I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon the death of the wife who in a year's time had borne no children, the parents returned one-half the dowry to the husband whose wife had died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. I have ascertained that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.

In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to be married, and half of which is given immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great deal more complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who violates it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the practice of the village and the affluence of the individual. The fine was heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter should be unwilling to marry because it had been arranged by his or her parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had received was returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was assumed that it had been their design to separate the children.

The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning customs observed among these natives in all this Laguna and the tingues, and among the entire Tagalo race. The old men say that a dato who did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some condemned them and adjudged them wicked.

Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among them, a summary of the whole truth is contained in the above. I am sending the account in this clear and concise form because I had received no orders to pursue the work further. Whatever may be decided upon, it is certainly important that it should be given to the alcal-des-mayor, accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be found in their opinions are indeed pitiable.

May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in every step good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be which would be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlan, October 21, 1589.

Fray Juan de Plasencia [26]

Relation of the Worship of the Tagalogs, Their Gods, and Their Burials and Superstitions

In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are no temples consecrated to the performing of sacrifices, the adoration of their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It is true that they have the name simbahan, which means a temple or place of adoration; but this is because, formerly, when they wished to celebrate a festival, which they called pandot, or "worship," they celebrated it in the large house of a chief. There they constructed, for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with a roof, called sibi, to protect the people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house that it might contain many people—dividing it, after the fashion of ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they set small lamps, called sorihile; in the center of the house they placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought into many designs. They also brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days. During this time the whole barangay, or family, united and joined in the worship which they call nagaanitos. The house, for the above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple.

Among their many idols there was one called. Badhala, whom they especially worshiped. The title seems to signify "all powerful," or "maker of all things." They also worshiped the sun, which, on account of its beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by heathens. They worshiped, too, the moon, especially when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their names, as the Spaniards and other nations know the planets—with the one exception of the morning star, which they called Tala. They knew, too, the "seven little goats" [the Pleiades]—as we call them—and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they call Mapolon; and Balatic, which is our Greater Bear. They possessed many idols called lic-ha, which were images with different shapes; and at times they worshiped any little trifle, in which they adored, as did the Romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection in their tribulations. They had another idol called Dian masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. The idols called Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. They paid reverence to water-lizards called by them buaya, or crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them. They were even in the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it into the water, or placing it upon the bank.

They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they witnessed. For example, if they left their house and met on the way a serpent or rat, or a bird called Tigmamanuguin which was singing in the tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their house, considering the incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should continue their journey—especially when the above-mentioned bird sang. This song had two different forms: in the one case it was considered as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued their journey. They also practiced divination, to see whether weapons, such as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky for their possessor whenever occasion should offer.

These natives had no established division of years, months, and days; these are determined by the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons, and the different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in making up the year. The winter and summer are distinguished as sun-time and water-time—the latter term designating winter in those regions, where there is no cold, snow, or ice.

It seems, however, that now since they have become Christians, the seasons are not quite the same, for at Christmas it gets somewhat cooler. The years, since the advent of the Spaniards, have been determined by the latter, and the seasons have been given their proper names, and they have been divided into weeks.

Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of the idol, which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet, or gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs sung by the officiating priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The participants made responses to the song, beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in need, and generally, by offering repeated healths, they all became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance—he being the cause of it—that she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him. This, however, happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and laid before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few buyos—which is a small fruit [27] wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions—as well as fried food and fruits. All the above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the animals], after being "offered," as they expressed it, were cooked and eaten also.

The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and a happy outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days.

In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded four days and four nights; and, in the meantime, the friends and relatives were all invited to partake of food and drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water, bathed her and washed her head, and removed the bandage from her eyes. The old men said that they did this in order that the girls might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to their taste, who would not leave them widows in their youth.

The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows: The first, called catolonan, as above stated, was either a man or a woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives, and was held ordinarily by people of rank, this rule being general in all the islands.

The second they called mangagauay, or witches, who deceived by pretending to heal the sick. These priests even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or at least his substance. This office was general throughout the land. The third they called manyisalat, which is the same as magagauay. These priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse with the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. This office was also general throughout the land.

The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty it was to emit fire from himself at night, once or oftener each month. This fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as the priest wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who lived in the house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This office was general.

The fifth was called hocloban, which is another kind of witch, of greater efficacy than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom they chose. But if they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by their charms, they did so by using other charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them, they were able to do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of Luzon.

The sixth was called silagan, whose office it was, if they saw anyone clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it, thus causing his death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let no one, moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calavan, they tore out in this way through the anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Merida.

The seventh was called magtatangal, and his purpose was to show himself at night to many persons, without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walked about and carried, or pretended to carry, his head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his body—remaining, as before, alive. This seems to me to be a fable, although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil probably caused them so to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes.

The eighth they called osuang, which is equivalent to "sorcerer;" they say that they have seen him fly, and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among the Tagalos these did not exist.

The ninth was another class of witches called mangagayoma. They made charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood, which would infuse the heart with love. Thus did they deceive the people, although sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends.

The tenth was known as sonat, which is equivalent to "preacher." It was his office to help one to die, at which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the functions of this office to be fulfilled by others than people of high standing, on account of the esteem in which it was held. This office was general throughout the islands.

The eleventh, pangatahojan, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future. This office was general in all the islands.

The twelfth, bayoguin, signified a "cotquean," a man whose nature inclined toward that of a woman.

Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was buried beside his house; and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose. Before interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him on a boat which served as a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard was kept over him by a slave. In place of rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned a place at the oar by twos—male and female of each species being together—as for example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body until in this wretched way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay; and for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until finally they wearied of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This was a custom of the Tagalos.

The Aetas, [28] or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had also a form of burial, but different. They dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with head or crown unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him as a shield. Then they went in pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To this end they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until some one of them procured the death of the innocent one.

These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they called maca, just as if we should say "paradise," or, in other words, "village of rest." They say that those who go to this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. They said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction, called casanaan, which was "a place of anguish;" they also maintained that no one would go to heaven, where there dwelt only Bathala, "the maker of all things," who governed from above. There were also other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said, casanaan; they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom they called sitan.

All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has been stated: catolonan; sonat (who was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt before him as before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him); mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuan, mangagayoma, pangatahoan. [29]

There were also ghosts, which they called vibit; and phantoms, which they called Tigbalaang. They had another deception—namely, that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered punishment; and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This was called patianac. May the honor and glory be God our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos not a trace of this is left; and that those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it.



Documents of 1590



Letter from Portugal to Felipe II. [Unsigned and undated.] Decree ordering a grant to Salazar. Felipe II; April 12. Letter from members of the suppressed Audiencia to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera, and others; June 20. The Chinese and the Parian at Manila. Domingo de Salazar; June 24. Two letters to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; June 24. Decree regarding commerce in the Philippines. Felipe II; July 23.



Sources: These documents are obtained from the original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla—except the fourth, which is taken from Retana's Archivo del bibliofilo filipino, iii, pp. 47-80.

Translations: The first document is translated by Arthur B. Myrick, of Harvard University; the second, third, and sixth, by James A. Robertson; the fourth, by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University; the fifth, by Isaac J. Cox, of the University of Pennsylvania, and by Jose M. and Clara M. Asensio.



Letter from Portugal to Felipe II

After the king, our lord, succeeded to the crown of Portugal, there began to open a new commerce between the Philipinas Islands and the western Yndias belonging to the domain of Castilla and China, Maluco, Amboino, Banda, and other parts of the Portuguese conquest. As soon as this was known in the eastern Yndias, the viceroys and governors thereof were continually writing to his Majesty, that from this new commerce many heavy injuries were sustained by his Majesty's service, in regard to the preservation and support of that state of eastern Yndia, and the quiet of its inhabitants.

His Majesty after reading their letters and going over truthful reports of the great injury that the continuation of this new trade might cause, both to the crown of Castilla and to that of Portugal, resolved to prohibit anyone from going from the western Yndias to China, Maluco, Amboino, and Banda, and other places belonging to the crown of Portugal; or from the Eastern to the Western Yndias. Decrees for this prohibition, signed by his Majesty and by the Portuguese ministers, were passed and sent to Yndia, where they were published and ordered to be observed under heavy penalties. The same was to be done by the ministers of the crown of Castilla and certain memoranda of it were to be given. We do not know whether this has been done yet.

Because they have again written and continue to write from Yndia that the said decrees prohibiting the said commerce are not being observed by the Castilians, and because they everywhere encourage it and increase to a great extent the evils that result therefrom, which might be very serious indeed, and difficult to remedy, and involve the total destruction and loss of those states: his Majesty ordered, for the more thorough understanding of these details, that they should make this report of the existing causes for not continuing this commerce, and even for prohibiting it. These reasons are as follows:

The state of Eastern Yndia is very large, and its cities and garrisons very distant and remote from one another, and situated in the territories of kings and princes of great power. On this account they are maintained by regular soldiery and very powerful fleets, of large and small galleys and galleons. All the Portuguese resident in those places, and other Christian vassals of his Majesty, easily bear the excessive expense. The latter is made up by the income from those cities and strongholds. This income, although it exceeds a million, is not sufficient to obviate its being always pledged. Some aid in money is sent from Portugal. This income from Yndia consists principally in imposts from the said cities, which are paid for entries and clearances. The entire amount of these imposts is raised on merchandise from China, Maluco, Amboino, Banda, and other regions of the south; for the taxes that are raised on merchandise coming from the northern districts are of so much less importance, and the merchandise likewise, that they cannot be compared with those of the south. The principal commerce that the Portuguese have to live upon, is that from China and other southern districts, because the other traffic is contracted for by his Majesty's treasury and belongs to it. The better and more valuable trade through the southern districts belongs to the crown.

From all this it may be inferred that if we continue this commerce with China and other southern regions by way of the western Yndias, the income from the customs duties, on which Yndia is supported, will necessarily be lost. Nor will there be money or forces with which many large fleets may be organized by his Majesty for its preservation and defense, or with which to pay the soldiery stationed there, or to bear all the other state expenses incurred by the public government, or those incurred by his Majesty for the ecclesiastical estate in those places the conquest of which was granted to him by the apostolic bulls. The rest of these reasons which concern his Majesty's service, the profit and loss of his treasury, and what is expedient for common good of the inhabitants of that state, should be considered in this case with the greatest care. For the inhabitants of Yndia have no other resources to live upon except trade and commerce; and of these the principal is the trade with China and other places to which reference has been made. On this account, they feel very strongly the seizure of this commerce by the Castilians, saying that they and their fathers and forefathers conquered it for the royal crown with their blood and lives. There are and were on this subject practices and complaints of base character, principally in the city of Goa, the capital of that state.

And even if all the above (in respect to what concerns Portugal and the preservation and quiet of Yndia) were not of so great moment and consideration for his Majesty's service, so great are the injuries to the crown of Castilla which result from this new commerce that only for that (both for reasons of state and finance) it should be strictly prohibited. For if navigation is permitted from the western Indias to China, all the money and coin in the kingdom will flow thither and none will go to Hespana, because China is so large and has so much to exchange and sell that, however much coin is sent, that country will absorb it all. The Indias will come to have no need of Hespana, because all the products obtained from this country can be obtained from China in much greater abundance and more cheaply, except wines and olives, which can be very easily introduced in the Yndias. They might also do without them, because they are not very necessary or requisite. So they would care for trade with Hespana only on that account, especially since they may get them from China itself through the Portuguese traders. Of how much consequence and importance this is in state matters, it is unnecessary to point out, because it may be well understood. It is, moreover, understood that the Indians have wine of their own.

And above all, when Chinese merchandise is in the western Indias and money is flowing toward China, trade and commerce with Hespana will necessarily fall off, together with the income of the custom house at Sevilla, while money will be scarce there and throughout Espana.

Let it be further noted that among the sworn promises which his Majesty made to the kingdom of Portugal, there is one clause (the copy of which accompanies this) in which it is said that traffic with Yndia, Guinea, and other regions belonging to the kingdom of Portugal, both discovered and to be discovered, will not be wrested from them or any innovation made in present conditions; and the officials who are to go out for the said commerce and on the ships for that purpose shall be Portuguese. According to this clause, no alteration can be made in the commerce with China, Maluco, Amboino, Banda, and other parts of the Eastern Yndias. The Castilians shall not go there, nor shall the Portuguese go from here to the Castilian Yndias. [30]

The Lord Cardinal Archduke, [31] to whom his Majesty has entrusted the government of Portugal, seeing and considering all these dangers, wrote many times to his Majesty that it would be greatly to his interest to prohibit this commerce; and besides what he says in many of his letters, in one letter of December 23, of last year, 89, he wrote as follows:

"In this despatch is sent a report of all that has been written to your Majesty by the viceroy Don Duarte, and by the governor Miguel de Sosa, and other persons, affirming that it is of no use to your Majesty, and unsafe for the state of Yndia, to continue the commerce which has begun to be opened from the Indias of the Castilian crown to China; and what your Majesty has had written in regard to it—in order that your Majesty may have it examined. According to the information which I possess in this matter, I advise your Majesty to order, under heavy penalties, that no one shall further this commerce from the said districts to China, nor from China the other way, because it is known that if there is no remedy applied, we will lose the customs receipts of the state of Yndia, and the trade of the merchants. It seems to me that the lack of confidence and the suspicion which the ships and embarkations of the Castilians cause in the Chinese are of even greater consequence. The latter is referred to in the letter which the city of Nombre de Dios wrote to your Majesty, on this matter."

Hereunto is added the copy of one clause from a letter by the governor of Yndia (which was received a few days ago, having come by land) that what he says in regard to this matter, and the way in which this commerce is looked upon there, may be known. He concludes by explaining how well it suits his Majesty's service, and how advantageous it is to both Castilla and Portugal, to prohibit this commerce in such a way that all the ports shall be closed to it.

+

[Instructions: "On the new commerce of the Western Yndias, with China. His Majesty orders that this shall be examined in the Council of the Indias. The Council shall then advise him of their opinion, so that his Majesty can determine what measures must be taken, before the sailing of the ships. Pardo, March 3, 1590."] [32]



Decree Ordering a Grant to Salazar

Sire:

From information received de officio in the royal Audiencia of the city of Manila, of the Philipinas Islands, and from the opinion of the said Audiencia, it has been evident that, upon the arrival of the bishop [Salazar] in the islands, all the houses were built of wood and bamboo, and thatched with straw. As he saw that they were burned frequently, and especially in the year eighty-three, when, in but one fire, the city was nearly all destroyed including, with the property of the citizens, the cathedral church, monastery, hospital, fort, supplies, and artillery; seeing also the constant danger from fire and from the natives of whom there was great fear, the said bishop exerted himself to aid the citizens and soldiers with three thousand pesos of his own and others' money, dividing this sum among all of them, in order that they might rebuild their houses. By this means he relieved their extreme necessity, and afterward endeavored to persuade the governor and city to have the buildings constructed of stone and roofed with tile; and although everyone placed decided obstacles in the way, he set about this himself, and put great effort into it, even to the seeking and opening of quarries, and procuring the making of mortar and roof-tiles. Through his diligence, the result was obtained and great increase followed therefrom to the said city, for he built houses with the utmost toil and expense. Thereupon many of the citizens began to do the same, and the city has been made safe and fortified. Now, a fort, hospital, church, and monasteries are being built—all of stone. In addition to the above, when he went to those islands, he took altar-pieces, ornaments, and other articles of value for the service of divine worship; and afterward he bought there some buildings for the church, at an expense of eight hundred ducados. As, for both this and the bishopric, there is nothing left of the five hundred thousand maravedis paid him yearly from your Majesty's royal exchequer—which sum, even, has not been paid because there is no money there—he is deeply in debt and in need. He beseeches your Majesty that, attentive to his great labors in the service of our Lord and of your Majesty, and for the good of that state, your Majesty will bestow upon him a sum equal to what he has spent, in order that he may pay his debts; and that he be given an order for it on the royal treasury of Mexico. The said Audiencia, in its opinion cited above, declares that his debts amount to six or seven thousand pesos; that his request seems to them very just; and that any concession made to him will be a great aid to the bishop. After deliberation in the council, it is our opinion that, in consideration of the above, a concession of three thousand pesos, the equivalent of three thousand six hundred ducados, might be made the said bishop, as an aid in paying his debts: this sum to be given him once from the tributes of unassigned Indians in those islands, or from those that shall first become vacant. Your Majesty will act herein as suits your pleasure. Madrid, April xii, 1590.

+

[Endorsed: "Council of the Indias. April 12, 1590. That the bishop of the Philippinas be granted three thousand six hundred ducados in unassigned tributes of those islands, as an aid in paying the debts that he has contracted in the service of our Lord, and of your Majesty, and the welfare of that state." "The opinion of the council is approved, although the former concessions and assignments would be preferable; for I suspect that in such favors irregularities are wont to occur in the payment to the loss of the collectors." "A warrant [for that sum] has been drawn up, in accordance with his Majesty's commands."] [33]



Letter from Members of the Suppressed Audiencia to Felipe II

Sire: All vessels sailing to Nueva Espana, since the Audiencia was established here, have taken advices to your Majesty of everything that has appeared fitting to your royal service. The orders of your royal decrees and the ordinances of the royal Council have been observed with all care. Whenever any trouble has arisen in the execution of these decrees and ordinances, advice thereof has been given in the letters from this royal Audiencia, as your Majesty may see, should you wish information thereof.

With the arrival of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor and captain-general of these islands, the president, auditors, and fiscal of this Audiencia ceased to exercise their duties, and the trials of cases pending in that body were suspended, so that, in accordance with the orders of the royal decrees despatched in regard to this matter, they might be concluded in the royal chancilleria of Mexico.

Doctor Sanctiago de Vera, former president of this Audiencia, intended to go to Nueva Espana this year to assume his post as auditor in the royal Audiencia of Mexico, to which your Majesty appointed him. Just as he was about to embark, he was forced to remain here in these islands this year, because of a certain very severe sickness of his wife, from which she nearly died. He will sail next year. Licentiate Pedro de Rojas remains in these islands in the capacity of lieutenant-governor and counselor in government and military matters, in accordance with his letters-patent. Although this country proves very unfavorable to his health, so that he remains here at evident risk of life—because of a disease from which many die, and which has brought him twice or thrice to the verge of death—yet he thinks it his duty to continue his service to your Majesty here, and to remain at his post, notwithstanding all the danger. We beg your Majesty kindly to appoint him to another post elsewhere, where his health may be preserved, for he has always suffered here from weakness and ill-health. Not only would this prove to be an assurance of his life; his services, which are so acceptable and well-known, are such that he merits this favor from your Majesty. Inasmuch as he was auditor of this Audiencia, and the oldest member of it, because of the death of the licentiate Abalos, he should not be permitted to remain now as lieutenant-governor; for he is a person of whom your Majesty can make use in the government, and in any post whatever of great importance and trust.

The licentiate Don Antonio de Rivera, auditor of this royal Audiencia, and the licentiate Ayala, [34] its fiscal, remain here without office. They were detained here one year in order to be present in this city during the four months of their residencia. They are very much disheartened over this, for they do not know to what post your Majesty will appoint them. They have served in their respective posts in these islands during their whole term with care, integrity, and disinterestedness, that [MS. illegible] and they are suffering from so great necessity and are five thousand leagues distant from those kingdoms, burdened with large families and households. They are grieving greatly over the prospect of so long, dangerous, and costly a voyage. We entreat your Majesty, since it is so just that rewards and promotions be given to your servants who have served you faithfully, and which your Majesty has ever been wont to bestow so generously, that you do not permit them to remain unrewarded, and that you have their salaries paid them from the time when their offices became vacant; for their services merit this, as well as the eagerness with which they have always exerted themselves, devoting all their energies to the sole service of God and your Majesty. They have ceased to exercise their duties in-these posts—the best and chiefest of the kingdom—not through any demerit, but through the suppression of the Audiencia. We trust that your Majesty will look favorably upon them and upon your other servants who have served you in this royal Audiencia; and that you will reward them and promote them as we desire. May God preserve the Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila, June 20, 1590.

The doctor Santiago Devera The licentiate Pedro de Rojas The licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera Maldonado

[Endorsed: "Filipinas; to his Majesty, 1590. The Audiencia, June 20. Seen, and no answer is necessary. Make a memorandum regarding this auditor and fiscal."]



The Chinese, and the Parian at Manila

Sire:

As Chinese matters are so worthy of being known, I have thought best to give your Majesty an account of them in a special letter, although all I say will be but little in comparison with the facts. Before I undertake to relate what God through His mercy has chosen to unfold to us concerning the affairs of that kingdom which were so hidden to us, I must, in order to ease my conscience, and die without this scruple, undo an error into which I had fallen for a while. Under that error I wrote to your Majesty as I felt then; and, although what I wrote was true, according to the information received, I have learned since that the contrary is the fact. As soon as I began to see the error, I wrote to your Majesty; but it was not done with the necessary effectiveness, for I was not yet completely undeceived. Now that I am, it would be a very serious matter if I did not try to undo the deception. As at that time I wrote to your Majesty what I felt, under an erroneous impression, I shall write what I feel, now that I am fully undeceived; for one ought always to present the entire and naked truth, with no confusing elements, to all men, and much more to your Majesty.

Before reaching these islands, I heard that no foreigner could without danger of death set foot in the kingdom of China unless he received special permission from those having that kingdom in charge; and that the native who took a foreigner into the land without permission would be executed, and the foreigner sent to prison for life. When I reached these islands, I first interviewed some Portuguese who came here, and I heard them declare and affirm the same thing which I had heard before. Since I had that impression at my coming, I easily believed what the Portuguese told me, and persuaded myself that it was true that no foreigner could enter China without risk of losing his life. For a long time I have had the conversion of that kingdom at heart, and with that thought I came to these islands. One of the reasons which made me accept this bishopric was the fact that these islands were very near China, and that many Chinese had come to live here. Being grieved over the thought that by not allowing foreigners to set foot in that land the preaching of the gospel there might be hindered, I drew up a report signed by many Portuguese witnesses from Macan and Yndia who were here. In this report, which I sent to your Majesty, I gave evidence that the rulers of China, who are styled "mandarins," allowed no one to enter the kingdom without their permission; and that for this purpose they kept large fleets to guard the coast, and to kill or arrest all who land there. Relying upon the information given me by the Portuguese, I wrote to your Majesty, asserting that it would be justifiable for your Majesty to send your fleet to that kingdom, and in case the preachers were denied entrance, to open a way by force, and make the Chinese receive them—it being understood that this opposition was from the mandarins alone, and that the common people offered no resistance and would receive them well. While all those in the islands, including myself, held this view, it pleased our Lord to reveal this deception and to deliver us from this error. It so happened that a ship left these islands for Mexico, and reached the coast of China in distress. At first the crew were somewhat ill-treated by the soldiers who guard the coast, because the latter had taken them for thieves or spies; but as soon as they were brought before the mandarin governor and it was learned that they had set out from the Lugones, as they call these islands, the governor treated them well, gave orders to return what the soldiers had taken from them, and punished those who had taken it. They sent the Spaniards in peace to Macan, whence they came to this city. The captain of the ship is living here at the present day, as well as two Augustinians who were on board; and they have told me all that happened to them.

From this time I began to be undeceived, and to understand that the kingdom of China was not so inaccessible as the Portuguese had represented it. Then I wrote to your Majesty the aforesaid letter, asserting that the ill-report concerning the mandarins of China was rather an invention of the Portuguese than a true report. Later on, my belief in this truth was confirmed by certain persons, both religious and laymen, who have gone to China from these islands. When these persons arrived there the Chinese arrested them, in order to find out whence they came and what they were seeking; and when it was learned who they were, they were allowed to return in peace and were even given supplies for the journey. While writing this, I have met two Franciscan friars who tell me that, as soon as they reached China, they were arrested and taken, handcuffed, before the mandarin. When he learned who they were he gave orders to set them free, and to provide for their support until they could return here. What fully confirms me as to the truth of all this is the report which I received of the kind reception given in the province of Chincheo to a ship which the viceroy then governing Nueba Espana sent to Macan, and whose captain was Lope de Palacios, the brother of the auditor Palacios, auditor of Mexico. This ship was driven to Chincheo under stress of weather, and there everyone in her was well received, when the inhabitants of Chincheo learned that they were coming to trade in China. They persuaded them to go no farther, saying that they would give them a cargo there for their ship; but God, who had chosen to punish those who by that means sought to destroy this land against the wish of your Majesty, blinded them, so that they would not take the most salutary advice that could have been given them. The three Dominican religious who were on board the ship were well received and lovingly treated by the mandarin of that province. He took them to the city and lodged them in his own house, giving them an apartment where they could celebrate mass. This they did with as much quiet and safety as if they had been at your court. The mandarin kept them with him for one week, after which he allowed them to go to their ship and proceed to Macan. I had this relation from the very religious who were there. At present I am entertaining at my house a man who came from Mexico in that ship, and who, being an eyewitness, has told me of all the occurrence; but, since this account and other events which occurred were reported to your Majesty two years ago, and I am sure that the report reached its destination, I shall not detain you with a more detailed account of those matters.

I have said all this in order to correct the wrong opinion held about the rulers of China; and although it is true that they are cautious and suspicious, prudently seeking to protect their nation against the entrance of foreigners who might harm and disturb the land, still, without any question, what has been said against them is a false accusation; for until now we know of no person whom they have killed for setting foot in their land, nor do we know of any one whom they have thrown into prison for life, as the Portuguese reported. If any of the Spaniards who went to that land received ill-treatment at the hands of the Chinese, it was due to the evil reports of us which the Portuguese spread among them, warning them to beware of Castilians as a people addicted to stealing and seizing foreign kingdoms; and who, as they had become masters of Nueva Espana, Peru, and the Philipinas, would strive likewise to obtain China. The people of that kingdom, being the most cautious people in the world, believed quite readily what the Portuguese told them of us; and in consequence they ill-treated the Castilians who went there. What I say here is a well ascertained fact, known by people who have seen themselves in great danger of being killed in China, just because the Portuguese had pointed them out to the Chinese as spies. One of the Franciscan religious whom I mentioned above has affirmed to me that he himself had heard it said that the Portuguese had reported them as spies, and that for this reason they had been handcuffed. Were I not sure that this was so, I would not dare to affirm it to your Majesty, for these are serious matters which do not speak well for the Portuguese. Although it is not to be believed that all of them say these things of us, still it needs only a few of them to speak such words in order to persuade the Chinese; and those few have caused no little harm, for, had not God provided a remedy, they would have greatly hindered the gospel from ever entering that kingdom. However, since the Chinese have experienced the contrary of what had been told them, and the Chinese or Sangleys (which mean the same thing) who go there from here tell them of the fairness with which we treat them here, and of the freedom that they enjoy among us, they have regained confidence, and are not offended at seeing us there, as is proved by those two ships which were driven on their shores. Doctor Sanctiago de Vera told me last year that he intended to make arrangements with the mandarins of Chincheo by which they might give us an island not far from that coast where the Castilians might settle and establish their commerce; he added that this plan met with no great opposition on the part of the Sangleys. But this was not carried out, and I do not know who was the cause of the failure. To corroborate the fact that the mandarins do not keep the gates of that kingdom so tightly closed as the Portuguese affirmed, something else has occurred quite recently which shows it clearly. When the Portuguese expelled all the Castilian religious from Macan and ordered them to go to Yndia, and not to return here, two friars fled secretly to the city of Canton, and thence they went to Chincheo by land, covering a distance of about one hundred leagues, without receiving any harm whatever; on the contrary, they were well treated, and the mardarin of Chincheo sent them back to this city in one of his own ships. The captain who brought them has visited me several times, and I have thanked him. At present these religious are in this city, and have spoken to me of what occurred to them on the journey from Macan to Chincheo, and of the presents which the captain who brought them here from Chincheo gave them. From all the aforesaid we infer that what has been reported of the refusal of the Chinese kingdom, and of its rulers, to permit entrance to foreigners has been invention and slander by the Portuguese, who did this for their own private interests, fearing that their commerce with the Chinese would cease if the Castilians gained an entrance there. We who live here have attributed this slander to that cause—or, more properly speaking, it has been the cunning of the devil, who has tried in this way to hinder the results which we hope to obtain by introducing the gospel into that great kingdom, in such manner as Jesus Christ, our Lord, commanded his disciples and apostles to preach it throughout the whole world, not trusting in their own strength, or in human wisdom or power, but only in the power of God. For He, when it pleases Him, smoothes out all difficulties which may arise; and if at times He allows his ministers to suffer, it is for their best good, in order that the perfection and power of God may shine forth with more brilliancy. Therefore, I say that if once I thought it possible to make war on China because of the false report given me of the hindrance and obstacles offered by the rulers of that kingdom to the preaching of the gospel, by not allowing those who could preach it to enter the land, now that I know the truth, I declare that one of the worst offenses which could be committed against God, and the greatest possible obstacle and opposition to the spread of the gospel, would be to go to China with the mailed hand, or to use any sort of violence. For we have had at no time, nor do we have, any cause, right, or reason to enter that kingdom by force of arms; for it is evident that we have not told them, nor do they know, our intention. On the contrary they take us for people whose only aim is to usurp foreign kingdoms; and, since they think thus, it is well for them to guard against us. In order to correct the wrong opinion which they entertain of us, we should not go there with large fleets and armies equipped, because the only result would be to vex and offend the greatest and best kingdom in the world; but if we go there in the way that God commands and desires, and at the time appointed by His Divine Majesty (for we men cannot know), we shall make one of the largest conversions ever seen since the time of the primitive church. This is what the devil tries to hinder by spreading abroad the notion that the only way by which China can be entered is by force of arms. The truth is, that until now no people has been discovered so ready to receive the gospel as this, or of whom can be entertained such hope of great results by going to preach the gospel as our Lord Jesus Christ commanded; and if any one, be he even an angel from heaven, were of a different opinion, may your Majesty consider him an agent of the devil, who tries to convince people that the gospel of Jesus Christ is to be preached with zeal and not with knowledge, with violence and force of arms, like the alcoran of Mahoma. This is a principle which may God remove from the minds of all Christian princes, and from all men who are well acquainted with the law of God and evangelical truth. I am confident that, when your Majesty learns the truth, you will not allow anything to be done contrary to the will of God.

Now I shall speak of the Sangleys, of whom there would be much to say had I not in the past given to your Majesty an account of many things concerning them. Therefore I shall be brief, in order not to make this account longer than is necessary.

When I arrived in this land, I found that in a village called Tondo—which is not far from this city, there being a river between—lived many Sangleys; of whom some were Christians, but the larger part infidels. In this city were also some shops kept by Sangleys, who lived here in order to sell the goods which they kept here from year to year. These Sangleys were scattered among the Spaniards, with no specific place assigned to them, until Don Gongalo Ronquillo allotted them a place to live in, and to be used as a silk-market (which is called here Parian), of four large buildings. Here, many shops were opened, commerce increased, and more Sangleys came to this city. Anxious for the conversion of this people, I soon cast my eyes upon them, and took precautions that they be well treated, for in that way they would become attached to our religion—as I was aware that this was your Majesty's desire. Considering that, wherever Spaniards are to be found, there will always be some unruly ones, who, forgetting the good example which they ought to give these infidels, ill-treat them at times, I began on this account to protect and to assist the Chinese, reproaching those who maltreated them. I took care to have their grievances removed so as to give them freedom to attend to their mercantile interests, and to sell their goods. In this there has been very much abuse in this city by those who were under obligation to furnish a remedy for it. For this reason the Sangleys began to have much love for me, for they are the most grateful people I have ever seen. Gradually commerce has so increased, and so many are the Sangley ships which come to this city laden with goods—as all kinds of linen, and silks; ammunition; food supplies, as wheat, flour, sugar; and many kinds of fruit (although I have not seen the fruits common in Spana)—and the city has been so embellished, that were it not for the fires and the calamities visited upon her by land and by sea, she would be the most prosperous and rich city of your Majesty's domains. As I have written to your Majesty in other letters, this city has the best possible location for both its temporal and spiritual welfare, and for all its interests, that could be desired. For on the east, although quite distant, yet not so far as to hinder a man from coming hither, with favorable voyage, lie Nueba Espana and Peru; to the north, about three hundred leagues, are the large islands of Japon; on the northwest lies the great and vast kingdom of China, which is so near this island that, starting early in the morning with reasonable weather, one would sight China on the next day; on the west lie Conchinchina, the kingdoms of Sian and Patany, Malaca, the great kingdom of Dacheu (the ancient Trapobana), and the two Xavas [Javas], the greater and the smaller; [35] and on the south lie the islands of Maluco and Burney. From all these regions people come to trade in this city; and from here we can go to them, for they are near. As to spiritual advantages, if we had preachers of the gospel to send thither, these regions all stand open to us, and we could gain good results from it, because Franciscan religious have gone to some of these places and have been well received, although on account of many wars and the lack of interpreters they were forced to return. It is not so certain that they would be received in China as they are elsewhere; but up to this time no one of those who went thither has been killed or thrown into prison.

When I came, all the Sangleys were almost forgotten, and relegated to a corner. No thought was taken for their conversion, because no one knew their language or undertook to learn it on account of its great difficulty; and because the religious who lived here were too busy with the natives of these islands. Although the Augustinian religious had charge of the Sangleys of Tondo, they did not minister to or instruct them in their own language, but in that of the natives of this land; thus the Sangley Christians living here, were Christians only in name, knowing no more of Christianity than if they had never accepted it. I was much grieved that a nation of such renown should lack priests to teach and instruct them in their own language. This led me to make arrangements with Don Goncalo Ronquillo for a special location to be assigned to them for their own use, and priests were to be given them who should learn their language and teach them in it. When this had been all arranged, and a priest had been appointed, the whole thing was undone through obstacles which arose at that time. Then I appealed to all religious orders to appoint some one of their religious to learn the language and take charge of the Sangleys. Although all of them showed a desire to do so, and some even began to learn it, yet no one succeeded; and the Sangleys found themselves with no one to instruct them and take up their conversion with the necessary earnestness, until, in the year eighty-seven, God brought to these islands the religious of St. Dominic. Their coming was for the welfare of the Sangleys, as the result proved, and as I shall relate further on. God soon showed us that the religious had come by His will, to take charge of the Sangleys. This city, being built on a narrow site with the sea on one side and a river on the other, was all occupied, and there seemed to be no place where the Dominicans could settle; but there was soon discovered a site of which no one had thought until then, and which now is the best in the city. The site adjoins the Parian of the Sangleys, and that gave the religious of that order occasion to begin to hold intercourse with them, and for the religious and Sangleys to become mutually attached to one another. For, whenever the Sangleys come and go from the Parian, they pass by the church of Sancto Domingo, and, being a very inquisitive people, they often stop and watch what is taking place there. When the confraternities of the Rosary and of the Oaths, which are founded in that house, hold their processions, a great many Sangleys come out to watch them. They live so near the monastery that in the night they hear the religious sing matins, and are not a little edified by it; for they also have their own form of religion, and there are among them religious men who lead a very austere life and claim to live in profound meditation. When it shall please God to enlighten them, Christianity will undoubtedly profit much by this characteristic.

I said above that the monastery of Sancto Domingo stands close by the Parian of the Sangleys, which is built in a marshy place on the border of this city between its northern and southern sides. The Sangleys were transferred thither by Diego Ronquillo, during his governorship, because the Parian which Don Gonzalo Ronquillo had built was destroyed by fire. At first it seemed absurd to think that human habitations were to be built in that marsh, but the Sangleys, who are very industrious, and a most ingenious people, managed it so well that, in a place seemingly uninhabitable, they have built a Parian resembling the other, although much larger and higher. According to them it suits them better than the other, because on the firm ground where the four rows of buildings are located they have built their houses and the streets leading through the Parian, a separate street for each row of buildings.

There are long passages and the buildings are quadrangular in shape. This Parian was also destroyed by fire on account of the houses being built of reeds; but through the diligence of the president and governor, Doctor Vera, much better houses were built, and covered with tiles for protection against fire. This Parian has so adorned the city that I do not hesitate to affirm to your Majesty that no other known city in Espana or in these regions possesses anything so well worth seeing as this; for in it can be found the whole trade of China, with all kinds of goods and curious things which come from that country. These articles have already begun to be manufactured here, as quickly and with better finish than in China; and this is due to the intercourse between Chinese and Spaniards, which has enabled the former to perfect themselves in things which they were not wont to produce in China. In this Parian are to be found workmen of all trades and handicrafts of a nation, and many of them in each occupation. They make much prettier articles than are made in Espana, and sometimes so cheap that I am ashamed to mention it. If we Castilians were as cautious as the Portuguese in trading with them, these articles would be much cheaper, and the Chinese would still gain by it. For goods are sold at a very low cost in China; and, no matter how little profit they make there, when these objects are sold here they yield large profits. But no restraint can be put upon the Castilians, nor can they be regulated—the consequence of which is that everything is going to ruin; for the Sangleys, who were not born as fools, begin to understand the Spaniards' disposition, and to take advantage of their lack of prudence, thus becoming richer than they would did the latter observe moderation.

This Parian is provided with doctors and apothecaries, who post in their shops placards printed in their own language announcing what they have to sell. There are also many eating-houses where the Sangleys and the natives take their meals; and I have been told that these are frequented even by Spaniards. The handicrafts pursued by Spaniards have all died out, because people buy their clothes and shoes from the Sangleys, who are very good craftsmen in Spanish fashion, and make everything at a very low cost. Although the silversmiths do not know how to enamel (for enamel is not used in China), in other respects they produce marvelous work in gold and silver. They are so skilful and clever that, as soon as they see any object made by a Spanish workman, they reproduce it with exactness. What arouses my wonder most is, that when I arrived no Sangley knew how to paint anything; but now they have so perfected themselves in this art that they have produced marvelous work with both the brush and the chisel, and I think that nothing more perfect could be produced than some of their marble statues of the Child Jesus which I have seen. This opinion is affirmed by all who have seen them. The churches are beginning to be furnished with the images which the Sangleys make, and which we greatly lacked before; and considering the ability displayed by these people in reproducing the images which come from Espana, I believe that soon we shall not even miss those made in Flandes. What I say of the painters applies also to embroiderers, who are already producing excellent embroidered works, and are continually improving in that art.

What has pleased all of us here has been the arrival of a book-binder from Mexico. He brought books with him, set up a bindery, and hired a Sangley who had offered his services to him. The Sangley secretly, and without his master noticing it, watched how the latter bound books, and lo, in less than [blank space in Retana] he left the house, saying that he wished to serve him no longer, and set up a similar shop. I assure your Majesty that he became so excellent a workman that his master has been forced to give up the business, because the Sangley has drawn all the trade. His work is so good that there is no need of the Spanish tradesman. At the time I am writing, I have in my hand a Latin version of Nabarro bound by him; and, in my judgment, it could not be better bound, even in Sevilla.

There are many gardeners among the Sangleys, who, in places which seemed totally unproductive, are raising many good vegetables of the kinds that grow in Espana and in Mexico. They keep the market here as well supplied as that of Madrid or Salamanca. They make chairs, bridles, and stirrups of so good a quality and so cheaply that some merchants wish to load a cargo of these articles for Mexico.

Many bakers make bread with the wheat and fine flour which they bring from China, and sell it in the market-place and along the streets. This has much benefited the city, for they make good bread and sell it at low cost; and although this land possesses much rice, many now use bread who did not do so before. They are so accommodating that when one has no money to pay for the bread, they give him credit and mark it on a tally. It happens that many soldiers get food this way all through the year, and the bakers never fail to provide them with all the bread they need. This has been a great help for the poor of this city, for had they not found this refuge they would suffer want. The Sangleys sell meat of animals raised in this country, as swine, deer, and carabaos (a kind of Italian buffalo, whose flesh is equal to beef). They also sell many fowls and eggs; and if they did not sell them we all would suffer want. They are so intent upon making a livelihood that even split wood is sold in the Parian. The city finds most of its sustenance in the fish which these Sangleys sell; they catch so much of it every day that the surplus is left in the streets, and they sell it at so low a cost that for one real one can buy a sufficient quantity of fish to supply dinner and supper for one of the leading houses in the city.

In the remaining space within the four fronts of the Parian is a large pond, which receives water from the sea through an estuary. In the middle of the pond is an islet, where the Sangleys who commit crimes receive their punishment, so as to be seen by all. The pond beautifies the Parian and proves to be of great advantage, because many ships sail into it through the aforesaid estuary at high tide, and bring to the Parian all the supplies, which are distributed thence all over the city.

Among the benefits which this city receives from the intercourse with the Sangleys, by no means the least important is that, while in Espana stone-masonry is so expensive and difficult to produce, here, through the diligence and industry of the Sangleys, we are able to build fine houses of hewn stone at a low cost; and in so short a time that in one year a man has been able to complete a house, all ready for habitation. It is wonderful to see with what rapidity many sumptuous houses, churches, monasteries, hospitals, and a fort are being built. The Sangleys also made very good bricks and roof-tiles at low cost. At first, lime was made with stone as in Espana; but now the Sangleys are using a kind of pebble, called "white corals," which they find on this coast; and also shells of large oysters, of which there is a large quantity. At the beginning this lime did not seem to be of good quality; but the kind produced ever since has been so good that no other kind of lime is being employed in this city. It came to be sold at so low a price that for my house as well as for others we bought a cahiz [36] of lime for four reals, and one thousand bricks for eight—although this is not the fixed price, for it fluctuates according to the money which comes from Mexico. The Sangleys know how to take advantage of the right time; they sell their goods dearer when they know that there is money to buy them, but they never raise the price so as to make it unreasonable. They agree to bring all the lime, bricks, and tiles to the house of the purchaser, thus saving him a great deal of labor. It is of great advantage also to have the Sangleys construct the building; they agree on so much per braza, including the cutting of stones and the carrying of the sand. If they are given the lime, they will furnish all the rest, and will thus deliver the house or work without any trouble to the owner. The day's wage of a Sangley, when he does not work by the job, is one real, and he provides his own food. The Sangleys are hard workers and very greedy for money. The number of those who have come to this city is so large that another large Parian is being built by the side of the above-mentioned one, resembling it in shape. Many Sangleys have built their houses in it, and it would be filled with people by this time had not the bricks of Mexico failed us last year through the Marquis de Villa-Manrrique—who, according to report, prevented the shipment of the bricks to us, thus causing no little injury and loss to this city and to the Sangleys. He shall give an account to your Majesty, and a more exact one to God, of the injuries and loss that he has caused to this land. Had not your Majesty set matters right by sending a successor to him, [37] and so good a one as you did send, he would have brought ruin upon this land; and, even so, he leaves it sufficiently harassed and afflicted.

The Sangleys who live in this Parian number ordinarily between three and four thousand, not counting the two thousand and more who come and go in ships. These, together with those residing in Tondo, and the fishermen and gardeners who live in this neighborhood, number, according to the Dominican fathers who have them in charge, from six to seven thousand souls. Four religious of that order are engaged in their conversion and instruction.

I have mentioned many small matters here, and it does not seem very considerate to write so long a letter to one who is so occupied in affairs of moment as your Majesty is; but my great zeal deserves forgiveness. For, considering how far distant these regions are, and how extraordinary are these people—of whom we have known so little hitherto, on account of the opposition shown by the Portuguese to our gaining any knowledge of them—it seemed right for me to send your Majesty a relation and more specific news concerning the matter, so that your Majesty may know what exists and occurs here in his realms, and may enjoy through experience what was denied to his predecessors to hear even through report. Had I not already given your Majesty news of many other things which occur here, I would not dare to omit them now, even if I might be considered prolix.

This was the condition and disposition of the Sangleys in temporal matters, when the Dominican religious came to these islands in May, eighty-seven. I have already sent to your Majesty an account of what took place from the time of their arrival until the following year. I reported the singular change which had taken place among the Sangleys after the Dominican religious took charge of them, and the results which began to be obtained among them; and that they willingly began to accept Christianity, in which they have persevered until now. I will not here reiterate that, although there are many things worthy of being known, and for which many thanks are due to God, who shows how wonderful is His power when it pleases Him. What is left for me to relate, is the departure of the Dominican religious for China; and, although we do not know how it has fared with them, as they set out so recently, still the beginnings give us reason to hope that with the help of our Lord, they will be very successful.

Of the Dominican religious who came to these islands, four are engaged in ministering to the Sangleys. Two of these four officiate in the church of Sant Gabriel, which, together with the house where the religious live, stands close to the Parian. Another church with its house is on the promontory of Bay-bay, near Tondo—which a river divides, separating it from Manila. Two of the four have learned the language of the Sangleys so well, and one of these two how to write also (which is the most difficult part of the language), that the Sangleys wonder at their knowledge. The opportunity which the infidels of both towns had to hear the sermons preached by the fathers to the Christians, made them acquainted with many matters relating to our faith, and some of them desired to be baptized. But when they saw that, by becoming Christians, they would not be allowed to return to their own country, on account of the danger which the faith encounters in a country where the people are all idolaters, they said that our religion was too severe, since in embracing it one has to forsake his native country, and to deprive himself of father, mother, wife, children, and relatives. The arguments that they set forth were such that it seemed as if they wished to persuade us to baptize them without cutting off their hair, and without forbidding them to return to their own country. We saw that it was not advisable to do as they desired, and left matters as they stood. The Sangleys themselves told us to send fathers to their country to preach to them, saying that there they would become converted without so much risk as here. After due consideration of the matter, the Dominican fathers and myself decided that it was necessary to go to China; for, if God permitted the religious to remain in that land, we could baptize the Sangleys here without cutting off their hair, or preventing them from returning to their country to rejoice in their children, wives, and property. The Sangleys were much pleased at this decision; but there were differences of opinion regarding the manner in which the religious should go. The president thought that it would be best for them to go in a fragata accompanied by Spaniards: but the Chinese said that the friars should go alone, and not in the company of Spaniards; thus many arguments were presented on both sides. Two or three times I saw our endeavors thwarted, because the devil was laboring with all his might to prevent them. A fragata had already been bought, the captain and the men who were to take the friars over had been chosen, and almost everything was ready for their setting sail, when the plan was defeated I know not whence or how. My disappointment and the great sadness which I felt in seeing the defeat of an expedition which I so much desired, and for whose fulfilment had not sufficed his Holiness's permission and the special ordinance from your Majesty, made me think that this was the will of God; thus I was forced to abandon the attempt. But God, whose plans do not depend upon the advice of men, arranged matters better than I could have hoped, for He moved the hearts of the Sangley Christians, Don Francisco Zanco, a Christian and the governor of the Sangleys, and Don Tomas Syguan. The latter I baptized about two years ago, without cutting his hair, for I thought that God was to accomplish some great work through him, as well as through the other—who, being one of the oldest Christians in this island, also wore his hair long. When these two saw that the Spaniards were not going to China, and that the friars remained here because there was no one to take them over, they went to Fray Juan Cobo, one of the two friars acquainted thoroughly with the language, and who has charge of, the Sangleys of the Parian, and manifested to him their grief at seeing how little they were trusted. They said that since the fathers remained here because no Spaniards went to China, they who were Christians and natives of that land would take them over in more safety; they added that there should be no hesitation to accept their company, for they would lose their own lives before any harm should befall the religious. This we understood as an inspiration of the Holy Spirit, because until then we had never heard that a Sangley would dare to take any Spaniards to China; accordingly, we decided to send the friars with the Chinese. When this was announced in the Parian, all the friendly Sangleys, of whom there are many among the infidels, were much pleased. One of the Sangley Christians had not taken a mouthful of food for two days, through grief at seeing us abandon the expedition; but when he heard that it was going to be made, and how it was going to be carried out, his joy knew no bounds, and he declared that it was just as he had hoped, and that it was the necessary method to pursue. I called two Sangley infidels—who, although without the faith, are endowed with all the qualities of good men, and who, I hope, through God's blessing will soon become Christians—and asked them what was their opinion concerning the expedition. They answered that they were very glad to see the way in which the religious were going; for, if they went with Spaniards, all would be lost. Thus we decided upon the departure, sending at present no more than two religious: Fray Miguel de Benavides, [38] who was the first to learn the language of the Sangleys; and Father Juan de Castro, who came as vicar of the religious, and who was made provincial here. We preferred these two, as one is well acquainted with the language, and the other is much loved and esteemed by the Sangleys on account of his venerable gray locks and blessed old age; and we know that in that land old people are much respected and revered. As our Lord sent His disciples, so went these fathers, stripped of all human support, and carrying nothing with them except their own persons, their breviaries, and Bibles, for in this manner, and not with encompassing soldiers, should the gospel be preached.

I give many thanks to God that this expedition, so much desired by me, started under the best auspices which could be desired; for it is being undertaken by special permission of the Pope and by a decree of your Majesty, and with the consent of the governor, of myself, and of the auditors of this Audiencia. This enterprise has caused great happiness to all the religious orders, and to all the inhabitants of this city; and many demonstrations of rejoicing on the part of all the Sangleys. May it please the divine Majesty that the end be as we all desire. Another event occurred at the time of the expedition, which gave us a great deal of pleasure, and kindled in us the hope that God was really about to open the gates of that great kingdom. The aforesaid captain who brought the two Franciscan friars to this city received a letter, which they call chapa, for the president, in which the latter is entreated to do justice to the captain who brought the letter, so that he might collect some money which was due him in this city; in the letter, he anxiously entreats the two great fathers Juan and Miguel, who know the language, to help the captain, for they are known in that country to favor the Sangleys. Their names occur twice in that chapa, the first letters of the two names being written in red ink, which is considered a mark of veneration among the Chinese. A Sangley woman who lives in Chincheo wrote a letter to Fray Juan Cobo, thanking him for having helped her husband in a matter of business. These were the first indications by which we knew that this expedition was starting under the guidance of God. So on Tuesday, the twenty-second of May, of this year ninety, I went to the church of the Parian, and said mass there; after which the two Sangleys who had offered their services went through a ceremony worthy of notice. They knelt down before the altar where I said mass, and remained there for the space of two credos, speaking to one another in their own language and holding each other's hands; after that they embraced one another, and I learned afterwards that they had sworn to each other friendship and fidelity. From that place the fathers went to embark, and I went with them, accompanied by many Sangleys. On account of a contrary wind, the ship in which they were going could not set sail; and there were sent, to tow it out, four champans, which are the small boats of the Sangley ships. They gladly pulled it out to sea, for more than a league, where we left them under God's protection, and returned to the city. The captains of two Sangley ships who are about to follow in the same course have asked me for letters for the religious, promising me to place them in their own hands, and I shall not fail to write to them.

In conclusion, I must announce to your Majesty that a hospital has been built by the Dominican friars who have charge of the Sangleys of the Parian, which is close by their house. The hospital takes care of sick Sangleys and subsists on no other income than what the fathers gather as charity, and what the Sangley infidels contribute towards it. This fact has been so rumored in China, that the whole country feels very kindly towards the fathers, knowing of the friendly reception given to their countrymen here. About a year ago a prominent Sangley was converted. He was a doctor and an herbalist; but, forsaking all other worldly interests, he has offered and devoted himself to the service of the hospital. He cures the sick, bestowing upon them much love and charity, and prescribing for them his purges and medicines. In short, it was God who led him thither for the welfare of that hospital, and, to make the fame thereof more widely spread throughout China. Therefore I humbly beg your Majesty to be pleased to order that this hospital be endowed, so that the sick may be cared for. Moreover, if your Majesty attend to this personally, that fact will be very well received in China and will be of more benefit than the presents which your Majesty ordered to be sent to the king.

Doctor Vera, who is now president, on seeing the good will with which those two Sangley Christians, Don Francisco Canco and Don Tomas Siguan, offered their services for taking the fathers to China, exempted them, in the name of your Majesty, from paying taxes for the use of a ship for six years. I entreat your Majesty to be pleased to confirm this grant, and to extend it for life; for they certainly performed a great deed, and one considered of much importance by all the inhabitants of this city, both Spaniards and Sangleys. They deserve this favor from your Majesty, even if we should not gain the desired result, because they for their part have offered what they could.

Fray Juan Cobo, the Dominican religious—who, as I have said before, knows the language of the Sangleys and their writing, and who is most esteemed by them—is sending to your Majesty a book, one of a number brought to him from China. This intercourse which is taking root between them and ourselves is not a bad beginning for the object we have in view. The book is in Chinese writing on one half of the leaf, and Castilian on the other, the two corresponding to each other. It is a work worthy of your Majesty, and may it be received as such, not because of its worth, but because it is so rare a work, never seen before in the Parian, or outside of China. According to my judgment, it contains things worthy of consideration, by which is seen the force of the human reason; since without the light of the faith those things approach so near to those taught us by the Christian religion. From this your Majesty will see how much in error is the person who pretends that in kingdoms like that of China, where such things are taught, we should enter by force of arms to preach to them our faith. It is clear that with a people like this, the force of reason has more power than that of arms. May our Lord direct this affair according to His will; and may He be pleased that within the days of your Majesty we may see these kingdoms converted to the faith, and that your Majesty may enjoy this reputation first on earth and then in heaven. Amen. Manila, June 24, 1590.

Fray Domingo, Bishop of the Philipinas.



Two Letters from Domingo de Salazar to Felipe II

Sire:

Five decrees of your Majesty came to me this year of ninety in the ship "Santiago," which arrived at this port on the last of May. They are all dated at Madrid, four on the twenty-third of June of the year eighty-seven, and the fifth on the eighteenth of February of eighty-eight. After perusing the contents of the said decrees, I can truly not restrain my surprise that there can be men in the world who dare to say and declare things which are not certainly proved to be the truth, much less to give such information to their king. To report to one's sovereign the contrary of what happens, or to affirm what one is not certain is the truth, is a most grave offense, worthy of all punishment and chastisement. Such persons may properly be called destroyers of their countries, because, in not giving information in accordance with the principles of truth, they fail to remedy the evils and provide the good which is necessary for the preservation of the land. As this commonwealth is so far away from your Majesty, it has to be governed, not by what your Majesty sees and knows, but by the information received by him regarding it. This must be according to the good or bad intention of the informer. Consequently, this commonwealth is subjected to many hardships and misfortunes, by the fault not of your Majesty—with whose most holy zeal and desire for the welfare of this land we are well acquainted—but of us here who send information. There are but few of us who, oblivious of our own interests and pretensions, now fix our eyes on the common good alone, and seek only this; but the most of us seek only our own interests, our informations and reports are shaped by these, as appears by the increase of the tributes which your Majesty commands to be made. As this is discussed, however, in another letter, I will go to no greater length than to say that, if your Majesty were present here, no orders would be given to increase the tributes of these miserable people, but rather they would pay less. But he who informed your Majesty that more tribute can be paid has already accounted or will account to God also. I am affected in part by these hardships and dangers, as it is now two years since your Majesty wrote me a reprimand, as if I were the man to blame for the dissensions of the Audiencia. God knows, as do all in this community, that if I had not made peace, the dissensions between the president and auditors would have lasted until today. The same I say of the five decrees which I received this year. Among them are several which show that he who informed your Majesty did so in an account entirely malicious and totally contrary to the truth. Others show that, although the informer told something of the truth, he did so in an entirely different manner from the way in which things happened, concealing what he ought to say, and affirming what he should not. This will appear by my reply to each decree—not as an excuse for myself, as I consider myself to be very rightly judged elsewhere; but in order to satisfy your Majesty, as I shall proceed to relate.