Chapter V treats of events during the term of Francisco Tello, the main part of the chapter being devoted to Louis Perez Dasmarinas's ill-fated expedition to Camboja. Tello "began to govern with forbearance, although one thing that he did before reaching the city seems to have presaged the evils of the future." This was in his detention of the ship bound for Nueva Espana, until he could reach Manila and make a report to the king. As a consequence the vessel, sailing late, experienced so great storms that it was compelled to put in at a Japanese port, "and King Taycosama took their goods away from them, and it was the cause of the martyrdom of twenty-six Franciscan religious, and of the ruin of Manila ... Don Francisco began his government, in amusing himself with his authority and abundance, and in neglecting to despatch the ships on time; of which he should have taken warning by the loss of which he had been the cause, in the wreck of the galleon 'San Felipe' as above stated. But he did not amend his ways, and for that same reason other vessels were wrecked later—one called 'Santa Margarita,' which was wrecked among the Ladrones Islands; and another called 'San Geronimo' which was wrecked at the island of Catanduanes,... and another which sailed from Cibu, called 'Jesus Maria,' which was seen no more. And the worst of all was that such neglect became so firmly established, that it would not have been remedied later, and the same troubles would have occurred, unless we had made use of two royal decrees that his Majesty, King Don Felipe Third, conceded to me in the year of 68; [37] and on account of that neglect great need has come upon that kingdom." The expedition of Oliver van Noordt is very lightly touched. Luis Perez Dasmarinas fits out an expedition of three ships for the relief of Camboja at his own cost, and Los Rios sails in the flagship. Misfortune follows them, and the flagship is lost on the Chinese coast. Such is the hatred of the Portuguese at Macao to the Spaniards "that as soon as they heard of our disaster, they issued an edict that no one should aid us under penalty of confiscation of his property, and three years in the galleys." Los Rios with eight men lands in order to seek a pilot, and after various adventures is granted audience by the Chinese, who offer asylum to the Spaniards and rebuke the Portuguese. Continuing, a short description is given of Macao, which has about five hundred Portuguese inhabitants; its duties and other gains, however, belong to the Chinese monarch. The principal occupation of the inhabitants is the raw-silk trade with Japan. For the benefit of trade and religion, Los Rios thinks it advisable to depopulate Macao and suppress it. Indeed the hate of the Portuguese goes so far that they attack the remnants of Luis Perez's expedition as it is about to return home. All their hostility they clinch with "a royal decree given more than thirty years ago, in which your Majesty [38] orders Castilians not to go to that port to trade. It is very important for your Majesty to order the Portuguese not to use that decree for the evil that they do us—not only those of us who go there to trade (which was the reason of its being granted), but also to those of us who make port and arrive there wrecked."

Events of Pedro Acuna's government occupy the sixth chapter. "Don Pedro was a restrained and absolutely uncovetous gentleman, and lived temperately. He was affable and open to all; but signal disasters occurred during his term. The Indians of Mindanao ruined those islands, carrying away many captives and quantities of wealth, burning churches, and injuring images, to the great loss of our prestige. Also more than twenty thousand Chinese revolted in the city; and because the warnings of the archbishop and many other persons were not believed, the remedy was not applied in time, which would have been easy. However, although we prevailed against them (with evident miracles), the kingdom was ruined." This neglect of Acuna results in the massacre of Luis Perez Dasmarinas and more than one hundred and fifty men, only one of the company escaping. To neglect Los Rios charges "the greatest ills" that have happened in the Indias. The expedition made to Maluco by royal command succeeds well. The victory reacts on the Spaniards, however, because of the ill-treatment inflicted by the latter on the king of Ternate, whom they take captive to Manila; and the Moluccans ally themselves with the Dutch. Los Rios begs that good treatment be given to the captive king, who is still in Manila, who, although well treated during Acuna's life, is afterward neglected and uncared for. [39] Los Rios asks that good treatment be accorded to the king "for the sake of your Majesty's reputation with those nations; for they will think that you order your ministers to inflict that ill-treatment.... Don Pedro de Acuna died when he was beginning to open his eyes, and to govern very acceptably to all. It is rumored that he was poisoned, although I cannot persuade myself of that fact." As governor ad interim the viceroy of Nueva Espana sends Rodrigo de Vivero, who governs until the arrival of Juan de Silva, when he sets sail in the ship "San Francisco," but is wrecked at Japan, because it sailed late.]



Chapter VII. Of the government of Don Juan de Silva, and events with the Dutch.

On the death of Don Pedro de Acuna in the year 606, your Majesty sent Don Juan de Silva to govern.

Upon his arrival at that kingdom, he was given an opportunity to put his wishes into effect. A Dutchman arrived there with four ships and one patache, and, having stationed himself at the entrance of the bay of Manila, remained there six months, capturing and pillaging all who came to the city. Don Juan de Silva had no ships ready to go out to drive the Dutch from that port; but, with the stay of the enemy, he set to work to repair four ships that were there, and to finish another that was being built in a shipyard. He made haste, and used the iron gratings from the houses of the citizens for the nails that he needed, which the people gave willingly, as well as whatever else was necessary. Further, he also cast five large pieces of artillery, with which, and with the artillery in the forts, he made ready and equipped five ships with high free-board, and three galleys, and manned them with the most valiant of the soldiers and citizens, among all of them more than one thousand men being Spaniards alone. He found the enemy very careless, his ships filled with wealth from many rich vessels that they had pillaged, belonging to the Chinese which were coming to Manila, laden with the merchandise that came yearly. He found only three ships, and attacking and grappling with one of them, it was blown up because of a fire that unfortunately caught. The other two surrendered, although the victory was not bought cheaply, for many people were killed. It had been stated two months before that that victory would be gained on St. Mark's day, [40] as happened, and, as he recounted one night, had been told to him. But who would say that that victory was to begin his perdition, and so many troubles as I shall relate?

Don Juan de Silva was made very rich by that victory, for the fifth of the booty which your Majesty conceded to him was worth more than two hundred thousand pesos, as I learned from his own mouth. Besides that, the victory induced in him thoughts for great undertakings, and he did not stop to compare the wealth of that kingdom with his designs. He discussed building a fleet to go to Terrenate, and put the matter into execution. Although he was greatly opposed by the entire city—and especially by the royal Audiencia and royal officials, who judged from their experience that the plan was not advisable—yet he acted in defiance of them, and left Manila with his fleet, leaving the natives grievously burdened with taxes, your Majesty's treasury indebted to a vast amount, and the city without artillery. He went to Maluco, and not only did he not accomplish any good result, but he even returned with little reputation derived from that expedition, as all had foretold.

He desired to correct that mischief, and determined, without any one's counsel, to build seven galleons, which, with the three that he had, would make ten in all, and also six galleys. That was an undertaking disproportionate to the possibility of his forces, and innumerable evils resulted from it, just as they generally result to him who does not proportion means to ends, and who does not measure desires with strength. When he fought at Playa Honda with the Dutch, as he grappled he recognized the advantage that the larger ships had over the others. Consequently, he determined to build his ships so large that they should be superior to any ship that the enemy would bring. For that purpose he made them of one thousand, one thousand five hundred, and nearly two thousand toneladas. He began to make arrangements for putting his desire into execution, and at the same time to write to the viceroy of India to send him ten more galleons and six galleys, so that the forces of both governments being united, they might at the same time complete the expulsion of the Dutch from the archipelago and seize their forts and factories. That idea would have been very commendable, and the most efficacious means of all, if he could have carried it out as he conceived it. I believe that, in order to facilitate that, he wrote to your Majesty, whereupon this court was filled with hopes. But to place it in execution, he had as much foundation as will be seen here. The forces of India are so few, that, although Silva was told that the viceroy could not send him six ships—and those that could go would be poorly equipped; and that if he did send them, the coasts of India would be left unprotected, which were daily being infested; and, besides, that they knew by experience—the little love that the Portuguese bear to the Castilians and that he should not trust in them—still by sending money to build galleons and for the men, of which at least one-half million [pesos] would be necessary, the viceroy would send that fleet. Don Juan de Silva was without funds; on the contrary, the royal treasury was deeply in debt from the expedition to Maluco. Still, in order to forward his designs, he sent his master-of-camp, Christoval de Azqueta, with pledges and securities made out by the royal officials, binding your Majesty's royal treasury in order to get the money there from merchandise, and paying interest on them—a transaction which was considered ridiculous to those who knew India. He gave the master-of-camp sixteen thousand pesos which he borrowed in gold from the inhabitants of Manila, in order that he might bring back some necessary things. The master-of-camp sailed in a ship accompanied by forty Spaniards to indicate his authority. As yet, not one of them has been seen; and it is considered certain that all were drowned, since no further news has been heard of them. On the other hand, Silva wrote to the viceroy of Nueva Espana that he was building that fleet, and requested money, men, and ammunition from him. He despatched so late the ships, which had arrived on time, that although the viceroy made his utmost exertions he could not perform the friendly offices that Silva desired.

He began to place the said galleons on the stocks, and, as they were so large, scarcely could he find the necessary timbers in the forest. Consequently, he had to have them sought under great difficulties, and by penetrating the thicker recesses of the woods. There having found them, it was necessary, in order to drag and carry them to the shipyard, to depopulate the surrounding villages of the Indians, and to drag the timbers with immense labor, hardship, and cost to the Indians. The masts of one galleon cost the Indians, as is affirmed by the religious of St. Francis, and as I heard declared by the alcalde-mayor of the province where they were cut—namely, La Laguna de Bay—the labor of six thousand Indians for three months to drag them over very rough mountains. They were paid by the villages at the rate of forty reals per month apiece, but were given nothing to eat, and therefore, the wretched Indian had to look for food. I shall not relate the cruel and inhuman treatment of the agents, and the many Indians who died in the forest. Had those galleons been of moderate size, and twice as many, they would not have cost one-half as much. Neither shall I tell your Majesty of the Indians who were hanged, those who deserted their wives and children and fled exhausted to the mountains, and those sold as slaves to pay the taxes imposed on them; the scandal to the gospel, and the so irreparable wrongs caused by that shipbuilding; and with how great inhumanity they passed sentence on and executed on the poor Indian not only what was necessary, but also what the lawless greed of agents took from him. In short, the hardships, injuries, and harm inflicted upon the Indians were vast, and there was no remedy for it. And hence those ships had so disastrous an end; for all were wrecked in a storm, and all those in them were drowned forty leguas from the city—divine permission, which is so offended at injuries done to the poor, exacting those lives in order to make reparation for such wrongs. Now more than one million [pesos] is due to the Indians and there is no hope of recompense. From that may be inferred how great should be the trustworthiness and Christian spirit of those persons who are to govern the Filipinas, since they have no one to restrain them for the injuries that they commit. Besides the said wrongs, those that I shall now relate were no less.

When he discussed building those ships, three years before that fleet should be taken out, he ordered all the soldiers of the islands to be collected, and the forts and important posts to be abandoned, especially a fort in the city of Cibu. He took all the artillery and carried it to Manila, which was the cause of the Mindanaos destroying those islands when they learned that, without any one opposing them. He also ordered that no one leave the city without his permission, under serve penalties. On the one hand, he kept the men there desperate, who could not go out to find food; and on the other, gave them nothing. Therefore, many men fled through those surrounding kingdoms. And, when he most needed sailors, more than two hundred of them fled because of ill treatment and because they were deprived of one-half their rations. He imposed many taxes upon the Indians, with great oppression to them on account of the food that was ruined because it was not needed so early. As a result, he brought the country to the extreme of poverty, even worse than if the enemy had sacked it.

On the other hand he sent to Japon for metals with which to cast artillery, and for saltpeter for powder; and they brought him what he had sent to ask. In two years he cast one hundred and fifty large pieces of artillery; but he had no master who understood it, and consequently the pieces were so poorly made that none of them stood the test. I saw twenty pieces out of thirty-six burst at the first shot, as the gunner, one Pedro Castano, who is in this court, will tell; consequently they did not dare to test the cannon with the royal test. There was an excellent founder there, named Don Diego de Prado, who had made considerable artillery in Lisboa. Silva refused to accept him, but on the contrary let him go to Espana by way of India, although he should have diligently looked for him. He is a friar here now, named Basilio. They were unable to get a piece that could be used, although they tried in various ways. They continued these efforts until certain Japanese built some ovens, in their own fashion, and made some bellows which forced in a great quantity of air. Those produced better artillery, although some of these pieces also burst, for they did not hit upon the alloy of copper in accordance with its quality.

Don Juan de Silva persisted in his intentions; and, seeing after two years had passed that the master-of-camp Azqueta had not arrived, and that it must be believed that he had been drowned, he sent a father rector of the Society of Jesus, named Juan de Ribera, [41] and Captain Don Diego de Miranda, a Portuguese, to Goa, so that, in his name, they might ask the viceroy for the said galleons; and they did so. Although with great objection and opposition from the city of Goa, the viceroy gave them four galleons and four galliots, with very few and badly disciplined crews. What took place in India in regard to that matter is a pity. Your Majesty needs to make many reforms there, because of the danger of losing that country through the poor discipline of the soldiers, as they themselves confess, and warning of this has been given in many memorials.

They started for Manila, and arrived at Malaca and at the Strait late and in bad weather. The commander did not dare pass on, although he was urged and pressed to do so by the rector of the Society. Matters came to such a pass that the commander told the father that he would put him below decks, and the soldiers tried to kill him, for they said that he was going to drown them. Thereupon they remained, and returned to Malaca, advising Don Juan de Silva that they were there awaiting his order.

Don Juan de Silva learned the news of the galleons and determined to send a patache to Macan, and as its commander, Pilot Juan Gallegos, in order to purchase some ammunition and to go thence to Malaca. He ordered the four galleons to await him in the Strait, saying that he had resolved to pass there, and that all would go together to attack the factory of Xava, the chief factory of the enemy, which had no fortress; thence they would go to Banda and to Maluco. That would have been a very suitable idea if it could have been executed during the season for navigation. Juan Gallegos went to Macan, and thence to the Strait of Cincapura, where he found six Dutch galleons and one patache. They seized him, and learned from him of the coming of Don Juan de Silva with so large a force. They did not dare await the latter and so left the Strait. Shortly after Don Juan de Silva arrived, two ships of Goa came from China with the goods and merchandise from India, which it was our Lord's will to save in that way.

Before the enemy happened to seize the patache of Juan Gallegos, they had negotiated with the king of Hachen, a country located in the island of Samatra, near the Strait, in regard to uniting with them to attack Malaca with more than four hundred craft, that would hold more than forty thousand men. That king fought with the galleons, and his presence there was of great importance. He burned one galleon, but returned without accomplishing any other exploit, although he carried a quantity of large artillery. After the king had gone, the Dutch arrived. What they did was to burn the three remaining galleons in the river of Malaca. Then they went to the Strait, where they captured Juan Gallegos, as above stated. The Portuguese gained little reputation—or to say better, lost much—in not defending themselves. But since it is not my intention to meddle with another jurisdiction, I shall not discuss that.

Don Juan de Silva left Manila with ten galleons—larger than have been seen in Europa—and four galleys, on February 28, 1616. He laid his course toward the Strait, as he thought that he would find there the four galleys from Goa, in accordance with the order that he had sent. He learned what had happened in the Strait; and although he might have gone to Bantan, in Xava Major, to avenge the injury, since he might expect to find the enemy there—and he might at least have destroyed that factory and exacted satisfaction for what had been done—he did not choose to do so, but left the galleons anchored in the Strait, while he went to Malaca with the galleys. There he was received under the pall with great solemnity, honored with great festivities, and called that city's savior, since the ships had taken flight because of his coming. Don Juan became sorely perplexed, and could not come to a decision as to whether to careen his vessels and wait until the following year for the viceroy of Goa, or whether to return to Manila. Death overtook him in that perplexity, on April 19 of the same year.

He left orders for the fleet to return to Manila, and to convey thither his embalmed body. Thereupon our fleet returned. It was in as bad shape as if it had been a year at sea; for at that part of the Strait where it was anchored the air was so unhealthful and the water so poisonous that the soldiers began to sicken immediately, and to die swollen up and yellow; and some days forty or fifty of them were thrown into the sea. All asserted that had they remained there one fortnight longer, not enough men would have been left to manage the sails, nor could they have brought back the galleons—which returned without anchors, for the few that they carried were lost in the currents, which are very strong. And had they not found nineteen anchors, which they bought, they would have perished.



Chapter VIII. Of the opposition to Don Juan de Silva from all the city, and the opportunity that he lost by not taking the advice that they gave him.

Strange are the judgments of the Most High, and nothing happens by chance that His infinite providence does not register. The Portuguese regarded as certain the coming of Don Juan de Silva to the Strait with his fleet, and attributed to him, as was evident, the saving of their possessions. But he who regards the opportunity that Silva lost, and how much more important it would have been not to have left Manila, but to have been there when the enemy (who passed through the Strait of Magallanes) arrived, will see how unsatisfactory was the Malaca expedition.

Don Juan de Silva had already prepared his fleet, and his yards were already squared, when a discussion arose as to whether it was advisable for him to go in search of the enemy, for which purpose he had prepared it. A general meeting of ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, the bishop, and the orders, was called, together with the royal Audiencia. Silva made them a harangue, and showed a royal decree that he had received shortly before, in which it was ordered that he should make the expedition. He read what was most suitable to his purpose, whereupon Doctor Vega, your auditor, asked him to give it to the secretary to read publicly, as they wished to know its contents. It was read, and your Majesty ordered in it that the viceroy of India be advised, so that both should join forces and go in pursuit of the enemy with their fleets, and that the viceroy should act as superior officer if he came in person. From this, they took occasion to oppose Silva, and said that he was not obeying your Majesty's orders. They reminded him that he did not have sailors, because while the fewest number of sailors necessary for ten galleys amounted to fifty, he did not have twelve effective ones, because they had fled, as above stated.

Item: That he was only carrying two iron anchors for each galleon, disproportionate to their size, besides two others of wood, which are called cenepites; and that he was going into seas with strong currents and shoals, where he had to anchor every day, with evident peril and known danger of losing his fleet.

Item: That he was not carrying suitable rigging or sails. At the same time they told him that he was leaving the city depopulated of the men who might defend it in any sudden need.

Item: That he had dismantled the forts and walls of artillery, and had left no good piece, contrary to the ordinances of your Majesty, and to all good government.

Item: That it was easy for the enemy, knowing the route that he was taking, to attack the city, which was surrounded by more than fifteen thousand Chinese, and a considerable number of Japanese, all of whom were angered by the many annoyances and injuries that they had received; especially the natives, of whom it could be feared that they would revolt at any news of an enemy, and what would most encourage them would be to see the city without defenders or artillery.

Item: That he was taking a route very foolishly chosen, because the season and monsoon (as it is called) for seeking the enemy was already past; and he was going with a known risk of suffering shipwreck, or of accomplishing nothing.

Item: That it was advisable for him to inform the viceroy of his expedition, as your Majesty ordered, and in the meanwhile to continue to provide himself with everything necessary. The following year he could leave, as was advisable and as your Majesty ordered. In short, they reminded him of many other difficulties; but none of them were able to make him postpone his purpose. Doctor Vega gave him a memorial which is printed, in which he declares all the above and many other arguments; and the fiscal issued many injunctions and protests against him. They became so angered that he tried to arrest the fiscal, who absented himself, together with many influential persons. The city was very much in danger of being lost, and was divided into factions and different opinions; although it is true that all desired Silva's absence. After so many difficulties, and after having defied them all, Silva left the city with his fleet, leaving the walls dismantled, as above stated. When he embarked, many men of those that he had provided from the inhabitants of the city, and single men, were not to be found, for they had run away.

Scarcely had he left Manila when news came that a Dutchman with five ships was coming, and within one week he came to anchor at the mouth of the bay of Manila. It was our Lord's pleasure that the Dutch did not learn the city's condition, which would have placed us in the greatest embarrassment and danger. The Dutch remained there one fortnight, and then, learning that Don Juan had gone toward their forts and factories, they set out for them. In the opinion of all it was the greatest misfortune that the news had not arrived sooner, so that our fleet could have gone to meet it; for not a single ship would have escaped; and, had he followed them to Maluco, he would have destroyed their forces without difficulty—as Don Geronimo de Silva, his cousin, wrote to him, whose letter I have. I heard afterward from the same man that he had made a treaty with all of them to surrender their forts to him if Don Juan arrived. God did not so ordain it, for our sins or for His secret judgments. So great an opportunity, which might have ended the war, was lost, for all the natives were resolved to become our friends; for they always cry "long live the conqueror!" Sections 1, 9, and 15 of Don Geronimo's letter are of the following tenor.



Letter of Don Geronimo de Silva, Governor of Maluco

I am replying to the duplicate of your Lordship, which I received by the hand of Captain Juan Cutirez Paramo and Sargento-mayor Don Pedro Tellez, dated at the Strait of Sincapura, March 15, in which your Lordship gives me advice of the resolution that you took in Manila to make your voyage to Malaca, expecting to find there the viceroy of India, or at least the squadron of galleons from that state—a thing as generally desired by all as it is deemed difficult by me. For I could never persuade myself that the viceroy of India would decide to send a larger fleet this year than the four galleons; and, supposing this, I would have been glad had your Lordship not gone in search of the viceroy this year. For, as I understand the decree of his Majesty, the preparations were for the coming year; and by that time matters would have been suitably arranged, and, both powers having united, his Majesty's will would have been realized, without the possibility of any fears of danger. But if the resolution taken by your Lordship to go out with your fleet, because of the great expenses incurred, had been taken then to come to employ that fleet here, it would have arrived at so good a season and opportunity, that all these islands would have surrendered to you. I could answer with my head that his Majesty would possess them without your Lordship's needing to fire a single shot, for the material for this truth was very well arranged. I alone was unfortunate in that your Lordship did not come directly here when you left Manila. I would give you as a witness of that the king of Tidore, only he cannot declare it in writing; but he will be a witness on that day that our Lord brings your Lordship to these islands.

Your Lordship orders me at present to despatch to you what galleys are here. In fulfilment of that order Don Pedro Tellez is returning in the galley that brought him, for Captain Juan de Guassa's galley was such that it could not be repaired at all, although I summoned the royal officials, and persons who understood it, to examine it. To my summons they replied that it absolutely had nothing of use on it but the nails; accordingly, with their advice, it was beached. I have only the galliot left here and that is as free from iron and rigging as the galleys here have always been. The galliot is the feet and hands of these islands, and that which serves as a caracoa; for, glory be to God, the Meldicas [sic; sc. mestizos] and native Christians are wanting to me. The reason that moves me to this will be told your Lordship by Don Pedro Tellez, whom I wished to make a witness of this unfortunate state of affairs, and of what the service of his Majesty suffers.

Will your Lordship advise me of your resolution to come to these forts, and whether the viceroy of India is coming now with the squadron that your Lordship has built. What I can say is that your Lordship's speedy arrival here matters so much, although it be with only your galleys, that on that alone depends the restoration of these two islands, which will be maintained with the hope that your Lordship will come hither in the time above stated. If you do not come, the islands and the Spaniards who inhabit them will certainly perish; for although the king of Tidore is our friend, he is the only one, and he does not have the same assurance of his island as hitherto. For that reason, it is advisable for me always to keep in this island the greater part of the infantry of this camp, divided among the fort of Santiago, the fort of Principe Tomanira, and Socanora. From the above your Lordship will infer that I have need of protecting myself not only from the Dutch but also from the natives and our intimates; for things are very much changed from what your Lordship is informed. Tidore, July 29, 1616.

Don Geronimo de Silva



Chapter IX. Of the coming of the Dutch to Manila in search of Don Juan de Silva.

It was learned in Maluco from the Dutch commander who passed through the Strait of Magallanes and infested the coasts of Piru and Nueva Espana—the same one who arrived at Manila just after the departure of Don Juan de Silva—that Don Juan had laid his course toward Malaca and thence to Maluco. Immediately all their ships were collected, and, repairing many, they equipped the ten best ones, taking the best artillery and men from their forts for that purpose, with the determination of awaiting Silva. But when they saw that he delayed so long, and that he could not come to Maluco now, because of bad weather, thinking that he would have returned, they went to try issues with him at Manila. On reaching the island of Mindanao, they learned of his death from the Indians. They made a compact with the latter that each side should go to destroy the islands, even as far as the city of Manila. The Mindanaos set out with a fleet that they had prepared, of seventy caracoas, which resemble galliots. They anchored with them in the province of Camarines, where they had heard that one ship and two pataches were being built for your Majesty. They killed and captured about thirty Spaniards and many Indians, set fire to the ships, and pillaged whatever they could lay hands on. That disaster, which was very great, was the result of neglecting to send there fifty picked soldiers to guard the shipyard. The chiefs of those caracoas divided into two parties because of disputes between them. One party went toward Manila in search of the Dutch. The other went to the island of Panay. Captain Don Diego de Quinones, who was stationed in that island as commandant and captain of the Pintados Islands, hearing of this, sent Captain Lazaro de Torres with seven caracoas in pursuit of them; he defeated them, and captured four caracoas. The rest took to the open sea in flight, and, those vessels being small, all of the men were drowned; for no news that they have reached their country has been heard here since.

That island of Mindanao is the farthest of the Filipinas Islands, and is about twenty leguas from Cibu. That part that faces Cibu is pacified, and the Indians pay tribute, and there are a number of Christians. The entire island formerly rendered homage to your Majesty. It extends east and west, being somewhat inclined to the northeast and southwest. It is more than three hundred leguas in circumference. The southern part lies in six degrees of north latitude. It has many gold mines, as those say who have seen them, although they are but little worked, and many cinnamon trees and much civet.

Captain Estevan Rodriquez de Figueroa went to pacify it in 1596 at his own cost, with the title of governor and captain-general of the island conceded by your Majesty. But he was so unfortunate that, the first time when he set foot on land, he was killed by an Indian concealed in ambush. Captain Juan de la Xara, who was master-of-camp, continued the enterprise; but as he, like his master, died, the whole enterprise was destroyed by accidents that came upon them. Consequently, not only were the natives not pacified, but more angered and desirous of vengeance. For that reason, they began to build vessels and to make inroads among those islands during the term of Don Francisco Tello, to commit depredations. They captured many Indians and their wealth (for the latter had considerable gold) through the fault of the captains and alcaldes-mayor who were governing those islands, and were not punished for it. And although punishment is one of the two arms of justice that preserves states, there has been so great lack of it in Manila, that signal injuries have thereby resulted.

The Moros became excited by those captures, and through the exercise of war they became more skilful and daring. To such a height has their boldness reached, through the carelessness and neglect of the governors, that all those islands have been destroyed and ruined. They could very well have been restrained, but the reasons why they neglected to do that cannot be explained here, because the case in hand demands that many things be passed by; but if your Majesty cares to know, I will explain them.

Those Indians [i.e., the Moros] are so vile and cowardly that they have never engaged in close combat with the Spaniards, very few of whom have dared to resist vast multitudes; yet the Moros have inflicted signal injuries. The worst is that these last few years they have committed greater ones, so that there is no Christian or friendly Indian who is safe in his house or country. These, although Indians, set forth arguments that must have shamed your Majesty's governors considerably; since, although the latter are so careful not only to collect their tributes, but to impose continually so many taxes, and to cause the Indians innumerable troubles, yet they do not defend them from their enemies. Consequently the Indians say, "Let us be free, and let us have arms, and we shall be able to defend ourselves, as we did before the advent of the Spaniards." And, surely, did not the religious—especially those of the Society, who instruct nearly all those islands—entertain them with hopes and fair arguments, they would all have revolted, as some have done. I have related this to your Majesty so that you may order your governor to remedy that matter, which is so incumbent upon your Majesty's royal conscience. But how poorly he informs your Majesty; since at the very moment when those people were destroying your churches, the governor wrote that they were all peaceful and quiet. It is very easy to conquer that island, if its inhabitants are made slaves, as I have said in special memorials.



Chapter X. Of the result obtained by the coming of the Dutch to the Filpinas Islands and the city of Manila.

The enemy learned from the Mindanao Indians, as above stated, of the death of Don Juan de Silva, whom they had intended to go to seek. They went to the island of Panay, to a port called Yloylo, with the design of building a fort there, in order to gain possession of those islands and to get the quantity of food that was stored for the relief of Terrenate. (whence the forts of Maluco are chiefly maintained), and at the same time to make themselves masters of the island. For, two years before, and during Don Juan de Silva's term, another Dutchman had arrived at that island at a Spanish town called Arevalo, burned it, seized its provisions, made quantities of dried beef at stock farms near there, and then returned, without any one having dared to fire a shot, although there was a captain there with two hundred soldiers. Then he made a pact with the natives of the country, by which they were to render him homage.

Three or four days before the arrival of the enemy, the news reached the ears of Captain Don Diego de Quinones, who was there with about seventy soldiers. He resolved to die there or to prevent the enemy from following out his designs. As hastily as possible, he threw up a redoubt, or small fort of fascines, stakes, and gabions, which he filled in with earth. Then having assigned his men to their positions, he awaited the enemy's arrival. The Dutch arrived with their ten galleons and went to anchor within musket-shot of the small fort, which they began to bombard with their artillery, and with musketry to pick off those who showed themselves. But seeing that they were defending themselves, and that so great a multitude of balls could not dislodge them, they threw seven companies of infantry ashore, and assaulted the fort twice with the batteries which were free; but the infantry, getting the worst of it, had to retire. Don Diego, although shot through the thigh by a musket-ball, was encouraged; and had sent Captain Lazaro de Torres outside with forty soldiers to make an ambush. He pressed so heavily against the enemy that they had to embark hurriedly, leaving on the field and taking away many dead and badly wounded, while we suffered in dead and wounded twenty or a few more. Thereupon the enemy weighed anchor and left the port in great ignominy and sorrow. That feat of arms was of great importance as can be understood from the condition of the country and of the natives of that island and others near by. I cannot keep silent on one thing that happened through the fault of him who was governing, since my intention is to make your Majesty understand the state of that kingdom. The building of a fort in that port of Yloylo, and the sending there of six pieces of artillery and one engineer to Don Diego, had been discussed in Manila. But there was the utmost remissness and neglect in sending those pieces, for it was considered certain that if the enemy came he would manage to make himself master of the port. And although they could have been sent him one month before, they reached him one week after the opportunity was gone—when, if Don Diego had had them, he would have sunk half the enemy's fleet. Such injury is done by the remissness and neglect of him who governs.

The enemy thought that they would make little from Don Diego, and consequently left that place, and went to anchor in the mouth of the bay of Manila. They reached an island which is situated in the middle of the entrance, called Marivelez, where a sentinel is always posted to give notice of the ships that come to the city. He made signals, and hence, as we had advices, their arrival was known. They anchored their vessels at both entrances, so that no ship could enter or leave without being seen. They captured a few provision-boats, and on some days they entered the bay with two or three ships to reconnoiter the port of Cabite, with the desire of having an extended view, and then returned. They had some communication with the Japanese, who, as arrogant and barbarous people, despised our fleet. Those people informed the Dutch that they had nothing to fear, for we were unable to prepare our fleet because of the lack of many things, so that they could be quite easy. Consequently they proceeded as would those who feared nothing.

Licentiate Andres de Alcaraz was then senior auditor, and was exercising the duties of captain-general. At several councils of war, it was discussed whether it would be proper to prepare the fleet that was in port, in order to drive the enemy away. Most were of the opinion that the fleet should go out, founding their opinion on the ignominy and taunts that the enemy flung upon the Spaniards, the reputation that we would lose among so many nations who were watching us, the need of provisions that the enemy were making them endure, and the design of the latter to await the ships from China in order to enrich themselves from the merchandise that the Chinese were bringing to Manila. Those vessels were to come by April, and, besides the general danger of depriving the community of the necessities brought to it by the Chinese, many of the inhabitants were interested in the said ships. Although this last could be obviated by sending advices to China, the captain-general refused to do it, although he should have done so, because of the harm that might ensue to your Majesty's service, the common welfare, and the great harm that would result to the enemies. [42] For opportunity was given to the enemy to enrich themselves exceedingly with the spoils [of the Chinese], at the expense of the community; then, too, the Chinese were losing so much there by favor of their friends, since they would be ruined. The cause of that error was that, in that former year when the other Dutchman came with five vessels thinking to stay there until he pillaged the Chinese (for he bore instructions to that effect), advice was given the Chinese so that they should not come. They obeyed the advice and did not come, and as the enemy went away, the inhabitants conceived that they had signally erred, ruined the city, and deprived the royal treasury of the great sum that the duties on the merchandise brought by the Chinese would be worth. For that reason Alcaraz neglected to do that, although it was so desirable, whence so great injuries have resulted. When he who is governing heeds the murmurs that may be raised against him, and consequently neglects to take the measures that are advisable and to which he is obliged, such troubles generally follow.

Returning to the case [under consideration], almost all the city urged the preparation of the fleet, and it even came to such a pass that injunctions and protests were served on him by means of the entire ecclesiastical estate. Innumerable difficulties were represented to Licentiate Alcaraz: one that there were many repairs to make in the fleet, which had come in quite bad shape; that it even lacked considerable of its sails and rigging, and what was left was rotten; that, as no ship had come from Nueva Espana that year, the royal treasury was considerably in debt, and had no money with which to prepare the fleet; that for the same reason the citizens could not possibly loan what was needed; that most of the artillery was under suspicion, and it was necessary to recast it; and, above all, that if it did not succeed well the entire kingdom was about to be endangered.

While affairs were in that perplexity and confusion, the vessels that had gone out laden with the goods of the kingdom returned to port; for, as they had sailed late, they could not make the voyage. That is a matter that is never remedied, although by its neglect the people are so heavily punished. They had some artillery, more than one hundred and fifty sailors, and many passengers. That was very important, and it was a fine piece of luck that the enemy did not know it, for it would have been easy to capture them; for one of those vessels had discharged its cargo about twenty leguas from the enemy and transfered its goods overland to the city. The other went to a port at a distance from there, at an island called Cibuian.

At this same time, the Mindanaos who had remained with the other squadron of caracoas came to the coast of Manila, to a village called Balayan. The Mindanaos landed, and the inhabitants fled. They set fire to the village and to more than one thousand quintals of your Majesty's rigging, through the fault and neglect of him who was governing. For although the master-of camp, Don Juan Ronquillo, had advised them—on account of the news that had come that the Mindanaos had burned the shipyard, and were pillaging—that fifty soldiers be sent to Balayan for its defense, and because the alcalde-mayor had sent to request it, they did not do so, but postponed it from day to day; and consequently the enemy was able to destroy that place. But as the inhabitants were warned, as soon as they saw the Mindanaos coming, they had a chance to get into the place of safety that was being prepared for them. Our Lord ordained that, although they set fire to the rigging, little of it was burned; for God kept it for the preparation of the fleet, without which that would have been impossible.

At the news of the coming of the Mindanaos, two galleys were sent under one commander, in order to prevent the junction of the Moros with the Dutch, and to try to scatter them. Although the Mindanaos had thirty-five caracoas, that would have been done without any danger, as caracoas are vessels which can be sunk with only the oar of a galley. He went out to look for the Mindanaos; and as he left by night, because of the proximity of the Dutch, he was not perceived, and found the Mindanaos in the best position that could be desired. The Mindanaos were intent on, and desirous of, gaining honor, for they were stationed with all their fleet within a river called Baco in the island of Mindoro. The galleys having been stationed at the mouth of the river, it was impossible for even a single caracoa to escape. Consequently when the enemy learned that the galleys were there, they were disturbed, and let go their prize, and begged the captives to intercede for them. They were determined, on seeing the galleys, to desert their caracoas, and to go inland into the forests, where not one would have escaped. But the courage to undertake the most glorious enterprise (and one of importance for all the kingdom) that could be offered was lacking; and, turning about, the galleys went to another island, under pretense that there was a heavy wind, and that they did not dare enter until it ceased, in order not to run the risk of losing a galley. However that withdrawal was not without profit, for they met one of the ships that had sailed for Nueva Espana from Manila, which was coming back to port; and had the latter not been warned it would have fallen into the hands of the Dutch, being ignorant that they were at the mouth of the bay. Thereupon, although the wind ceased at midnight, the galleys did not return until the afternoon of next day, and were told that, just as soon as the enemy heard that they were gone, they had very joyfully taken flight toward their country, and with so great fear, that they did not even wait for one another.

One would believe that our Lord was doing everything necessary for the preparation of the fleet in order to encourage them; for at the same time came news that the two ships despatched that year from Nueva Espana with the goods of the city and the reenforcements sent by the viceroy both in money and in men for Maluco, had been forced to put in at Japon in July because of the vendavals; and that the almiranta had been wrecked, although the goods and men had been saved. Having awaited favorable weather there, the commander (one Don Francisco de Serna) had come, and had arrived on the coast of Pangasinan, twenty leguas from where the Dutch were stationed. Being warned of the Dutch, the commander put into a port there, and with the help of the alcalde-mayor of that province they discharged the ship, removed the artillery, and fortified themselves with two hundred soldiers of the vessel, so that they could defend themselves if the Dutch heard of them. As quickly as possible they carried the silver and everything else to the city. The enemy were advised of it, but at a time when everything was safe except the ship, which our men had to set afire, so that the enemy could not take it.

God was encouraging them in this way, and ordaining what was to be done; they appointed Master-of-camp Don Juan Ronquillo as commander, and he went immediately to the port to make effective the equipment of six galleons, for the others could not be made ready. Trustworthy persons were despatched in order that they might send what was necessary from the islands. In another direction, tests of the artillery were begun, and what burst was recast; and it all proved satisfactory, so that no piece turned out badly. All were encouraged—he who had means, to give what was needed, and all to go out to fight the enemy. The enemy, seeing that the season for the coming of the Chinese merchants had arrived, left the mouth of the bay, and went twenty leguas away to a port called Playa Honda, where all the Chinese ships come to make land, and where the other Dutchman who surrendered to Juan de Silva was pillaging in the year 1610. Thereupon, since the entrance of the bay was unoccupied, they sent for the almiranta, which had put in and had been unladed. It was brought to port, laden with the food that had been collected there for the purpose of being brought by the said ship if the enemy gave any opportunity for it, as they did. Everything resulted as we desired. The ship carried thirty pieces of artillery, with which they managed to equip it, for it did not have to be repaired. Seven galleons were made ready for sailing, and even the one that carried the least artillery numbered thirty large bronze pieces. Then captains and commanders were appointed for the galleons, and each of the commanders was given the duty of directing and conveying the soldiers and inhabitants who were inclined to go with him; whereat each one labored to caress and attract not only his friends, but others also. The commanders were as follows: of the galleon "San Juan Bautista," Admiral Pedro de Heredia; of the galleon "San Miguel," Admiral Rodrigo de Vilastigui; of "San Felipe," Captain Sebastian de Madrid; of "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe," Captain Juan Bautista de Molina; of "San Lorenco," Captain Azevedo; and command of the galleon "San Marcos"—which was called the almiranta, as it had been with Don Juan de Silva in the expedition which he made to Malaca—was given to Don Juan de la Vega, son of Doctor Vega, auditor of the royal Audiencia. There were many disputes over his appointment as admiral, for many of the commanders to whom it was due claimed it, especially Don Diego Quinones, who had been brought from Oton for that purpose, although he had not recovered from his musket-wound; also Hernando Munoz de Aramburo (who had come as admiral of the caravels), and Francisco de la Serna—who had gone as commander of the ships, and at the restoration of the country was a very great soldier, who, with twenty gentlemen, served in that expedition at his own cost. Also for certain reasons, which I can not well recount, those captains were at odds, a mistake that caused much regret later, when there was no remedy. It is certain that no one would have escaped who would carry news of the enemy. Yet, so that it might not appear that they were shunning the opportunity, they offered their persons. Aramburu went as associate of the commander, being skilful in war. Don Diego was given a galley and the title of quatralvo. [43] Don Alonso Enriquez took another galley, with the title of commander [general]; Don Pedro de Almazan, another. The galleon "Salvador" was flagship, the best and largest galleon ever seen in the sea. It carried fifty large pieces of artillery, many of them of twenty-five and thirty libras' caliber, but most of them of eighteen. The fleet left port on the eighth of April, in pursuit of the enemy. That afternoon, which was Saturday, it anchored at the mouth of the bay in order to ascertain the location of the enemy. They had heard already that the enemy had plundered many Chinese and had filled their ships with great riches. It was ascertained from a spy, who was the one who sent advices of what the enemy was doing, that two ships were six leguas from there, and the rest at Playa Honda. That report was false, and was the reason why the most fortunate victory that could be desired was not obtained without bloodshed, and without any one escaping, as will be seen in this relation. On receiving this news the commander began to trim his sails, in order to reach the two ships by dawn. But finding nothing, he passed on to Playa Honda, where he arrived late, more than two hours after the sun had risen. Had the spy not deceived them, they would have reached the four of the enemy's ships at dawn, and the commander with most of his men could have slept on shore, entertaining guests with the booty that had fallen into his hands. But when they sighted our fleet, they were able to get aboard their vessels and to join the other two, which were coming with two more very rich Chinese prize ships. They spread their sails and went away together, and the fleets did no more that day than to watch one another, but our fleet always kept very close to, and did not lose sight of, the enemy. Next morning, Friday, our fleet came up scattered, either because of their inability to follow the flagship, or through the fault of the pilots. What is the most certain thing is that faults are not investigated in the islands, nor are they punished. Because there was no almiranta to collect the vessels, the flagship, the "San Miguel," and the "San Juan Bautista" were very near the enemy, while the others were more than three leguas to leeward. The enemy tried to improve the opportunity, and determined to grapple our flagship with all their fleet, which they had carefully collected—thinking that if it surrendered the war would be ended; for they thought that ship alone carried force, and that the others could only be carrying the pretense of it. The enemy worked to get to windward of our fleet, and our flagship, which was an excellent sailer, did the same; but on tacking, the latter threw a rope to the galley of Don Alonso Enriquez and towed it a short distance. That allowed the enemy time to get to windward, and they came down upon our fleet to attack it in the following order: their flagship came first and then the other vessels, the bow of one right against the stern of the other. Although they could have raked the "San Juan Bautista," which was astern of the flagship, or have borne down upon the "San Miguel," which lay to leeward, they cared only to defeat the flagship. Since our ships could not get to windward, they passed it very closely, each ship raking it. But our flagship was not asleep, and kept replying in such a way that, although the enemy's vessels came so close together, so great haste was made that it gave each ship a full broadside volley from that side, namely with twenty-five pieces. With that they were so crippled that they did not dare return the fire, and so gained nothing. That night the enemy held a council of war, as some prisoners reported. All advised flight, as they had been surprised by our flagship. But their commander assured them that there was nothing to fear, and that the flagship had all the force, and he dared to defeat it. Don Juan Ronquillo collected his fleet that night and sent an order by the galley of Don Diego de Quinones for each vessel to grapple with the one that fell to its lot, and for the "San Lorenco" to act as a reserve in order to help the most needy. Next morning, Saturday, April 15, our fleet bore down upon the enemy and succeeded in getting to windward of it. Don Diego de Quinones went with his galley to tell the commander that he was waiting to attack the enemy. The commander gave the same order, and also to leave the enemy's flagship for him. Invoking our Lady of the most pure Conception, whom they had taken as patroness of that undertaking on their departure, they attacked the enemy. The Dutch were confident, when they were aware of the dash of the Spaniards, that our men would board their ships when they grappled. Accordingly they prepared for it by so many stratagems that all who boarded would be killed; but Don Juan Ronquillo, taking precautions against that, issued an order for no one to board until the galleon with which he was fighting had surrendered. That order was obeyed; and our flagship grappled its adversary, and although almost all the latter's crew were killed it refused to surrender. Finally it was reduced to such a condition that it began to roll violently, a sign that it was sinking, whereupon our flagship drew apart from it, and it went to the bottom. The commander and several who were left alive got into their small boat and escaped. It was said that the ship contained great wealth that had been pillaged along the coast of India, and the best that they had pillaged from the Chinese. That galleon was called "Sol Nuevo de Olanda" [i.e., "New Sun of Holland"], and it set very wretchedly for them that day. Captain Juan Bautista de Molina was the first to grapple another galleon, and the galley of Don Diego went to his aid. It had already surrendered, and the Dutch had been made prisoners, when another galleon, all on fire, bore down upon two galleons with which Rodrigo de Guillastegui had fought. It set fire to one of them, and it bore down ablaze upon the one defeated by Captain Molina, so that he was forced to ungrapple. Those two burning vessels bore down upon that of the Dutch admiral, with whom Pedro de Heredia had grappled, and whom he had already defeated and most of whose crew he had killed. When he saw the two burning galleons bearing down upon them, they threw off the grapples and separated. Consequently the admiral had opportunity to escape, but in so bad a condition that his vessel sank next day, according to the report of some Indians and Chinese who saw it. Captain Sebastian de Madrid, on going to grapple with another galleon, was killed by a musket-ball; and when his vessel was about to grapple, Don Juan de la Vega, with the galleon "San Marcos," came between. Those aboard the "San Felipe" thought that he would grapple, but he made for the open sea, whereupon they on seeing it went after him. Captain Azevedo grappled the other galleon, and after fighting gallantly, the grapples were thrown off, whereupon both Dutch galleons took the opportunity to escape. That battle was the most bloody ever seen, for all had come with the determination to die rather than surrender, and they did so. "San Felipe," "San Juan Bautista," and "San Marcos" went in pursuit of the three galleons of the enemy; but since flight has so many advantages to the one escaping, the enemy threw overboard all their cargo into that sea, and, their sails being wet, the sea became narrow for them, notwithstanding it was so wide; and when dark night came, they changed their route and our ships lost sight of them. Thereupon the "San Juan Bautista," the "San Felipe," and the "San Marcos" changed their course, and returned two days later for the evil result that disturbed that victory.

The commander determined to return to Manila, for their drinking-water was gone, and the galleon "San Miguel" was leaking badly, and they were unable to overcome the leak at the pumps, while the galleon of Pedro de Heredia arrived at the mouth of the bay in very bad condition. Next day two other galleons belonging to the enemy, which had not been present during the battle, reached the place where it had been fought. They had a Japanese prize-ship, laden with flour. Ignorant of the past event, they spied the "San Marcos" coming. One of them went to reconnoiter the latter, and upon seeing that it was our vessel went to advise its companion. Both bore down upon our vessel, whereupon it turned its course to the shore. For reasons known to its commander—and I think because he was mainly influenced by cowardly advisers—the ship was run aground and burned, so near the enemy that the latter flung at them innumerable insults. The largest galleon of the fleet, next to the flagship, was lost. It had thirty-six large pieces of artillery, most of which have been taken out of it. The commander was arrested, as well as his associates Captains Pedro de Ermura and Salvador de Onate. The most notable thing is that that galleon was lost on the very day of St. Mark, by whose intercession Don Juan de Silva had obtained the last victory.

Don Juan Ronquillo heard of the disaster of Don Juan de la Vega, and set out in pursuit of the enemy. He was unable, however, to overtake them, for a Dutch lad aboard the "San Marcos" escaped by swimming and went to the enemy, to whom he related what was happening. Thereupon the Dutch returned to Japon, laden with spoils.

Some have doubted whether the enemy had ten galleons, since only six fought, besides the two above mentioned, [and ask] what became of them. I answer that doubt by saying that one fled on the day of battle, and refused to fight, for which reason its captain was hanged at Maluco. The Dutch commander sent the other vessel back with the wounded and some sick men, as soon as the engagement with Don Diego de Quinones had happened, chiefly because that galleon was leaking badly.

Captain Molina carried a carved image of our Lady in the galleon "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe." It was kept in a little wooden tabernacle. An eighteen-libra ball entered one of the ports, struck the tabernacle of the image, and knocked it into a thousand splinters. I saw the latter and the ball with my own eyes. But the image remained on its base, and not a hair of it was touched, which was obviously a miracle.

Pedro de Heredia was carrying another picture of our Lady, painted on a board beside a crucifix, on the galleon "San Bautista." Another ball of twelve libras entered and struck it on the breast, without doing it other harm than that the gold with which the drapery had been made stuck to the ball, which fell there at her feet, while the board was unbroken. I certify to that, for I saw it.

An artilleryman went below decks to apply fire to a piece with which he had fired several shots. He applied the fire to it three times, although on similar occasions it was wont to catch without that, but it would not go off. The artilleryman was surprised and approaching to ascertain what was the matter found the piece open. Had it taken fire, it would have caused a very great disaster, and perhaps have burned the ship. Whence one could clearly see that the Virgin, our Lady, was not slothful on that occasion. Neither was the city of Manila slothful, for they carried our Lady of Guidance, which is outside the walls, in solemn procession to the cathedral, whose advocacy is of the immaculate conception; and all the people confessed and took communion. Having exposed the most holy sacrament, all accompanied it during all those days, making many prayers to God and to His blessed mother, which were also answered. May He be blessed forever. Amen.



Part Second, Which Treats of the Importance of the Filipinas and of the Means for Preserving Them



Chapter I. Of the importance to your Majesty of preserving that country.

For many reasons, which those who do not possess thorough information in regard to the Filipinas ignore, but which show how important to your Majesty is the preservation and increase of those islands, I shall insert them here as clearly as possible.

The first is the increase and extension of the holy gospel and the glory and honor of God, which is so incumbent upon your Majesty—in the first place, because your Majesty has inherited from your blessed father and glorious ancestors this pious and holy zeal for spreading and extending the holy Catholic faith, by reason of which your Majesty enjoys the wealth of the Indias; in the second place, because it is so suitable to the greatness of your Majesty's sovereignty and your reputation. For to leave this work when begun would be a great scandal before the world, and the occasion of much complaint to all its nations—and especially to the heretics, who would say that your Majesty was influenced not by the glory of God, nor the preservation of the Indias, but by private interest, since where you had not that you allowed Christianity to perish.

The second concerns the peace of your royal conscience, if you should not preserve those islands while possible.

The third is for causes of state; for it would amount to giving your enemies arms and forces against your Majesty, and encourage others to the same enmity who are envious of your Majesty's greatness. It may well be inferred that since the enemy are attempting this with so great expense and labors, they have understood its importance to themselves. The possibility of this can be easily understood, for they could not persevere so long with their own forces only, if they were not privily incited by the secret enemies of your Majesty, and those who are envious and fearful of your greatness—who clearly recognize that, if they could possess that archipelago without opposition, it would be worth more to them than eight millions clear (as I will demonstrate to whomsoever may be curious or may desire to know it), through the profit which they can make in spices, drugs, and the trade with Great China, Japon, and the neighboring countries.

The fourth is, because straightway the whole of Portuguese India would be infallibly lost; and, if it is not lost, it is because we so harass the enemy from Filipinas that they need all their forces in order not to lose what they hold.

The fifth is the knowledge (as is evident) of the immense wealth which lies in the Filipinas, as I shall explain further in this treatise, and which hitherto has been unrecognized.

The sixth would be the loss of the most convenient and important post which your Majesty holds in all his kingdoms, not only for the extension of the holy gospel in so many kingdoms of idol-worshipers who are capable of receiving it, but, as these are in the neighborhood of the Filipinas, the hope, consequently, of enjoying the immense wealth which they possess through their trade and commerce—not to mention the risk which is incurred by the Western Indias through the South Sea.



Chapter II. Wherein those are answered who believe that the Filipinas should be abandoned, or traded to the crown of Portugal for Brazil.

The lack of knowledge regarding the Filipinas and the gains which may be obtained with them has been the cause for many of the servants of your Majesty, and other prominent persons, having a poor opinion of them. Accordingly it has seemed to such persons more expedient to be rid of those islands, and to others that they should be exchanged with the crown of Portugal for Brazil. All the reasons which they give for this may be reduced to five: The first is that there is a drain upon your Majesty's royal patrimony for their maintenance, and you derive no profit. The second is to avoid the flow, through that method of maintaining them, of silver from Nueva Espana to Great China, by cutting off commerce with the latter country. The third is on account of the troops that are there consumed. The fourth is that since your Majesty is in such straits it is expedient to attend first to the relief most necessary, which is that of affairs here; and since you cannot attend to all, it is compulsory to abandon that country. Finally, your Majesty's dominions are widely separated, and cannot be preserved except by withdrawing from those which are least necessary, for power united is the stronger. Or it is argued that, even though it be expedient to maintain the Filipinas, the commerce should be changed from Nueva Espana to these kingdoms, and ships should be sent from the city of Sevilla to the Filipinas, as is done from Portugal to eastern India; and that for this trade the ships should be laden with merchandise from this country [i.e., Espana], and in exchange for that should bring back the wealth of Great China and those regions.

In answer to the first, your Majesty expends much in the preservation of that country, it is true; but the objectors do not consider that those expenditures which are made are not for the purpose of preserving the Filipinas—at least since Don Pedro de Acuna, your governor, won the islands of Maluco, where cloves are obtained; for since that time the expense has been to maintain the war against the Dutch, who have been fortifying and making themselves masters there, and because we did not understand here, in the beginning and later, how important it would be to spend what was necessary to drive them out once for all, and to secure those regions. This has been the cause of spending so much in reenforcements, which have not served, and do not serve, more than to keep the forts which your Majesty holds in the islands of Terrenate and Tidore, and the friendship of the king of Tidore; and this is the cause of the expenses which your Majesty makes in the Filipinas, while the Dutch are taking away almost all the profits—although it is true that, if your Majesty had had ministers there zealous in your service, you might have obtained profit enough to maintain those forts without drawing upon your royal exchequer. The same thing could be done at any time when you wish, but the means for this are not at hand, and accordingly I defer them. If your Majesty should wish to know them, I will inform you of them. From this it may be concluded that the Filipinas are not the cause of these expenditures; and those which were made there before that time (as will be explained later, by themselves) exceeded the support with which your Majesty maintained the islands. This was done by the kings, your Majesty's father and grandfather, for two reasons: in the first place, by their aiming at the glory of God and the spread of His holy gospel, since they enjoyed the title of patrons of the church, upon whom it would seem this obligation rests; in the second place, on account of the favorable situation of that post for obtaining from it more wealth than from all the rest of the Indias—and if this has not hitherto been enjoyed the blame is not upon the country, but, for reasons which cannot be here set down, upon those who have governed it.

To the second reason—that, as they say, much silver passes to the Filipinas and does not come to Espana—it may be answered that the fact is that, to obviate this difficulty, your Majesty has ordered that the citizens of the Filipinas Islands, in order to support themselves, be permitted, in return for the merchandise which they send to Nueva Espana, to have sent back to them 500U [i.e., 500,000] pesos of eight reals; and in the course of this, it is said, a much greater quantity passes. As it is an easy thing to increase the zeros in an account, in this manner they have increased it more than double and triple, basing their figures on what was written to this court by an auditor of the Filipinas, who was alleging services so that favors might be granted to him. He said that when he was going from Nueva Espana as commander, and the capitana in which he sailed was wrecked, he had placed the commercial silver in a place of safety, and there were three millions of it. The truth is that he exaggerated this to enhance the value of his service, increasing the sum by more than half; for from us, who were there, this matter could not be concealed, and there has never passed so much silver as in that year. If this service was placed at such figures, it deserved a heavy punishment, and not the reward which he seeks. Since that time it is true that as much more passes, to Filipinas, by the permission which your Majesty gives. The causes of this excess are two. In the first place, the necessity of the citizens, who are unable to support themselves with so small a quantity, or to gain profit in trade; since, if there are no more than five hundred [thousand pesos] they need all which is sent them for their living alone. Accordingly, even at a great cost to themselves, they seek means to get profits from their property. The limitation of this permission entails a difficulty which I have mentioned; for in the first place measures must be taken to enrich them, since it is of so great importance to kings that their subjects should be rich, while the poverty of the latter causes such diminution of their power. If this reason holds in all the kingdoms of your Majesty, it does so much more in that one which is so distant, where, when necessary, they lend to the royal treasury on occasions of need—as they did last year to Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenca, your governor, whom they lent 200U ducados to lead an army against the Dutch, and likewise their slaves to man four galleys. They have done this same thing on other occasions, and expose their persons in war and lose their lives, as many of the best men of that city have done—their misfortune lying in this, that they were so far distant from the royal eyes of your Majesty, wherefore their services are not conspicuous.

In the second place, there is the greediness of the merchants from Mexico, to whom the greater part of this silver which passes to the Filipinas belongs; if this could be remedied, the difficulty of so much outflow of silver as is reported would be obviated. But the remedy is not to send thither judges and guards who are not to allow it to pass; for on the contrary, as our experience shows, they go to enrich themselves by the salaries which your Majesty gives them, and the profit which they there make. For in all countries ill-gained wealth is thus christened. The silver which goes there is of no less value to the royal exchequer than that which comes here, since the investment of it pays no fewer duties, but more; and at least it comes finally into the hands of our friends, and is not like that which comes to Espana—which for the most part is enjoyed by the enemies of your Majesty; and the fleets go more heavily laden with the enemy's property than with that of your vassals.

The merchants of Sevilla complain that the trade with China has been destroyed by the Indias, but they do not understand the cause of its ruin. The Marquis de Montesclaros, who governed Nueva Espana and Piru, and understood this matter very well (as he did many things), wrote your Majesty a letter from the Indias, which is in your royal Council, where he says with clear and evident arguments: "But what strikes me is, that as the commonest and most universal means of working the mines is quicksilver, this loss is caused by giving that metal at so high a price to the miners. For in the first place, as most of them are poor, they cannot buy it, and therefore a great deal of metal is left unworked; and in the second place, because those who are able to buy it cannot work poor mines (for they would be ruined thereby), and as the greater part of those in the Indias are of this kind, double the amount of silver [obtained] is left unmined. If your Majesty would order the quicksilver to be given at cost and expenses, it would be of incomparably more profit than today; and the Indias would be in a better condition, more merchandise would be bought, the duties would increase, and the merchants would not feel the want of the silver which goes to the Filipinas—as they did not feel it in times past, although there came much more merchandise from there than at present. I would that there were so great an abundance of quicksilver in the Indias, and so cheap, that it could be bought, not only by the miners, but by other Spaniards and Indians, who would then have so much silver that their complaints would cease."

If the trade were transferred to Espana, those who say that the merchandise from this country would be carried to Filipinas, to be exchanged for the goods of that country, are not aware that in those regions there is no one to use Spanish goods except the Spaniards, who with four pipas of wine, and other wares of little importance, would be quite sufficiently supplied; and that, if this were so, the Portuguese and Dutch would take the merchandise away, for nothing escapes their notice. Both of these take silver, and whatever else they take is of small importance; so that it would soon be necessary, in order to maintain the trade, to carry silver from Espana and risk it again. It is less trouble to carry it from the Indias, beside the incomparably greater risk from the sea and from enemies [by the other route]; and Nueva Espana would be ruined.

To the third reason, in which they say that many troops are used up, I would say that it is true that there go each year sometimes two hundred men, and other years less, and again none at all; and of these more die from their excesses than from the war, and they do not count those who return and go through India and other regions. If those islands were to be abandoned on account of this difficulty, the same reason holds in Flandes and Italia, which use up more men in one campaign than do the Filipinas in twenty years.

To the fourth, that because your Majesty is so hard pressed he needs must attend to matters here, etc., we could say that it is in no wise expedient that your Majesty should abandon that country, on account of the dependence of all the Indias upon it; because if the Dutch possessed themselves of that archipelago (which they are attempting to do), they would draw from it resources sufficient to destroy the Indias—not only by the power which they have, but also through the opportunity of keeping an open port in those regions where your Majesty could not defend himself without spending much more than the profits of the Indias. For that reason it is necessary to preserve that country, as well as all the rest; for your Majesty is under expense for the same reason in preserving Habana, Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo, Jamayca, Florida, and the whole continent, without securing profit, merely on account of the damage which enemies could inflict upon the Indias. Not alone for this reason are the Filipinas important to your Majesty, but for another of no less consequence, and which these countries do not have, namely, the great profits which can be drawn from them.

To the fifth I say that although this maxim, that united forces are stronger, is usually true, yet there are occasions when this union consists not alone in compressing them, but in conserving the parts of which the whole is composed, although these are distant from one another, as are those which your Majesty possesses in his monarchy. At first, when the Filipinas were discovered, this might have been done without any harm while that country was new and strange, unknown to the nations of Europe, uncultivated and in disorder. No one desired it until Filipo Second of blessed memory brought it to notice; and at that time, even if it had been abandoned, there was no one who coveted it; but now that the great wealth contained in it is well known, all are desirous of it, and are trying to take it from your Majesty, so that they may thereby carry on their war. This was well considered by the exceedingly prudent grandfather of your Majesty; for he considered not only the service which he was doing to our Lord God, by spreading His Catholic faith and bringing so many souls to recognize Him, but likewise that, at the rate at which it was growing, it would increase for his posterity with greater magnificence. He told those who were persuading him to abandon it that, if the silver of the Indias was not enough, he would send what was needed from Espana. For if your Majesty possesses the Indias with so honorable a warrant as that of the Catholic church for the purpose of converting souls, and there has been and is being taken so much wealth from the Indias, where your reputation and royal conscience are to such an extent engaged, what reason can be so pressing that you should not attempt with great care and energy the preservation of that country, where the obligation of your Majesty is so pressing? And what excuse would your Majesty have before the Divine Majesty for not aiding it in time, if for this reason so many millions of souls should retrograde from the faith? Then, too, consider the great multitude who, it is hoped, will come to the knowledge of the true God, in whose hand, as David says: Domini est terra, et plenitudo eius, orbis terrarum, et omnes qui habitant in eo. [44] Who but He gives kingdoms and monarchies? for how could He be under greater obligation—if there is any way in which to oblige Him from whom nothing is due—than to procure His own greater honor and glory in the salvation of souls, which cost him so much? For these services are paid for, both here and in heaven, bountifully, and the holy Scriptures are full of examples to this effect. How many blessings did He shower upon Obededon for preserving the ark of the testament, and what favors has the most fortunate house of Austria [45] received from His hand, which was presaged in that manna which was once sent! God is very generous, and knows well how to further the affairs of him who charges himself with His; but as for those who, on the contrary, put temporal good before His service, what success can they hope in this? I might well cite many examples which I do not, that I may not pass the bounds of my memoir.

Although some give as an example the king of Great China, who abandoned many kingdoms of which he was the lord in order to preserve his own, this is not suited to your Majesty's position; for Great China is very extensive and holds as many people as eight Espanas, and its king has one hundred and fifty millions of revenue, or even more, and is made thoroughly secure by nature and art. What he abandoned, moreover, was not taken from him, nor was there any risk of putting himself in a position to make enemies—although where these reasons are present, those who advised this are right.



Chapter III. How the city of Manila at present bears the burden of all this structure.

I have already explained how the city of Manila is like the center of a circle, whose circumference includes all the kingdoms mentioned. It remains to explain how it maintains this structure and bears the whole burden of it.

In the first place, it maintains the war of Maluco and feeds it with troops, supplies, and munitions continually, a thing which Portuguese India could not do. I argue the matter thus, that I may not seem to be actuated only by affection for my own country, instead of making a just estimate. It must be considered that people cannot go to Maluco from India more than once a year, on account of the weather; this is well known to all those who sail on those seas. From Manila the voyage can be made almost the whole year; whence it follows that Maluco could not be reenforced so conveniently [if the Filipinas were abandoned], especially in cases of great need.

Item: They cannot so well send news [to India as to Manila], or receive advices, of the difficulties in which they find themselves, in order to seek aid; for they are very far away and there is no favorable weather except during a certain monsoon of the year in order to go to India, and still less to come from there.

Item: On account of the lack of available funds in India, for it is well known that that country is quite exhausted; and news is coming continually to Manila from, Maluco, for information comes and aid is sent in a fortnight or less. Likewise on account of the abundance [in Filipinas] of provisions and other necessary things with which your Majesty provides them.

Item: Because, beside the garrisons of troops which your Majesty has in Maluco, you have ships of war which molest the enemies. It is necessary, for the profit that they obtain, that they should not buy [46] cheaply, since they have to maintain, for the safety of the trade, a number of fortresses and armed ships on account of the Spaniards of the Filipinas; but, if the latter were not there, there would be no enemy to cause them anxiety, nor occasion for expense.

Item: Because the trade from Manila with Great China prevents the Chinese from trading freely with the Dutch; but if they could do so, it would induce the former to drain from their country great quantities of merchandise, in order to satisfy their greed.

Item: The check and apprehension which is imposed on the enemy lest they extend their navigation farther, for fear of encountering our people; accordingly they do not sail on those seas excepting with great caution.

Item: In the city of Manila is a concourse and traffic between many nations, by whom it is supported—which proves how important it is to maintain it for the greatness and reputation of your Majesty, with all those nations and with all the world. For they see with how few vassals you subject and make so many nations tremble, with the aid of God, who protects them surrounded by so many enemies as you have, even within the gates; and yet they live in as much security, but not heedlessness, as if there were no enemy.



Chapter IV. Explains the error which is generally prevalent that the money for the reenforcements which your Majesty sends to the Filipinas, and other things, is spent for their maintenance; and of the resources which they possess available (if it were not for Maluco) for their own maintenance.

Since your Majesty sent an order and command to Don Pedro de Acuna to go with a force of troops to recover Maluco, which the Portuguese had lost, all the reenforcements of money, troops, and munitions which have since been raised here are spent in maintaining the forts of Maluco; and the great quantity that Don Juan de Silva expended was in the expeditions which he made. Not only has this been spent, but Manila and all the islands are today almost ruined because of this, besides the embarrassment in which that placed your royal treasury, so that if it had to pay what is due to the Indians, excluding what it owes the citizens, that would be more than two millions. If it had not these calls upon its revenues, there would be enough to maintain it without your Majesty expending any more than the profits which he obtains from the islands, as may be seen by what follows, which is copied from the royal books of the royal accountancy with all fidelity.

Pesos

There are assigned to the royal crown tributes amounting to 36U516 and a half, of which 28U483 and a half of 8 reals are collected. The rest, amounting to 5U033 of 10 reals, which is the province of Ylocos, amounts to 39U807

There are in all the islands 130U939 tributarios in encomiendas, and those under the crown pay your Majesty two reals of income 32U734

The tenths of gold are worth 2U000

The tenths on herds of cattle 2U500

The customs duties from the Chinese at six per cent on merchandise 80U000

Licenses imposed by Don Juan de Silva on every Chinaman who remains in the country, at 8 pesos 80U000

Duties on cloth belonging to citizens, which is brought in the ships from Mexico. 2U500

Customs duties on ships that go to Mexico sent by citizens of Manila, at three per cent of the merchandise 12U000

Other items, 4U pesos 4U000

Total amount 255U541

In this way your Majesty has, from year to year, a little more or less than two hundred and fifty thousand reals of eight, and in this there are included neither the freight charges of the ships which go to Nueva Espana, amounting to more than 30U pesos, nor the twelve per cent paid there on the merchandise which is sent, because this enters into the royal treasury of Mexico. The expenses which your Majesty has in these islands are not so great that, if it were not necessary to furnish support for the war in Maluco with the Dutch, there would not be rather some surplus than a deficit; and you could well maintain four galleons and six galleys for its protection and defense.



Chapter V. That your Majesty possesses in the Filipinas enormous wealth, even with the little effort made to realize it.

What most discourages many servants of your Majesty, and even prevents others who are striving to forward your royal service from giving credence to great things, has been the incredulity which they display regarding the greatness of the Indias. This has been true since the first discoverers, as is well known. For not only are we to believe that the Holy Ghost gave them that impulse to persevere in their intention—even if that were not (which ought not to be believed) the glory of God and the saving of souls—but our Lord, who sought by this means to accomplish His work, gave them so great perseverance and fortitude in breaking through the midst of so many difficulties and so much opposition and so many hard rebuffs that, indeed, if one look upon and read the history of the Indias, it would seem that men would be unable to suffer so much. But God would encourage them, for whose cause they persevered in their projects, bringing so great increase of grandeur to the kings of Espana. Although since that time some, more desirous of wealth and honor than moved by God, have tried to imitate those discoverers, and have had ill success, they ought not all for this reason to be condemned and reproved without first examining their intentions and objects, and the real nature of the affairs which they are conducting.

I have said this briefly, for in what I wish to say I think there will be many of this sort mentioned; and, just as it is imprudent to believe all, it would be going to the other extreme to give credit to no one.

In the Filipinas Islands, in so far as I have been able to learn (and I consider it certain), your Majesty has, without going to conquer foreign kingdoms, the greatest wealth which has been found in the Indias; [47] and I base this upon these arguments, for in all those islands it is well known and established.

After the Spaniards founded the city of Manila and reduced that island to peace, they learned that in some mountainous regions which lie about forty leguas from the city, in the province of Pangasinan, there were many mines of gold, according to the information which the Indians gave them; but that they were inhabited by warlike and barbarous Indians, who never permitted those of the plains to go up there. This was known because they came down at certain times of the year to buy a quantity of cattle, and brought a great deal of gold. On this information, although it was somewhat indefinite, Guido de Labacares, who governed at that time, sent a number of soldiers to climb up the mountain. [48] These, being unprovided with necessities, and fewer in number than were needed, encountered much resistance from the natives. As the country is rough, and their food soon failed them, they went back, many of them ill. Although they brought some information, it was not sufficient to encourage the governor or to cause him again to further the enterprise. Therefore, little by little, this knowledge was fading away among the Spaniards, notwithstanding that the religious who ministered in the neighboring provinces were well informed, and certain Indians told them of it. Accordingly, considering the host of vexations, injuries, and losses, and the diminution of numbers that are suffered by the Indians in all the Western Indias on account of the labor in the mines, the Order of St. Dominic especially, who administer the province of Pangasinan, have tried with all their might to cover up this information, on account of this fear which possesses them.

Many years ago I learned something of this, but I sided with the others who gave little credit to it, owing to the little knowledge that we had. But as time is a great discloser of secrets, while I was discussing with some religious the difficulties of the future which the kings of Espana, the successors of your Majesty, must meet in maintaining this country if there were in the country itself no wealth or sources of profit which would oblige them to do so, I succeeded in securing a great deal of information concerning the wealth which is there. Particularly, he who is now archbishop [49] told me that a religious of St. Dominic—the vicar of a village named Vinalatonga, who was named Fray Jasinto Palao, and who at that time had come from Luzon to this kingdom [i.e., Espana]—had shown him some rocks which an Indian had brought him from a mine, and which appeared extraordinarily rich, beyond anything that had been seen. But he enjoined the bishop to secrecy, because he himself had heard it in the same manner. I, who desired the preservation of that country, took occasion to make friends with that religious, in order to inform myself the better under pretence of curiosity. I asked him to tell me what he knew of those mines, whereupon that religious (who was already en route for the return to the islands) told me that what he had said was true; and further he said: "No one knows as much about those mines as I, because some Indians came down from the mountains and I entertained them. They told me that there was a great deal of gold up there, and that of what they took from the mines, half the ore was gold." And he said that when one of them, who was already somewhat versed in our tongue, saw reals of eight, he said to him: "We have much of this metal there, Father, much in the mines; but Indian wants nothing besides gold." I conferred with the bishop of Nueva Segovia (as that province falls under his jurisdiction), who was Don Fray Diego de Soria, a Dominican, and with another religious, the provincial of the same order, named Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina, in regard to this matter; and I gave them so many arguments to incline them to my plan that they were brought to my way of thinking. The most convincing argument which I used was to persuade them that the same reason did not hold there as in Nueva Espana and Piru, for ill-treating the Indians; for there are so many Chinese who are raising their hands to God to find something to work at—as many as are necessary, as was well known by them. Thereupon they told me all the information that they had for certain from various Indians—not only from the Christians, some of whom had gone up peacefully to trade, but likewise from those from above who came down to the province. The bishop certified that there was the greatest wealth in the world; and that they had brought him from one hill a little red earth, of which the whole hill is composed, which was as much as they could put upon a silver platter. They washed it, in his presence, and took out seven taes of gold, which amount to forty-four castellanos. [50] He asserted that in every part of the hill the earth was all of this richness. With all this information I went to Don Juan de Silva and told him what had happened, and how I had pacified the friars. He agreed that we should go and discover it and said that he would go in person when he finished that expedition. He was overtaken by death, as has been said, and accordingly the matter has remained in this condition. And even if there were not in these mountains the wealth of which we are told, it seems that the obligation to pacify these Indians exists, and that the holy gospel ought to be preached to them—in the first place, because your Majesty has undertaken so just and holy an enterprise; and second, because they are in the same island [with our Spaniards]. It is a shame that, being in the neighborhood of Manila, they do not enjoy the blessing that the others do. Beside this, there is the fact that these as well as their neighbors will not allow other people to trade in their territory; by the law of nations, therefore, the Spaniards have a right of action.