly all that they carried. At that place many of their Christian captives were recovered. At this time, in the middle of the night, a strange thing happened, almost prophetic of the misfortune to those Moros, and apparently a presage of their fall and destruction. There was an earthquake, so sudden and so terrible that it was plainly felt upon the sea; and a rumbling which sounded as if some aperture of hell were opening. All our soldiers were thoroughly terrified at so frightful rumblings and quaking, and fancied that they heard voices, or terrible yells; so they armed themselves with their rosaries, Agnus Dei's, and relics, commending themselves to our Lord. During this earthquake, the hill where they superstitiously shot their arrows or lances fell into the sea, where it can still be partly seen. It is to be hoped that when it fell, or began to fall, it carried with it the pride of these Mindanao Mohammedans. Our fleet at midnight sighted the enemy's capitana, which was standing out to sea with another little ship which served it for a lanpitao, as they call a boat for reconnoitring, or a tender. The sargento-mayor, who had ever conducted himself as a prudent and experienced man, did the same in this case, ordering every one to keep quiet and await that vessel which was coming into their hands, on its way to their place of worship, to shoot their arrows there. They were hoping that that flagship—which was a large one, and carried more than one hundred and twenty rowers—was heavily laden with captives, booty, and stores. At midnight, our men heard the enemy's vessel near us, whereupon our flagship went to attack the enemy's, followed by our almiranta; and our men boarded her at the stern. Seeing that they would not surrender, a cannon was fired at them, which Carlos (a good artilleryman and a good Christian) had loaded with ordinary balls, an iron bar, and a lantern full of musket-balls. It swept almost all the men from the bailio, and a captive who was aboard that flagship said that this shot killed twenty men. This artilleryman made several other good shots, and in the meantime the infantry kept up a continuous fire, so that it is said that most of our men fired more than thirty shots apiece. Twenty-four picked musketeers were stationed on our flagship alone. Finally the [Moro] ship abandoned resistance and was boarded by Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gonzales—who killed with his own hand two men who still continued to resist. Some leaped overboard, but it was impossible for them to make their escape, for the high waves and the strong wind carried them far out to sea, so that they presently drowned. Father Fray Francisco de San Joseph, of acknowledged piety, died here, well content that he had seen the side of the Christians victorious, and witnessed the valor and courage of the leaders and soldiers of our fleet, for they behaved well and honorably. [70] The sargento-mayor, beside his usual valor, received assistance from the Lord. Although he had very poor health, yet from the moment that he hastened to go forth until the final fortunate outcome he enjoyed perfect health for all the hardships which he underwent before and during the battle. All this made the good father say that he was very content to die, and especially because he had not seen the abominations, blasphemies, and shameless acts of that rabble. There was one sick, Tagal, who was the leader of the enemy's fleet, and on this occasion he ended his evil life, to commence payment for his atrocities, blasphemies, and daring. On the other hand, a younger brother of his who was mortally wounded asked anxiously for holy baptism, protesting that he believed the Christian religion to be the true one, and that he had always had a pious leaning to it. They instructed him in the Christian faith, and after baptism he died, our Lord taking only this one to heaven out of all that number of dead Mindanaos—three hundred, more or less. Five ships in all were captured from the enemy. Of the four large vessels one only escaped, although our men kept up a continuous fire at it, and pursued it for a long time. Seventeen shots were fired from the cannon, to say nothing of the continuous musketry fire. The powder for one of the cannon was blown up by a shot, and they lightened ship as much as possible by throwing overboard captives who had been cut to pieces, in order to make their flight more rapid. One hundred and twenty of our people were rescued and fourteen Mindanaos who desired to receive baptism were taken alive. According to their account the rest of the Moros, full of rage and showing their teeth, fought to the death. A large amount of gold and many other things of value were found among their plunder. The soldiers, as good Christians, declared all the church property they found—among other things, a gilded lunette, a chalice and paten, three chorister's mantles, and ornaments and images which had been misused. One ship was seized, because it was needed for the men who were crowded in the others; also two cannons with ladles [pieas de cuchara], two culverins, and thirty muskets and arquebuses; with campilans and lances, and much cloth. The victory did not cost the life of a single Spaniard or Indian.

This victory has been of so much importance because it has terrified Mindanao and Jolo, and has been a strong incentive to the resumption of peace. The day when the fleet sailed, there was a juanga of Joloans at Sanboangan which was seen going out, and a little while afterward another was seen entering which came from Zibu, carrying Captain Becerra; the rest of his company, consisting of thirty infantrymen, were in five vessels, which entered with great gallantry, all of which is to the credit of our side. Hundreds of Indians came out from the shore, from Sanboangan as far as this place, [71] to meet the ship which bore the news, with demonstrations of great joy; they brought presents and refreshments for a father who was aboard the ship. The same thing happened along the shores of these our islands. The inhabitants of Sibugay—which is the storehouse for Corralat, who cannot get along without that town—and others of his subjects have offered tribute. Thanks to the Lord, and to the most holy sacrament which appeared in public—and, as it were, on the field of battle—and to the most holy Virgin Mary, our Lady, on whose day the expedition was prepared and sailed.

The Joloans, by the agreement which they made in the time of Captain Juan de Chaves through Father Vera and the queen (although it was in the interim government of Licentiate de Mana), made raids against the Camucones, and, it is said, they have carried away more than six hundred [of those people] at one time. They have sold many [of these captives] in Sanboangan, and they are bringing a number of them here in a champan. Father Belin says that he has sometimes talked to the Joloans, asking them to give up the body of Father Vilancio. They answer that they would like to preserve it, because it is holy; and they say that it is uninjured. We are very glad [to hear this], although we do not mention it to those outside until we know about the matter with more certainty.

The father prior of the Recollects came the day before yesterday from Cagayan. He says that those who have come there from Mindanao say that Corralat is quite destitute [three words illegible]. The ruler of Buayen and his sons-in-law are making war upon him, in company with a brother of that Gogo whose execution Corralat had ordered, because he had corresponded with the Spaniards at Sanboangan. The peasants, and the people who dwell inland, are molesting him, and he scarcely trusts even his own men. He possesses no mounted cannon, and no arms in good condition. The Mindanao prisoners say that he has not even means enough to arm three good caracoas.

They write from Oton, that they are hourly expecting the lord governor, because he has written that he would leave Manila on January 26. He orders the pataches laden in Sanboangan to wait for him, and the galleon and galleys to sail.



AUDITORSHIP OF ACCOUNTS IN MANILA, 1595-1637

Sire:

The Council, on examining in the hall of justice the [records of the] official visit which Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas made of the Audiencia and royal officials of the Filipinas Islands; and having examined therein charge three made against the said royal officials regarding the general account for each year to be taken from them by an auditor of accounts [contador de cuentas]—namely, that they have not given him sworn statements; and, in particular, that they refused to give a sworn statement of the amounts that ought to be collected, and of other things which the auditor of accounts ordered—commanded me to make a comprehensive report from what should appear in the records of the visit, and in the other papers resting in the secretary's office concerning the matter; so that, having been examined in the government where they are considering whether it is advisable or not to appoint one for life to that office of auditor of accounts in those islands, and with what conditions, the advisable measures may be taken. In fulfilment of that command, having attended to that matter as was fitting, I have drawn up this paper, in which, as briefly as possible, and as was required by the gravity of the matter, I have compiled what treats of it, dividing it for greater distinctness and clearness into the four following points.

Point 1. Of the beginnings in those islands of the office of auditor of accounts, and of the variations and changes that have occurred in it, down to the present.

Point 2. Of the litigations that have occurred between the royal officials and the auditor of accounts, in regard to the manner of exercising the duties of that office.

Point 3. Of the disadvantages, as seen from the records of the visit, that arise from the existence of that office in those islands.

Point 4. Of the advantages that are found for the existence of that office in those islands, and what has been enacted and decreed in the Council regarding it, up to the present.



[Point 1]

Book 7, folio 284, verso. In regard to the first point, I presuppose that, as appears from the certification of the government notary of those islands, there is not in it the particular reason of an order from his Majesty for the governor of the islands to appoint an auditor of accounts, as all the governors have done for many years past. What appears is, that in years preceding that of 1595 (although it does not appear when this practice was first inaugurated), the governor made an annual appointment of an auditor of accounts, in order that he might audit the general account of the royal officials for the preceding year—as is mentioned by the governor Don Luis Perez Dasmarias in the first perpetual title that he gave as auditor of accounts, in the year 595, to Bartolome de Renteria, who was the first to whom it was given with this title. The governor says the following in regard to it:

"Inasmuch as his Majesty has ordered the governor of these islands to audit the account of the royal official judges of the islands annually, by means of an auditor of accounts who should be appointed for that purpose, and to send each year the report that he should make to his Majesty, as has been done; and inasmuch as I am informed of, and see, the disadvantages and dangers that result to the royal estate of having the governors appoint, as is their custom, a new auditor [contador] for the said accounts each year, in order to give him that profit that is due him for other services: there is no one in that calling as competent as is necessary. Thence it results that the said accounts are not audited with the clearness and completeness that is advisable, or in the good order and style in which an expert auditor would leave them, and who would learn by experience and by special acquaintance from the times when he should have audited them before, or by his knowledge through the condition of other accounts that he might have audited, the condition of the royal estate. Such a person will try to understand the royal treasury thoroughly, while he who audits the accounts once will do it more carelessly. All that carelessness would cease, as would many other disadvantages which experience has shown; and we could achieve the results that are desirable for the service of his Majesty by appointing an auditor to audit the accounts every year, without changing or removing him for another, but allowing him to hold the said office continuously."

The title continues with the appointment of the said Bartolome de Renteria as auditor of accounts, as long as it may be the will of his Majesty and of the said governor in his royal name; and orders that the uncertainties, additions, and results [resultas] that shall arise be communicated to the said governor, so that they may be concluded and executed with his decision. The title assigns him a salary of five hundred pesos of common gold, payable from the royal treasury.

Book 7, folio 235. His Majesty despatched a royal decree in the year 596, ordering the establishment of the Audiencia of the said islands. In that provision were inserted the ordinances pertaining to this point, namely, the sixty-seventh, the sixty-ninth, and the ninetieth. [72] They read as follows:

"Ordinance 67. Item: My president shall, together with two auditors [oidores], audit the accounts, at the beginning of each year, of the royal officials who shall have had charge of my royal treasury for the past year. They shall conclude it within the months of January and February; and when they are completed, a copy of them shall be sent to my Council of the Indias. I order that if the said two months pass, without the said accounts being completed, the officials of my royal treasury shall receive no salary until they shall be concluded. Each of the auditors who shall be present at the auditing of the said accounts shall have a gratification of twenty-five thousand maravedis, provided that that salary or gratification be not given them—and it shall not be given them—except for the year for which they shall send the said accounts concluded to my royal Council of the Indias."

"Ordinance 69. Item: I order that when my president and auditors commence to audit the accounts of my royal estate, in accordance with the provision in regard to it, they shall go first of all to my royal treasury, and weigh and count the gold and silver and the other things that may be there, and take account of it [In the margin: "Sic."]. Then they shall begin the accounts, and, having finished them, shall collect the balance within the time ordered by the said decree. [In the margin: "I do not find any account, in the records of the visit, of this provision which is cited."] The amount collected shall be placed in the chest with three keys; and orders shall be given that the balance from the past year shall not be made up from what shall be collected during the time in which the accounts shall be audited."

"Ordinance 90. Item: The said fiscal shall be at all the meetings which shall be held outside the ordinary Audiencia by the president and auditors, whether of justice or pertaining to my royal estate, with the officials of it, either for matters of government, or in any other manner."

Book 7, folio 239. In a royal decree of January 25, 605, directed to the royal officials of the said islands with the ordinances of their offices, the two following touch on this matter:

"Ordinance 29. The accounts that you shall be obliged to give of what is in your charge during the administration of your offices, shall be given annually in the accustomed manner. For that purpose, you shall deliver as an inventory to the person who shall audit them, all the books and vouchers pertaining to them, and those that shall be requested from you, and that shall be necessary for the clear understanding of the accounts. You shall continue the administration of your offices with other similar and new books. The accounts shall be balanced in the presence of my governor, and of an auditor of my royal Audiencia who shall be appointed by the governor and the fiscal of the Audiencia. Should any doubts and additions result from the said accounts, the said my governor and auditor shall adjust and decide them, so that they may be balanced and completed." [73]

"Ordinance 42. You shall send annually the final account of the receipts and expenditures of my royal estate, declaring the same in its distinct heads. In case that an auditor of accounts appointed by the said my governor shall audit your accounts, he shall be obliged to have them made out in accordance with the aforesaid, for the said end."

Book 7, folio 2. August 24 of the same year 605, his Majesty despatched a royal decree, ordering three tribunals of the exchequer to be established in the three cities of Lima, Santa Fe [de Bogota], and Mexico, so that the accounts of all the provinces of their [respective] districts might be audited in each one. Its beginning is as follows:

"Don Felipe, etc.: Inasmuch as the accounts of the income and duties that belong to us and which we are to receive in our kingdoms and provinces of our Western Indias, as king and seignior of them, have been and are audited by the persons who have been and are appointed for it by our viceroys and presidents of the audiencias of the said our Indias, and by the corregidors and governors of some districts of them, who have been and are appointed for it; and inasmuch as they are sent to our royal Council of the Indias, so that they may be reviewed and examined therein; and inasmuch as the persons who audit the said accounts do not possess the skill and experience that is required for such an employment, and the accounts, as they are not furnished every year, do not show the accuracy, clearness, and distinctness that is necessary—whence have resulted many disadvantages and losses to our royal estate, as has been shown by experience: in order that such may cease now and henceforth, and the necessary precaution be exercised in everything, we have decided, after conference, examination, and discussion of the matter in our royal Council of the Indias, and in other meetings of ministers of great intelligence and long experience, that there shall be, and shall be established tribunals of the auditors of accounts who live and reside ordinarily in the said our province, so that they may audit the accounts of whatever pertains to us in any way, or that may pertain in the future to all or any persons into whose possession has entered or shall enter any of our possessions, of which they must and shall inform us. In order that this may be done as is fitting to our service, we have decided, and we will and command, that the following order and form be kept and observed."

The said decree proceeds, by ordering in its first section that the said three tribunals be founded, in each of which there shall be three auditors [contadores], who are to be called and styled "auditors of accounts." They shall attend to their business by virtue of letters and warrants sealed with the royal seal. Each tribunal shall also have two officers known as "arrangers of accounts" [ordenadores de cuentas] and other things that pertain to this. The following declaration occurs in section twenty-two:

"Furthermore, the said our auditors of accounts shall audit and conclude the final account of the said our royal officials and treasury of the said our Yndias for the preceding year, in the year immediately following, without protracting or extending it under any considerations—except that of our royal officials of the province of Chile, and of the persons into whose possession enters the money which we order to be supplied from Piru for the expenses that must be incurred there; and that of the Filipinas Islands, which, as they are so remote and out of the way, must be audited every two years. All the said our officials of the said our royal treasuries in the said our Western Yndias shall be obliged to go, or to send persons with their powers of attorney and adequate documents, to render their accounts before the said our auditors of accounts."

Book 7, folio 28. The ordinance of the above section does not seem to have been observed; for on May 16, 1609, a royal decree was despatched which declares that inasmuch as certain doubts have resulted from the foundation of the three said tribunals, in regard to the exercise of the said offices and their jurisdiction, and other things, the following is declared and ordered anew. And in the said decree many of the ordinances contained in the above-cited decree of the year 605, are declared by sections. Section twenty-four, which concerns this point, reads as follows:

"Section 24. Having examined and considered the difficulties which have been represented in regard to [the officials] being able to go to give the accounts to the said tribunals, for the treasuries of the provinces or islands which are very remote and over seas, I have decided and resolved that the accounts of the provinces of Chile and the Philipinas Islands shall be audited as heretofore, in accordance with the ordinances of the audiencias, notwithstanding any rulings of the said ordinances for the auditors of accounts in regard to sending someone to give it at the tribunals. The accounts which shall be thus audited in the said provinces of Chile shall be sent to the tribunal of accounts at Lima, and those of the Philipinas Islands and Maluco shall be taken to that of Mexico. At the beginning of each year, my officials of those treasuries shall send the lists and muster-rolls of the soldiers to the said tribunals."

Book 7, folio 247. In conformity with the above-cited section, the tribunal of accounts of Mexico despatched a decree in the year 612, ordering the royal officials of the Philipinas to observe and keep it. Notification was given to them, and they obeyed it in the same year.

Book 7, folio 305. It appears in the fulfilment of the said royal decree, and of section twenty-four of it, that the governor of Philipinas gave the title of auditor of accounts and results [resultas] to Francisco Lopez Tamayo, October 6, 610, in the following words:

"Inasmuch as his Majesty has ordered that the office of auditor of accounts be again established in this city, so that the accounts of the royal officials of all the royal estate and other royal possessions that ought to be given might be audited, etc."

The title proceeds, appointing him for such time as may be the pleasure of his Majesty and of the said governor in his royal name; and the latter assigns him an annual salary of one thousand pesos of common gold, to be paid from the royal treasury in accordance with the resolution made at the preceding meeting of the treasury on September 30 of the said year.

The above-mentioned tribunal of accounts of the governor and two auditors has punctually fulfilled its duties; and, as well as the said office, still exists—although there has been a change in regard to the title of "auditor of accounts," as will be stated later.



Point 2

In case that your Majesty may be pleased to order that this office exist, will you be pleased also to ordain and determine the manner and form in which it is to be exercised, in order to avoid the differences and encounters that there have been and that may occur between the auditors of accounts and the royal officials. I shall relate in general terms the litigations that they have had hitherto, and the decisions therein of that Audiencia and the tribunal of accounts.

Book 7, folio 252. The first instance of litigation that I find was for the year 620, when the auditor of accounts claimed that the royal officials ought to deliver to him, not only the books and papers that he asked, but also the account in orderly form, in order that he might audit their general account of the preceding year. The royal officials answered thereto that they had never rendered that account, and that they were not bound to do so, but only to deliver to him the books and papers necessary for the verification [of accounts]. The tribunal decided in favor of the royal officials.

Book 7, folio 261, et seq. The second instance of litigation was in the year 625, the auditor of accounts claiming that the royal officials must deliver to him all the books, vouchers, and papers of the treasury for which he asked; and that he could take them to his house, without any time-limit in which they must be returned. The royal officials claimed the very opposite to the above. Therefore, the Audiencia decreed an act on January 2, 626, ordering the auditor of accounts not to take the said papers from the treasury, but to audit the said account there. The auditor of accounts (at that time Luis de Vera Encalada) having entered a petition, the Audiencia enacted on the twenty-seventh of the said month and year that, notwithstanding the above-mentioned act, the said auditor of accounts, in consideration of the ill-health that he alleges, may exercise his duties in his house; but that he may not demand any paper by act from the royal officials except in virtue of the act from the tribunal of accounts for this purpose which proceeds, in which he is under obligation to ask for the papers which shall be necessary. From those which shall be ordered to be delivered to him, he shall select what shall be necessary, and shall return them to the treasury in accordance with the ordinance.

Book 7, folio 344. The third instance of litigation was at that same period, on the question whether the auditor of accounts was to audit the accounts of private persons, who should have to account for royal revenues, or whether he was to review those concluded by the royal officials. The Audiencia ordered that the said auditor of accounts should not audit accounts of that class.

Book 7, folios 77-79. After the year 628, the said tribunal of accounts ordered by an act that the auditor of accounts could make additions to and draw up results [resultas] from the accounts concluded by the royal officials, provided he do it in a separate blankbook without making notes in the royal books.

The fourth instance of litigation was in regard to the question whether he was to be entitled "auditor of accounts" [contador de cuentas] or "auditor-arranger of accounts" [contador ordenador de cuentas]. The royal officials claimed that it should be the second, saying that the name "auditor of accounts" belongs only to those of the three tribunals of Lima, Santa Fe, and Mexico, according to the provision of August 24, 605, and the ordinances therein cited. The auditor of accounts claimed that this name belongs to him by virtue of his office, and because he has always been so called. The ordinances give him that name, as appears by ordinance forty-two given above, and in the warrants despatched by the governors. The Audiencia decreed an act February 14, 626, ordering that he shall not be called "auditor of accounts," but "auditor-arranger of accounts of the royal treasury;" since the auditing of the accounts does not belong to him, but only the arranging of them, so that the president and auditors, the judges of the accounts, may audit them, and conclude and remit them, as is ordained. Thus was he styled until the visitor altered it.

The last and most acrimonious lawsuit was in regard to the form of the sworn relation which the royal officials must give to the auditor of accounts, in order that he may audit the general accounts of each year. Upon this point arose the charge in the visit, the examination of which was the cause of my being ordered to compile this paper. In that contention, the royal officials have claimed that they do not need to give a sworn statement of the amounts that ought to be collected; but that the auditor of accounts must charge himself with that duty in the general account of each year. In case that the royal officials have to give a sworn statement, [they claim] that it is to be only of the debts incurred during their time; and that they do not need to give a general sworn statement, but only a statement of those kinds of royal revenue which are received into that treasury, and are current through their administration—and not of other things which, although they belong to his Majesty, do not enter into that treasury; and which are disbursed before they enter it, and pass through other hands. They allege that in these islands a very different account of the royal revenue is usual from that furnished in other provinces. They availed themselves, for all three points of this claim, of the same sections of the ordinances on which the charge was founded, namely, the sections 14 and 22 of "tribunals of accounts, the decree of the year 605," and section 20 of the decree of the year 60 [sic] explanatory of the tribunals—which, copied word for word, are as follows:

"Book 7, folio 5, section 14. Item: We ordain and command that at the time and when the said accounts are to be audited and completed, and before anything else, both the said our royal officials and other persons—of whatever estate, rank, and condition they may be—who may have received, and have had or have, the duty of receiving and collecting our revenue, must deliver—and they shall deliver—to the said our auditors of accounts, sworn statements, signed with their names, of all that they have received, and all that has been delivered to them, as well as what they have disbursed and distributed. They shall take oath, in the form required by law, at the foot of the said sworn statements, that everything therein contained is accurate, faithful, and true; and that they have not received more maravedis than those entered in their accounts, and that they have [actually] paid out all that which is entered therein as spent and disbursed. They shall bind themselves, with their persons and possessions, that if at any time it appear and be found that they have failed to enter anything of what they have received, or have entered as disbursed any sum in excess of what they have honestly and truly paid out, they shall pay such sum, together with a fine of a sum three times as large—to which we declare them immediately condemned, and order that the penalty be executed on their persons and possessions. One-third part shall be given to the denouncer, one shall be placed in our exchequer, and the remaining third shall be given to the judges who sentence and decide the matter."

"Section 22. Furthermore, the said our auditors of accounts shall audit and conclude the final account of the said our royal officials of the said our Indias for the year preceding, in the year immediately following, without delaying or extending the time, under any consideration whatever—except that of our royal officials of the province of Chile, and of the persons in whose possession enters the money that we order to be supplied from Piru for the expenses which shall be incurred there; and the accounts of the Filipinas Islands, which, as those islands are so remote and out of the way, shall be audited every two years. All the said our officials of the said our royal treasuries which we possess in the said our Western Indias, shall be obliged to go, or to send persons with their powers and sufficient authority, to render their accounts before the said our auditors of accounts, except those who shall audit the accounts of our royal officials of the imperial city of Potosi, which shall be done as will be declared hereafter. And in the said accounts that shall be audited and concluded for all, entry shall be made of all the said our incomes and duties, which pertain and ought to pertain to us in any manner, in the said year as abovesaid, notwithstanding that they may say and allege that they have not collected nor can collect it; and the balances of their total shall be struck. If they shall present sufficient evidence from which it appears that they made the efforts necessary at the time when they were obliged, and that they were unable to collect it, they shall be given a brief respite from paying such balance, which, as above said, shall have been struck against them, which time shall be long enough for them to collect it or place it in the said our treasury. And should they, upon the expiration of that time, not have executed it or presented sufficient evidence that they have made the efforts necessary for its collection, they and their bondsmen shall be proceeded against by the full rigor of law, in order that they may place and deposit the amount due in the said our royal treasury. In regard to this action, the necessary executions and investigations shall be made, and by maravedis of our treasury. If it shall appear from the evidence that they shall present, that they have made the necessary efforts, and have been unable to collect, and that they have discharged their duty in this regard, the amount of their accounts shall be received on account, and the said our auditors of accounts shall make the new efforts that appear expedient for its collection, until it shall have been paid into the said our treasury."

"Section 20 of the explanatory decree. Book 7, folio 16. By section 22 of the ordinances of the said auditors of accounts, and by other royal decrees, is ordained the manner in which my royal officials of my royal revenues, and of the rest of my estate which is in their charge, with obligation to collect those revenues, or show sufficient efforts, shall be held responsible. I have been informed that the said auditors of accounts undertake, when they audit the accounts of the said my royal officials, to proceed according to this order; but that the said my royal officials are generally accustomed to appeal from some things, and bring a suit. That causes delay and other troubles, for the correction of which I ordain and command the said auditors of accounts to audit the accounts of the said my royal officials, charging them with all my incomes and the other property which must enter into their possession with obligation of collecting it, or else proving [that they have made] sufficient efforts for what shall not have been collected, in accordance with what has been enacted by the said ordinances for auditors [contadores] and other decrees; and in no manner shall the said my royal officials be allowed to appeal to the law until what has been ordained regarding this matter be observed and executed."

Book 7, folio 87. On those three sections the visitor based his charge and the royal officials their rebuttal. The visitor ordered that, notwithstanding what they alleged, the royal officials should give a sworn statement of the collections made and of those still due, for the general account of the year 631.

In charge 3. The disadvantage and loss to the royal treasury alleged by the visitor, because the statements are not so given, is that that has resulted in there being more than sixty thousand pesos of royal revenue to collect, of which results [resultas] have been made in the visit against the said royal officials, besides others that are being made.



Point 3

In regard to the inconveniences from having this office or tribunal in those islands, I do not find that the royal officials of the islands, who are the ones who could best make such a representation, have made it. They have only opposed the jurisdiction and authority that the auditor of accounts has possessed or claimed to possess for the exercise of his duty; and they declare that the tribunal of accounts of those islands, which is composed of the governor and two auditors [oidores] is the one that truly holds and exercises this ministry of the auditing department of accounts, and that the auditor [contador] whom they call "auditor of accounts" cannot be that official, and cannot be so called, but only "auditor-arranger of accounts." They say that it is not fitting for one man alone to be superior to the tribunal of the royal officials, for thereby is lost their authority and the superiority and influence that they ought to have for the efficient management and exercise of their duties; and that the expenses incurred with the said auditor of accounts and his clerks ought to be dispensed with, for the said reasons. In this regard what appears from the records of the visit is that Governor Don Juan de Silva, in a treasury meeting held in the year 610 (Book 7, folio 301), resolved to assign to the auditor of accounts and results [resultas] (joining those two offices, which had up to that time been divided) a salary of 1,000 pesos of common gold per annum, payable from the royal treasury, for the work of both offices. Until that time, it appears that the auditors of accounts had had only one official notary of accounts, with 250 pesos of salary per annum. By the said resolution it was raised to 300 pesos; and the clerks were increased by three, each with 200 pesos salary per annum—in consideration of the fact that there were many accounts in arrears to catch up with, and that the said two offices were joined into one. Other appointments resembling the one aforesaid were made in the persons of Pedro de Leuzarra, in the year 618, and Luis de Vera Encalada, in the year 620. At this time the said chief official notary of this exchequer was given a salary of 450 pesos, without its appearing when or why this increase was granted; and that same practice was continued. In the year 626, Alonso Garcia de la Vega was appointed with the title of "auditor-arranger" (Book 7, folio 65), in accordance with the act of the Audiencia above mentioned. In the year 629, Juan Baptista de Zubiaga was appointed [In the margin: "Memorial, folio 266, Book 1, folios 49, 128"] with the title of "auditor-arranger," and four clerks, of whom we shall treat at the end of this paper, its proper place.

Against the statements of the royal officials, in regard to its being possible to avoid those expenses, the auditor of accounts, Luis de Encalada, stated in the year 625, in the suit that he had with them, that they could not be avoided, for the tribunal of accounts, consisting of the governor and two auditors [oidores] cannot personally arrange or audit them, both because of their occupations and because it is outside their profession; and their only duty is to dispose of the uncertainties and results [resultas] which may be proposed to them by the auditor of accounts.



[Point 4]

Papers of the secretary's office. In regard to the advantages in having this office or tribunal, it seems that Governor Don Alonso Faxardo, in a letter of August 10, 619, [74] petitioned your Majesty to have intelligent persons sent as clerks; and informed your Majesty that he had appointed Pedro de Leuzarra, a trustworthy person, auditor of accounts, because of the incompetency of Francisco Lopez Tamayo. The Council, upon examining that letter, decreed, November 17, 620, that persons be named for that office, and that it was to be filled from that time thenceforth by his Majesty; and accordingly the appointment by the governor must cease.

That decree does not appear to have had any effect; for since that time and until the present, as has been seen, the governors have filled that office, notwithstanding that the Council gave that advice in the said year, and your Majesty granted the office to Alvaro de Revolledo. As it was then believed that the salary of this office was 500 pesos, the said Alvaro de Revolledo petitioned that it be increased to 2,000 ducados or to 510,000 maravedis, the same as that of the royal officials of those islands, so that he could exercise the said office with greater authority. No decision was made on the petition, and the said Alvaro de Rebolledo was afterward appointed to the accountancy of San Miguel de Piura, with a salary of 300 pesos ensayados.

The tribunal of accounts of Mexico state, in a letter of June 27, 625, that they have seen the necessity, from what they have examined of the accounts of the said Filipinas Islands, of sending a person to visit them who can adjust affairs pertaining to the expenses of the royal estate of those islands, and lay down a system [of conducting them] for the future. The person who must go should be of the ability, authority, and qualifications that the matter demands. He should be highly compensated and honored, in order that his office be respected and the end in view obtained. It is the most important action for your Majesty's service, and has most need of reform.

It appears that the said Alvaro de Rebolledo again petitioned, in the year 626, that his warrant be despatched to him, with the salary that your Majesty might be pleased to grant him, so that, its value being known, he might be able to fulfil his duties. February 19, 626, it was decreed by the Council that he should be heard. Thereupon, the Council ordered the viceroy to investigate this matter, and to submit a relation of whatever had happened in regard to the office of auditor of accounts of Manila, and whether this office is necessary, whether it be for life, and what are its qualifications and duties; and of the tribunal of accounts. In obedience to this order, the viceroy, Marquis de Cerralbo, in a letter of May 22, 627, states that what he understands is that it is necessary that this office be permanent, and that very suitable persons trained in the tribunal of accounts and the other duties of the royal estate, should be found [for it]; and that it will be advisable that the official who should exercise it be approved by the governor of Filipinas.

The tribunal of accounts of Mexico, in a letter of May 28, of the same year 627, sent a report regarding the aforesaid which had been drawn up, by order of the viceroy, by one of the auditors [oidores] of the tribunal, Gaspar Bello de Acua. In this it is declared that it is necessary that not only should the accounts of the royal treasury in Manila be audited, but also the accounts of all the royal estate which should be in the keeping of any person whatever; for this was a thing that has never been customary there, or had regular course, because of the resistance offered by the royal officials. The said accounts are of much more importance than any others; and it is therefore important to appoint a person who is thoroughly competent and reliable to inspect everything pertaining to the royal estate of the said islands; for the accountants hitherto appointed have been remiss in their proceedings. That has arisen from the poverty of the country, and from all being united there; or because those who try to proceed with any show of thoroughness in your Majesty's service do not find aid in those who can give it in a matter that is of so great importance; and because this office, from what is understood of the condition of the royal estate in those islands, is subject to ordinary occupation and residence, and has a salary of one thousand pesos per annum. Since not more than one is appointed, he will need a clerk to help him in the methodical arrangement of the said accounts, and what is dependent on them. For the said office of accountant, a fully competent person, and one of abilities, will be needed. He should be well equipped, and honored with the necessary writs of prohibition for matters pertaining to his office, and with the privileges that may pertain to it. It is advisable that he should be sent as visitor of all things that concern the royal estate, to audit the accounts that are to be audited, and review those that are concluded, notwithstanding the visitor-general appointed; for the latter cannot have the intelligence, experience, and method which your Majesty orders to be exercised in such matters—which are understood only by those who have gained their knowledge in the chief bureau of accounts of those kingdoms. Such a person can be appointed with a time-limit, and, at the expiration of that time, he may return; and another man of skill and experience may remain as the ordinary and usual one, with the title of "auditor of accounts" for your Majesty; and he should receive the ordinary salary that your Majesty cares to grant him, and have a clerk to help him.

The Council, upon examination of the above-mentioned reports, decreed on December 6, 627, that the papers that occasioned them should be collected, and taken to the Council. From that time, it does not appear that anything pertaining to this matter has been done in or out of the Council until the year 631, upon the arrival of the visitor, Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas, at the said islands. He having found Juan Baptista Zubiaga holding the said office of auditor-arranger of accounts and results [resultas], by the appointment of the governor in the year 629, ordered the said Juan Baptista to cease to exercise his duties, and to bring the papers in his charge to the visitor's office; and ruled that there the said Juan Baptista and Diego Ortiz de Vargas, auditor [contador] of the visit, should together review all the accounts of the royal treasury and estate, with four other clerks. They were to receive the following salaries: the said Diego de Ortiz de Vargas, 2,000 ducados; the said Juan Baptista, 1,000 pesos, the same as he had received before [when exercising his office]; to one clerk 400 pesos, to another, 350, to another 300, and to the fourth 200.