29. Accompanying this letter, I send a map of the island of Lucon and of the coast of the mainland of China, from which it appears that, from the coast and great river of Cagayan at the northern extremity of this island to the nearest point of China, it is but a short distance by sea, a matter of forty leagues or thereabout. By next year when we shall have seen and explored more of this land, I shall send your Majesty a fuller description of it than now.

30. I am also sending your Majesty another paper which I received from the Chinese, upon which is printed a map of the whole land of China, with an explanation which I had some Chinese interpreters make, through the aid of an Augustinian religious who is acquainted with the elements of the Chinese language. They have promised me to bring next year other maps drawn in more detail and with more precision; and, God willing, I shall send them to your Majesty.

31. By the ship "Spiritu Santo," now about to sail, I am sending to your Majesty's officials in Mexico eighty quintals of cinnamon and forty-six quintals of wax. For lack of room we have a quantity of cinnamon left over. May our Lord preserve the sacred Catholic royal person of your Majesty with an increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, according to the desire of your Majesty's faithful subjects. Manila, July 30, 1574.

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty. His loyal subject and faithful servant kisses the royal feet and hands of Your Majesty.

Guido de Lavezaris

[Addressed: "To his Majesty—from the Islands of Lucon."]

[Endorsed: "Guido de Lavezaris. July 30, 1574. Received August 15, 1575. D."]



Slavery Among the Natives

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

By one of your royal decrees, dated Madrid, May 18, 1572, your Majesty commands me to send you an account of the slaves that exist in these parts; and how, and with what justification, they are slaves. What has been ascertained about them, to the present time, in this island is as follows:

Some are slaves from their birth. Their origin is not known, because their fathers, grandfathers, and ancestors were also slaves. But although the reason for their slavery is not known, we may believe that it was for some one of the causes here named. Some are captives in wars that different villages wage against each other, for certain injuries and acts of injustice, committed either recently or in ancient times.

Some are made captives in wars waged by villages that have neither treaty or commerce with them, but go only to rob, without any cause. This is because a chief of any village, when he dies, imposes upon it a sort of mourning or grief; all his near relatives promise to eat no bread (which is rice), millet, or borona, and to wear no gold or any holiday dress, until they take some booty, or kill or capture men. They would go to do this, wherever they could, and where there were no friends or powerful towns who could easily avenge themselves. Some, especially those who pride themselves on valor, have a custom, after gathering their harvests, of going to rob, without any cause, towns with which they have no commerce or relationship; or whomsoever they meet on the sea, where—a thing that causes wonder—they exempt not even their relatives, if the latter are less powerful than they. Some are enslaved by those who rob them for a very small matter—as, for instance, a knife, a few sugar-canes, or a little rice. Some are slaves because they bore testimony, or made statements about some one, which they could not prove. Some are thus punished for committing some crime; or transgressing rules regarding some of their rites or ceremonies, or things forbidden among them, [100] or not coming quickly enough at the summons of some chief, or any other like thing; and if they do not have the wherewithal to pay, they are made slaves for it.

If any one is guilty of a grave crime—that is, has committed murder or adultery, or given poison, or any other like serious matter—although there may be no proof of it beyond the suspicion of the principal person against whom the hurt was done, they take for their slaves, or kill, not only the culprit but his sons, brothers, parents, relatives, and slaves.

If any one who is left an orphan come to the house of another, even of a kinsman (unless it be his uncle, paternal or maternal), for food only, its inmates enslave him. Likewise in time of famine and distress, during which they may have given relatives food only a few times, they have sold the latter for their slaves.

Many also become slaves on account of loans, because these loans continue to increase steadily every three or four months; and so, however little may be the sum loaned them, at the end of little more or less than two years they become slaves. And now, sacred Majesty, if it be forbidden, in those places where the Spanish live, to acquire slaves in any shape or manner—those who were made slaves and were slaves before we came here and are slaves now, and whom the natives buy and sell among each other, as merchandise or other profitable wares that they possess—without them this land cannot be preserved. This, your Majesty, is all known here of the slaves that I have been able to find out, having diligently sought and made the acquaintance of persons who know their language and customs.

Guido de Lavezaris



Documents of 1575-76



Part of a letter to the viceroy. Guido de Lavezaris; [1575?] Letter to Felipe II. Juan Pacheco Maldonado; [1575?] Encomiendas forbidden to royal officials. Francisco de Sande, and others; May 26, 1576 Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; June 2, 1576



Sources: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla.

Translations: The first document is translated by Alfonso de Salvio; the second and third, by Arthur B. Myrick; the fourth, by Jose M. Asensio.



Part of a Letter to the Viceroy by Guido de Lavecaris

I am very glad that your Excellency adjusted matters by ordering the return of the negroes and Indians who had been carried from this land; for all of us were very anxious as to the number that we were to send hereafter in the ships which should leave these regions. May our Lord prosper your Excellency's life so that it may be of service to our Lord and to his Majesty, as it has been thus far.

In this voyage our men seized two Chinese junks laden with merchandise, plundered all the goods, and brought here one of the laden junks and four Chinese. Afterward these Chinese, together with the others, who had remained in those islands where they had been seized, were sent back, so that they might return to their own country. I was exceedingly sorry that such an injury should be inflicted upon men who had neither offended us nor given us occasion to justify this action; and what grieves me most in this affair is the news which the Chinese will carry to their own country about us, and about the good deeds which were done to them, and which they saw done to others, for our credit in China.

As a result, most excellent Sir, the commerce between us and these Moros of Lucon has come to a standstill, on account of the ill-treatment that they have received at our hands. They carried back to their land all that they could, and in so doing they caused us no little injury; for we had a share in the commerce maintained with them, since the Moros brought and sold to us provisions. This suited us well, for already there was no other place where we could settle in this neighborhood except Lucon; but now I do not know what plan and arrangement can be made. May our Lord adjust matters as it pleases Him best, for certainly there is need of it.

A few days ago I went to the island of Cubu to set free some friendly Indians whom some soldiers had seized in a village which had paid tribute, and which held a deed of security. It was very difficult to get them back, for they had been sold and were already among the Indians. This cost me no little labor; but our Lord, who helps good intentions, favored me, and all the Indians were returned to their village at my expense. This success caused much joy and satisfaction among the Indians of the neighborhood.

Your Excellency should also try to send all the married men who can possibly come. For with the existence of settled communities the natives of this land will feel more secure, and the married Spaniards will devote themselves to sowing and raising the products of the land; but, if married men do not come, order and harmony will be lacking, as they have been hitherto.

The recent arrival of married men caused great joy among all the natives of these islands, for they do not feel safe with us—saying that we do not intend to remain in the land, since we do not bring our wives with us. Up to this time they have mistrusted us much; but, on seeing the arrival of women, they have become somewhat reassured. If your Excellency orders many to come, and if a community of married people is established, the natives will become totally reconciled and will serve us better.

Between this island of Panae and that of Cubu we have found a pearl-fishery, from which the natives are accustomed to obtain their pearls. This year the governor [101] sent there a Spaniard to fish for the pearls, in company with the Indians of an island called Bantayan, which lies near the fishery. Some of the pearls he brought were as large as hazel-nuts, or a little smaller, and others were much smaller. It is said that, on account of bad weather, he was not able to fish there more than two hours, and consequently he did not gather very many pearls. Many fisheries of a similar kind are to be found in these islands.

One of the things, most excellent Sir, which has caused and still causes us much injury, as it concerns both the souls and the peace of mind of these wretched natives, is our incurable greed, which is so deeply rooted in our hearts. The eyes of the understanding are so closed in that respect that only God could uproot it from our hearts. May our Lord remedy it according to His knowledge of what is necessary for His service.

I beseech your Excellency kindly to send me a cipher system, so that I may give notice of what we need for the service of God and of his Majesty. I beseech your Excellency to forgive my boldness, for certainly my desire and intention is to be fully successful in the service of his Majesty and of your Excellency.



Letter from Juan Pacheco Maldonado to Felipe II

Catholic Royal Majesty:

In the year of seventy, your Majesty's camp being in the island of Panae, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, your governor, was informed that the island of Luzon was very fertile and well populated, and afforded a good opportunity for trade. Since the island of Panae was poor, and the men there were in great extremity, he sent the master-of-camp, Martin de Goiti, with a sufficient force to examine the island of Luzon, and offer peace and friendship to its natives. The said master-of-camp, having arrived at the said island of Luzon, at the port and city of Manila, found that the natives had built a fort and mounted six pieces of heavy artillery and a number of chambered guns, and had collected a large force to defend the entrance. The said master-of-camp, seeing that the people of the said town of Manila had taken up arms, required them many times, by means of an interpreter whom he brought, to receive them in peace; because the governor sent them to win their friendship, and to see if there was any place where they might come to settle, and not to do them any harm. The natives of Manila would not admit these reasons, on the contrary they began to discharge their artillery, trying to sink the vessels that the said master-of-camp brought. The latter, seeing that they made war on him, disembarked his men, took the fort without assault and its artillery. The men fled inland, forsaking the town and fort, where the said master-of-camp awaited them four days, to see if they would make peace, to which effect he questioned them many times. When he saw that they would not accept his terms, he took their artillery and ammunition and returned with these to the island of Panae, where was the aforesaid governor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. When the latter heard the true report and relation that was brought from that land, he left, in the year following (of seventy-five) [102] the island of Panae, where he had settled, for that of Luzon, because the latter is well populated and has a considerable trade with the neighboring islands and the mainland of China. He entered the harbor with his fleet and by means of the interpreter whom he carried with him, using on many different occasions, the necessary means, he urged and notified the natives to receive him in peace, as vassals of your Majesty. He told them that by your Majesty's order the Spaniards had come to that land to protect the natives from their enemies, to instruct them in civilization, and to preach to them the gospel and the way of salvation—for such is the attitude that your Majesty is pleased should be taken toward them—but the said natives would not consider it. They put the governor off with long delays for four days, during which the latter permitted nothing to be landed from the fleet. Thus he made the natives certain of his intention. At the end of the four days, the chiefs of the said town and vicinity came to seek peace for themselves and their villages. The said governor, in your Majesty's name, received the acknowledgment and vassalage which they owed your Majesty. Peace and friendship being thus effected, the governor disembarked with all his men, and in your Majesty's royal name took possession of the whole island of Luzon. He founded and settled the city of Manila, and called the said island El nuevo reino de Castilla ["the new kingdom of Castilla"]. Having done this, he tried in every way to bring the most of the natives to actual acknowledgment. Many did not do so, nor have they been willing to; on the contrary, they induced others not to submit, saying that the Castilians, as they call the Spaniards, could not remain in that land, since they were so few; and that the people, by making war on them, could make an end of them. So it was necessary to subdue those rebels. This made trouble, because in the end they will be subjected by the said governor and the troops whom he has brought with him. The governor was diligent in reconnoitering the said island, which he found to be very rich in many gold mines, which the natives improve and work, especially in the province called Ylucos. The latter is very fertile, abounding in provisions: rice, fowls, swine, goats, buffaloes, deer, and many kinds of lake-birds, all in great abundance. In this island there are many provinces, and in each one of them there are different tongues and customs. The greater number of the people are Mahometan Moros and Indians; besides other Indians who tattoo themselves in the fashion of their ancestors, and invoke the demon. They have no native king. Certain of the richest individual chiefs rule the country. They wage war with one another, take prisoners in their wars, enslave them, and sell them from province to province.

This island of Luzon is sixty leagues from the mainland of China. The city and harbor of Manila is in thirteen degrees north latitude. This island measures five hundred leagues in circumference. It has fine harbors, bays, and rivers of good depth, better harbors being found along the south side. This island is little more than one hundred leagues east of the island of Burney. Likewise the islands of Maluco, Filolo [Gilolo], Tidore, Ternate, and Ambon, called the Malucos, are three hundred leagues south of this island of Luzon. So also the rich country of Japan, whence is brought great quantities of silver, is three hundred leagues, more or less, distant from die island of Luzon. Every year Japanese ships come to these islands laden with merchandise. Their principal trade is the exchange of gold for silver, two to two and a half marcos [103] of silver for one of gold. Two hundred leagues south of Luzon is the island of Mindanao, whence is brought cinnamon. Likewise about one hundred leagues north of Luzon, and very near the mainland of China, is an island that they call Cauchi, which has a great abundance of pepper. The king of China maintains trade with mis island, and so there are many Chinese there. They have their own agency for the collection of the pepper. Twelve or fifteen ships from the mainland of China come each year to the city of Manila, laden with merchandise: figured silks of all sorts; wheat, flour, and sugar; many kinds of fruit; iron, steel, tin, brass, copper, lead, and other kinds of metals; and everything in the same abundance as in Espana and the Indies, so that they lack for nothing. The prices of everything are so moderate, that they are to be had almost for nothing. They also bring a great deal of bronze artillery, very well wrought, and all sorts of military supplies. This island of Luzon is very suitable and convenient for trade with China; men can reach the mainland from this island, because it is so near. On this same island there is very good material for building ships and galleys, if it should please your Majesty to send workmen for this purpose. As has been pointed out above, the said island of Luzon is very clearly shown to be fertile and abounding in provisions, cloth, apparel, and whatever is most necessary for the preservation of human life. Therefore this island ought to be settled and pacified, and what there is in it sought out and discovered, because the island is so large and powerful. For that reason, it is desirable that your Majesty be pleased to provide what is necessary for that purpose, and for his plans for the future, as follows:

The first thing necessary, in order to secure and settle the said island of Luzon, to gain accurate information of what is yet unknown about it, and to sustain the claims that we have advanced, is to send Spanish people—that is, religious and soldiers.

The religious whom your Majesty might send for the present are forty or fifty friars—learned theologians of mature age and good life and habits. With these and the religious of the order of St. Augustine, who have five monasteries in the neighboring islands—namely, one in the island and town of Cubu, another in the island and town of Oton [in Panay], another in the island and town of Mindoro, another in the city of Manila, and another in Tondo (which is in Luzon)—great results will be achieved; for the religious of these five monasteries have labored much and assiduously in the conversion of the natives, and our Lord has been well served. By the preaching of the gospel to them, which has been done by these said religious, there have been converted to our holy Catholic faith, receiving the water of baptism, a great number of Indians, especially those from the island and town of Cubu, who were pagans, [104] and easily converted. And likewise in the island of Luzon, some native Chinese who were settled there, being people of greater intelligence, have recognized the truth of the divine law and are baptized and live as Christians. As the rest of the people are Moros, it has not been possible to secure the desired result, on account of their resistance. This may be attained, by the favor of God, if your Majesty be pleased to send the said number of forty to fifty religious, of the kind above described.

Second, your Majesty will be pleased to send also, with the said religious, a prelate, creating bishop or archbishop of the said city of Manila the reverend father Fray Diego de Herrera, of the order of St. Augustine. The father is a man of learning and of good life, who has labored much for the conversion of the Indians of those islands. With him send as many of the secular clergy as your Majesty pleases, who can act as prebends, canons, and chaplains; these likewise should be persons of learning and good life, and should all be subject to the above-mentioned prelate.

The third has to do with soldiers. May your Majesty please to send five hundred soldiers here, who may be posted in the said island of Luzon, so that by their help the said governor can subjugate and settle the said island of Luzon, and discover other neighboring islands.

Fourth: These said five hundred men can come at less cost, provided your Majesty be pleased to keep to the following order: that the said troops should be collected in Espana under the pretext that it is done for the convoy of the fleet which goes from these kingdoms to the said Nueva Espana. Accordingly, of the two hundred men who ordinarily are accustomed to go from Sevilla to Nueva Espana in convoy of the said fleet, one hundred may be left behind, the number of these hundred being supplied on the journey over from the number of the said five hundred; on the return trip of the said fleet from Nueva Espana to these kingdoms, the places of the said hundred soldiers may be taken by a hundred passengers, from those who generally come. As a result, at each trip and return one hundred soldiers will be spared, and thus between seven and eight thousand ducats saved.

Fifth: When the said five hundred men have arrived in Nueva Espana, on the very day when they disembark in the harbor of Vera Cruz, they shall go directly to the harbor of Acapulco, which is one hundred and twenty leagues, more or less, from the harbor of Vera Cruz. For when the said troops arrive at the port of Acapulco, it will be more than two months since the fleet from the said island of Luzon will have arrived at the port of Acapulco. So the troops can be embarked immediately on the said fleet, and make their way to the island of Luzon and other islands. To try to raise the said five hundred soldiers in Nueva Espana would be impossible, on account of the great cost that would result; because each soldier would cost more than one hundred and fifty pesos as a gratuity (the sum usually given), or even a greater sum; and even if the said expense should be incurred, they could not arrive under the banner of the hundred soldiers above—and that with great trouble and vexation, as is well known.

Sixth: It is necessary, on the arrival of the said five hundred soldiers, at the said islands, to effect immediately the purpose for which they were brought—namely, to subjugate, settle, and explore both the said island of Luzon, and those regions nearest China: the Japans, the Lequios, and the island of Escauchu; this is a very important matter. It is necessary that your Majesty should send us workmen, masters to build ships and galleys, locksmiths, and blacksmiths to the number of fifty. For all of these workmen your Majesty, if he so please, could take the negro slaves whom your Majesty has on the fortifications of Habana, considering that the fortifications are finished now, and the men are no longer needed there.

Seventh: When the said fifty workmen have arrived, considering in these islands the great plenty and abundance of wood, iron, and other materials most necessary for building the said ships, the said workmen should build three or four vessels each year, so that the trip can be made from Nueva Espana to the said islands and return, with two fleets. Likewise from the larger islands can be made voyages of discovery, subjugation, and colonization, and thus ascertain thoroughly the secret of the so great riches and trade possessed by the said islands, in order that your Majesty may be best served in everything. I beseech and supplicate this, and especially that your Majesty be pleased to provide promptly everything thus requested—seeing that delays might cause bad results, because of the small number of the Spaniards, and the great work to be done at present in this island of Luzon; and because those here deserve all the reward and kind succor that your Majesty may extend to them.

Juan Pacheco Maldonado



Encomiendas Forbidden to Royal Officials

In the city of Manila, on the twenty-sixth day of May, one thousand five hundred and seventy-six, the very illustrious doctor, Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty of these islands of the West, and auditor of his royal Audiencia established in the City of Mexico in Nueba Espana, declared that it is an encumbrance and damage to the royal treasury for his Majesty's officials to hold encomiendas of Indians; and, as such, his Majesty has forbidden this by laws, and recently in a letter which his Majesty wrote to the said officials in the year seventy-four, in which it appears they ask from him permission to own Indians. In this letter there is a paragraph of the following tenor:

"As for what you ask concerning repartimientos of Indians—namely, that favor be granted you, because you have served as discoverers of these islands—such a thing has appeared to us unsuitable, considering your offices; and therefore there is no good reason for acceding to your request in this matter. In other affairs, there will be occasion for granting you rewards (and you will bring it to mind when you send to our Council of the Indies reports of what has been in your charge), and when it has been seen in what ways you have served. The same will be done in regard to increase in your salaries. Madrid, April twenty-five, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four."

The governor says the same; and because the aforesaid persons are freed from private affairs in order to fulfil their duties, as they are obliged, he did order, and now so orders, that they shall not hold the said Indians in encomiendas, and retracted those which were granted them by Guido de Lavecares, treasurer of these islands—who at that time filled the office of governor thereof, on account of the death of the governor Miguel Lopez. He said that he placed, and he did so place, the villages which the said officials at present hold, under the rule of your Majesty's royal crown. They are as follows: the natives of Balayan and the river Aguan, and of the villages of Bulabuty, Mata, Amblaca, and Mabulau; the river Mabotan, the mines of Gumun and Gaogao, the river Bacoun, the village of Longos; the river Ysin, and the villages of Minangona and Mina—who, it is reported, are held by the accountant Andres Cauchela; the natives of the coast of Tule who, according to report, are held by the factor, Andres de Mirandaola; and a thousand Indians, who, according to report are held by the treasurer, Salvador de Aldave in the Sunguian Emasingal valley. In order that his Majesty may possess them as his royal property, like the others that he personally holds, the governor ordered the officials of the royal estate, whether present or future, that they shall hold those encomiendas as the royal property, make collections, and have the natives instructed in the tenets of our holy Catholic faith. He charged this upon their consciences, and in the royal name, relieved his Majesty and himself from that responsibility. And, further, he ordered a duplicate copy of this act to be drawn up, and to send the same to his Majesty.

Doctor Francisco de Sande

Before me,

Fernando Riquel



In the city of Manila, on May twenty-six, one thousand five hundred and seventy-six, I, the notary undersigned, read and made known the act of his Excellency, herein contained, to the accountant, Andres Cauchela, official of his Majesty's royal treasury, who said he heard it, and that he will answer it. Witnesses, Alonso Ligero, and Balthasar de Bustamante.

Diego Aleman, notary-public.



In the city of Manila, in this said day, month, and year aforesaid, I, the notary undersigned, made known and read the act herein contained, decreed by his Excellency, to the factor and inspector, Andres de Mirandaola, official of his Majesty's royal treasury, in his own person, who said that he heard it, and that he will answer what seems to him necessary. Witnesses, Gaspar de Yola and Melchior Corila.

Diego Aleman, notary-public.



In the city of Manila, in this said day, month, and year aforesaid, I, the notary undersigned, made known and read the act herein contained, decreed by his Excellency, to the treasurer, Salvador de Aldave, official of his Majesty's royal treasury, in his own person, who said that he heard it. Witness, Antonio Caballero.

Diego Aleman, notary-public.

In the city of Manila, on May twenty-six, one thousand five hundred and seventy-six, the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty in these islands of the West, and auditor of his royal Audiencia established in the City of Mexico in Nueva Espana, said that whereas, since the officials of the royal treasury have been in these islands, they have collected from the trade and royal estate in their charge, many pesos of gold; and whereas, it is reported that, on account of their salaries, they have—despite the decree of his Majesty in their letters-patent, and notwithstanding this letter which they have also received—held Indians without his Majesty's permission, and contrary to his decrees and letters: therefore the governor said that he ordered, and he did order, that whatever they have collected from the Indians held by them in encomiendas be understood as counted toward the salaries which his Majesty may have ordered to be paid to them; and from this time, each third of the year, when they shall collect their salaries, they shall go before his Excellency, so that having seen the needs and the state of the treasury, they shall be paid proportionally, in accordance with the same. And they shall do nothing contrary to this, under penalty of five hundred pesos for the exchequer for each person and for each violation. Because in this present year of seventy-six, we have been informed that each person has collected the said tributes for the whole year, they, shall all declare, clearly and specifically, under oath, the amount thus collected, and for what persons and by whose hand it was collected, so that when the first third comes due, it may be suitably adjusted, according to the above declaration. From now on they shall collect no more, except on the account of the royal treasury, under whose royal jurisdiction they are this day placed. This act shall be filed with the other, and a duplicate shall be made of the whole, to be sent to his Majesty. It was signed by Doctor Francisco de Sande.

Before me.

Fernando Riquel.



In the city of Manila, on the twenty-sixth day of the month of May, one thousand five hundred and seventy-six, I, the notary undersigned, read and made known the act of his Excellency, herein contained word for word, to the accountant Andres Cauchela, official of his Majesty's royal treasury, in his own person. I took and received his oath, which he made before God and the blessed Mary, with the sign of the cross +, in due legal form; and under this charge he promised to tell the truth. Being asked what tributes he has collected from the villages herein mentioned, the form in which they were collected, and under whose direction and by what persons, he said that in this present year of seventy-six, he sent to the villages of Bacayan (which is his encomienda) Juanes de Betaria, now defunct, to collect the tribute from the natives thereof. This man went thither, and collected nine hundred small pieces of white cotton cloth, three or four of which each one gave him as tribute. Likewise he collected, and brought to this deponent, one hundred and fifty pesos in broken silver and testoons, and six tae[l]s of nejas gold, all of which he has, as said, together with seventy fowls. All this he gave and delivered to this deponent, and said that he had collected it from the natives of the said villages of Bacayan. The said Juanes de Guetaria [sic] went by the order of his Excellency to collect the said tributes. He declared that, during this said year of seventy-six, he had not collected anything else from the said villages; and from the others that he holds as encomiendas he has not collected anything since he has held them. This is the truth, which he signed with his name, the witnesses being Alonso Ligero and Baltasar de Bustamante.

Andres Cauchela

Before me, Diego Aleman, notary-public.



In the city of Manila, this said day, month, and year aforesaid, I, the notary undersigned, made known and read the act herein contained, decreed and ordered by his Excellency, to the factor and inspector Andres de Mirandaola, in his own person, from whom was taken and received the oath. He swore before God and the blessed Mary, and on the sign of the cross +, in due legal form, under which obligation he promised to tell the truth. This deponent, being asked what tributes he has collected in this present year of seventy-six, from the villages which he is said to hold as encomiendas, in the lowlands of Tuley, and what persons have collected them, and what they collected, says that it is true that this deponent sent to the said villages of the lowlands of Tuley one Pedro de Bustos, a soldier, who collected the tributes from the natives thereof. This was for the present year seventy-six. This said Pedro de Bustos, this deponent being out of this city, went to the villages, and collected a certain number of bales of cotton, which might weigh thirty quintals, a little more or less. This deponent did not receive anything else, nor did the said Pedro de Bustos give him any account of what he collected, because at that time he was out of this city with the sergeant-major, Juan de Moron. This deponent has not collected anything from the said villages during this present year, seventy-six. This is the truth, and what actually took place, which he signed with his name, the witnesses being Juan de Navarrete and Melchor Correa.

Andres de Mirandaola

Before me, Diego Aleman, notary-public.



On this said day, month, and year aforesaid, I, the notary undersigned, read and made known the act herein contained, decreed by his Excellency, to the treasurer, Salvador de Aldave, official of his Majesty's royal treasury, in his own person. From him I took and received an bath, which he took before God and the blessed Mary, and on the sign of the cross +, in due legal form, under which obligation he promised to tell the truth. Being asked what tributes this deponent has collected from the villages which it is said he holds as his encomiendas in the provinces of Yloco, and the amount thereof, and what persons have collected them in his name, he said, under obligation of his oath, that Bartolome de Vega, a soldier, who about fifteen or twenty days ago came from the province of Yloco, told this deponent that in this year of seventy-six he had collected, from the said villages, tribute from two hundred Indians. This tribute did not come to the hands of this deponent, but went to the factor Andres de Mirandaola in payment of a debt of the royal exchequer, owed to the said factor, and which this deponent was ordered by his Excellency to pay, although he did not owe it. Thus this deponent has received nothing out of what the said Bartolome de Vega collected this said year, of the said two hundred tributes, beyond one hundred and sixty pieces of white cloth from Yloco, which the said Vega gave and delivered to this deponent—a little more or less, he does not remember exactly. This said treasurer said that he was making this declaration to execute his Excellency's order, and protests that he should incur no loss, because the content of the said act ought not to extend to his case, as he is not the proprietor of the said office and duty of treasurer; and because, in all the time that he has held it, he has received neither salary, gratuities, nor allowances, as will appear by his Majesty's books. To those he refers, because he, as holding and occupying the said office which the treasurer Guido de Lavacares had held, has conducted and exercised the said office as others have done, who at the present day hold encomiendas of Indians. This he said was his declaration, and he so made it, and signed the same with his name.

Salvador de Aldave

Witness, Anton Caballero.

Before me, Diego Aleman, notary-public.



I, the said Fernando Riquel, had this copy made from the original acts, which are in my possession. Therefore I here affixed my name and customary flourishes, in witness of the truth.

Hernando Riquel



Letter to Felipe II by Francisco de Sande

Catholic Royal Majesty:

Although I have served your Majesty in Nueva Espana as attorney, criminal judge, and auditor in the royal Audiencia of Mexico, I have not written to your Majesty since the year 67, in order not to disturb you; I have always written to the royal Council of the Indies what I considered meet to your royal service. Now I have come to and reside in these Filipinas islands, where I serve your Majesty as your governor and captain-general. As I am so far away, and have grown old in your Majesty's service, and have examined affairs here, and seen the importance, the isolation, and the dangers of this colony, I venture to address your Majesty briefly. I write at length, however, to the royal Council of the Indies, to whom I give account of the voyage, and its events, and of the needs of this land, and I refer you to that letter; I have also written of its condition, and of matters concerning the mainland of China, with what I consider it fitting for your Majesty to order. I humbly beg that your Majesty be so good as to examine the above-named relation, and provide therefor, as what refers therein to the expedition to China is a matter of great moment to your Majesty's service. This enterprise would be easy of execution, and of little expense, as the Spanish people would go without pay, and armed at their own cost. They will be chosen from the provinces, and will be glad to pay the expenses. The only cost will be for the agents, officers for the construction and command of galleys, artillerymen, smiths, and engineers, and the ammunition and artillery. Food can be supplied to them here, and the troops are energetic, healthy, and young. This is the empire and the greatest glory which remains for the king of the world, the interest which surpasses all others, and the greatest service to God.

I think that I have drawn a true picture of the people, as they are the best in the world for tributarios. They have waged war against the king of Tartaria. [105] If they made war on this coast, his occupation, and even that of both, God helping, would soon be over. They have many enemies in this archipelago, who are more valiant than they and who will be of great help. I beseech your Majesty to provide what is most fitting, that the power and laws of so just and great a king may encircle the world.

In these Filipinas islands there are at present five hundred Spaniards in all, and if there were ten thousand, all would be rich. As there are so few we suffer many hardships, since we are among so many enemies. Our only consolation, and mine in particular, is that we are serving your Majesty. Our diligence is unremitting, and we hope for your Majesty's favor. Your Majesty will provide in this for your own cause, and that of the Catholic church. As I write at length to your Majesty's Council, this letter is but brief. May our Lord guard the royal Catholic person of your Majesty, and increase your kingdoms and seigniories, is the wish of your Majesty's vassals and servants. Manila, in the island of Lucon of the Filipinas, June 2, 1576. Royal Catholic Majesty, from your Majesty's loyal vassal and servant, who kisses your royal hands,

The doctor, Francisco de Sande



Bibliographical Data

All the material of the present volume is found in the archives of Spain mainly in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla, and in two patronatos therein; from transcripts of these documents our translations are made, except as otherwise noted. One of these patronatos is thus described: "Simancas Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistas en consejo; anos 1567 a 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." Under this pressmark are found the following documents: 1569 letters by Lavezaris and Legazpi (this a copy, perhaps made by the viceroy to send to the king), and confirmation of the latter's title; 1570 the last two; 1573 Lavezaris's relation; 1574 Lavezaris's letters to king; 1576 the last two. The other patronato is: "Simancas Filipinas; Descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Yslas Filipinas; anos 1566 a 1586; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2 24." This is the pressmark for the following documents: 1569 Mirandaola's letter, and Legazpi's relation; 1570 the first three; 1571-72 all; 1573 Melchior de Legazpi's certificate of expenses; 1574 Mirandaola's letter, Rada's "Opinion" and reply of officials thereto, and Lavezaris's report on slavery; 1575 both documents.

Mirandaola's letters of 1569 and 1574 are bound together. Regarding the MS. of "Requisitions of supplies" (1571?), see Bibliographical Data of Vol. II, under "Letter to Audiencia of Mexico" (1565). The account of the conquest of Luzon (1572) has been published by Retana in his Archivo bibliofilo filipino, t. iv, no. 1; our translation is made therefrom. The original MS. of Diego de Artieda's relation (1573) is conserved in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar at Madrid; its pressmark is "711, 20-3a, caja no 22." The MS. ascribed by some former archivist to Juan de la Isla, but apparently almost identical with Artieda's (see notes thereon in the text), is in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; its pressmark is: "Simancas Filipinas; Descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Islas Filipinas; anos 1537 a 1565; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1 23." It is out of its proper chronological place. We have adopted the Madrid MS. for our text, because it contains Artieda's signature; but have incorporated therein all additional matter, or important changes found in the Sevilla copy, as has been stated ante, note 54. The letter of Enriquez (1573) is taken from Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877), pp. 290-296; the material for this publication is found, as stated by the editors, in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; but they do not locate therein the documents selected by them. Riquel's relation (1574) is a MS. in the Archivo general of Simancas; its pressmark is: "Secretario de Estado, leg. 155." In Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid, is a MS. containing part of the material of this document; it is bound with the Artieda relation. In the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, is another MS. (a copy by Munoz) which is similar to the document of our text, in part; the MS. from which we translate may be a compilation from these other documents and from other letters written by Riquel which are alluded to therein. The document of our text was written partly on shipboard (in a vessel which left Manila July 1, 1573), and completed at Mexico, from which city it was despatched to Spain in January, 1574. The royal decrees of 1574 are taken from Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania, xxxiv, pp. 68-71; the originals are probably in Sevilla. The decree forbidding encomiendas to royal officials is at Sevilla, its pressmark being, "Simancas Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y expedientes de los oficiales reales de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos 1564 a 1622; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29." Sande's relation of 1576 has been published in Retana's Archivo, ii, no. 1.

It may be well to explain here the method of, arranging and locating documents which is employed in the Sevilla archives. The first division is that of patronatos (sections), designated by names which show the character and source of the documents therein—as "Simancas—Bulas," that is, papal bulls, which had been brought to Sevilla from Simancas. Each patronato is divided into estantes (shelves), these into cajons (cases), And these again into legajos (packets); the legajo is sometimes further divided into ramos (parts) and numeros (numbers). Any document may thus be easily and accurately located.



NOTES

[1] This document is printed in both Spanish text and English translation.

[2] Evidently meaning that the ship was proceeding to Spain, since it carried a cargo of spices for the king.

[3] The words in brackets are conjectural readings, the MS. being illegible in these places.

[4] Referring to Legazpi's official despatches, evidently sent to Spain by the same vessel which carried these letters by Mirandaola and Lavezaris. This document appears at the end of Vol. II, under the title, "Negotiations between Legazpi and Perdra."

[5] A relation purporting to have been written by this officer will appear later in this series.

[6] The escudo was a Spanish silver coin worth about 50.1 cents of United States money; it was equivalent to ten reals.

[7] These cities of China may be thus identified: Chincheo (also written Chinchew) is the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo (variously written Shen-tsheou, Tsiuen-Tchou, and Tsiuan-tchau), in the province of Fo-Kien. Cantun (Canton; Chin. Kwang-Chow-Foo) is the metropolis of the province of Kwang-Tung. Huechiu is Hu-Chau (Hou-Tchou), Nimpou is Ning-Po, and Onchiu is Wan-Chau—all in the province of Che-Kiang. Hinan may refer to one of the towns on the island of Hainan, which lies south of Kwang-Tung. Conce (also, by early writers, spelled Cansay) was later known as Khing-Sai (or Kingsze)—the modern Hang-Chau (Hang-Chow-Foo) in the province of Che-Kiang. Onan is probably Ho-Nan, in province of same name. Nanquin (Nanking) is the capital of Kiang-Su province; and Paquin is the modern Peking, capital (as then) of the Chinese Empire. Fuchu (Fu-Chau, or Foo-Choo) is in the province of Fo-Kien. Cencay is probably the modern Shang-Hai, in the province of Kiang-Su. Sisuan, Lintam, and Ucau cannot be satisfactorily identified. The name Lequeios, which occurs elsewhere in this volume, refers to the Luchu (Liu-Kiu, or Loo-Choo) group, which lies between Japan and Formosa. For early accounts of China, its people, and its commerce, see Henry Yule's Cathay and the Way Thither (Hakluyt Society, London, 1866). See pp. xli, xlii of that work for interesting citation regarding the civilization and excellent character and reputation of the Chinese people.

[8] Gaston de Peralta, Marquis de Falces, was the third viceroy of New Spain; he arrived at Mexico on October 16, 1566. Incurring the hostility of the Audiencia, he was removed from his office, and returned to Spain in March, 1569.

[9] The document here referred to will be found directly following this letter of Legazpi.

[10] Diego de Herrera was born at Recas, Spain, and entered the Augustinian order in 1545. He was in Mexico when Legazpi's expedition was organized, and accompanied Urdaneta therein, as a missionary to the heathen beyond the sea. When the latter returned to Mexico, he left Herrera as prior of his brethren; and in 1569 Herrera became superior of the mission, with the rank of provincial. He immediately went to Mexico, and brought back reenforcements of friars to the Philippines. For the same purpose, he went to Spain in 1573; returning thence with missionaries, they were wrecked on the coast of Luzon, where they all were slain by the natives (April 25, 1576).

[11] Martin de Rada (Herrada) also went with Legazpi to the Philippines, from Mexico. He was born at Pamplona, July 20, 1533, and at the age of twenty became an Augustinian friar; he was noted for his mathematical and linguistic ability. In 1572, he was provincial of his order in the Philippines, and was sent as ambassador twice to China and once to Borneo. On his return voyage from this latter mission, he died at sea, in the month of June, 1578.

[12] At this point may be presented some additional matter, obtained from a document (also in the Sevilla Archivo general) which purports to be a letter from Mirandaola to the king, but dated June 8, 1574. He has apparently incorporated therein the greater part of the Legazpi relation of 1569 which is presented in our text—adding thereto some interesting details. At this point, he enumerates the kinds of food used by the natives—"namely rice, millet, borona [a grain, also called mijo, resembling Indian corn], Castilian fowls, buffaloes, swine, and goats. They have wines of many kinds: brandy, made from palm-wine (which is obtained from the cocoa-nut palm, and from the wild nipa palm); pitarrillos, which are the wines made from rice, millet, and borona; and other wines, made from sugar-cane. There are fragrant fruits—large and small bananas, and nancas. These nancas are as large as a winter melon, and contain a yellow fruit of the size of a friar's plum, within which is a kernel that, when roasted, has the flavor of a chestnut. It has a delicious taste, and there is no fruit in Spain that will compare with it. There is abundance of fish, and much game—deer, mountain boars, and excellent waterfowl." For enumeration and brief description of the leading vegetable products of the archipelago, see Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70-95. Fuller descriptions are given in various documents which will be reproduced in the present series.

We may add here that, "on the death of Legazpi, which occurred in August, 1572, so many unauthorized and irregular acts were committed by Andres de Mirandaola that the governor, Guido de Lavezares, was compelled to ship him to New Spain, with other persons whose presence in the archipelago cast odium on the Spanish name" (Cartas de Indias, p. 804).

[13] The Mirandaola MS. already mentioned enumerates the articles exported from the Philippines—"wax, cotton, cotton-seed, tortoise shells, and buffalo horns;" also the imports, "provisions, buffaloes, live hogs, and wine;" also "silks, porcelains, benzoin, and musk."

[14] "Because they say that their god orders them not to take out the gold, except on the arrival of foreign vessels." (Mirandaola MS.)

[15] Cabit, in the Mirandaola MS.; now Cauit, a point in N.E. Mindanao.

[16] For account of the forest wealth of the archipelago, see the recently-issued Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands, published by the United States Bureau of Insular Affairs (Washington, 1902), pp. 85-93; it contains a list of nearly two hundred kinds of trees whose wood has economic value.

[17] "All the natives of Cubu have been converted, both chiefs and followers, except two chiefs, Sumaquio and Batungay. These men have not been converted, because they are not willing to leave their wives; Sumaquio has two wives, and Batungay three." (Mirandaola MS.)

[18] "In Panae, and in Luzon and Vindanao." (Mirandaola MS.)

[19] This word may be "your;" it is uncertain whether the Spanish word is nra or vra.

[20] Evidently referring to the account of these proceeding which Legazpi sent to the viceroy, Marques de Falces (See p. 44 ff., ante).

[21] The almude is one-twelfth of a fanega, or about 4 1/4 United States quarts.

[22] Juan de Salcedo (Salzedo, Sauzedo) was born in Mexico about 1549; his mother was Teresa Legazpi, daughter of the governor. He came to Cebu in 1567, and, despite his youth, displayed from the first such courage, gallantry, and ability that he soon won great renown—especially in the conquest of Luzon; he has been called "the Hernan Cortes of the Philippines." These qualities brought him rapid military promotion; but his career was brief, for he died at the early age of twenty-seven (March 11, 1576), from drinking too much water while overheated by a hard march. He died a poor man; but his will provided that what remained from his estate, after paying his debts, should be given to certain natives belonging to his encomienda.

[23] Sangleyes: derived from hiang (or xiang) and ley, meaning "a traveling merchant;" appellation of Chinese traders in the Philippines.

[24] The prau or parao (a name of Malay origin) was a large, flat boat with two masts, and lateen sails; used for carrying freight, and employed in the rivers and bays.

[25] Cf. Friar Odoric's description of the green pepper found in Malabar (called by the Arabs Balad-ul-Falfal, "the Pepper Country")—growing on vines which the natives plant against tall trees for support, and bearing fruit "just like bunches of grapes;" see Yule's Cathay, vol. i, pp. clxxvii, 77.

[26] The tael is a Chinese money of account, worth formerly about $1.50; now $1.68, "Tael" is the trade name in China for the ounce of silver; it also designates a weight, of 1 1/3 oz. avoirdupois.

[27] This lake, about seventeen miles long, is the second largest lake in Luzon. It is also named Taal, after the celebrated volcano in its midst. Its outlet is the river Pansipit.

[28] Spanish pildoras ("pills"); a jocular allusion to the leaden bullets from the muskets.

[29] The Malay appellation raja or raxa, meaning "a sovereign," is used of rulers in Manila or Tondo. See Retana's note on Zuniga's Estadismo, vol. ii, pp. 521*, 522*.

[30] Cafre (or Kafir): a term applied by Mahometans to the heathen natives of conquered countries; it means "infidels." From this originated the name Kafiristan ("country of infidels"), applied to the region north of the Punjaub of India and south of the Hindu-Kush Mountains; its people are called Kafirs. See Yule's Cathay, vol. ii, p. 554.

[31] Vara: a measure of length, equivalent to a little more or a little less (in different Spanish countries) than thirty-three English inches.

[32] In the Spanish text, se acordo dar sanctiago en los moros,—literally, "it was decided to give the 'Santiago' among the Moros,"—the Santiago ("St. James") being the war-cry of the Spaniards when engaging with Moors and other "infidels."

[33] Bound up with the MS. of this document, in the archives at Sevilla, are similar official acts for "the islands of Luban, Similara, Baluyan, Helin, and Vindoro."

[34] The palace of the Escorial was built in the town of that name, twenty-four miles from Madrid, by Felipe II; it was begun in 1563, and completed in 1584, except that the pantheons were added by Felipe IV. The total cost is estimated at L660,000 sterling; it is one of the largest buildings in the world, being a rectangle of six hundred and eighty by five hundred and thirty feet. It is a palace and monastery combined, the latter being in charge of the Augustinian order.

[35] The matter in parentheses is side notes in the original.

[36] Tierra firme: this term means simply "the continent," and was at that time applied to the northern mainland of South America, as distinguished from the adjacent islands.

[37] Internal evidence indicates that this list was prepared in New Spain. In the MS., in the right-hand column are enumerated the articles demanded for the Philippines; on the left is a statement of articles sent—various memoranda being made on each side. As here presented, the items in the left-hand column follow (within parentheses) the corresponding items on the right hand.

[38] The Spanish quintal (100 libras), varied in different provinces; that of Castilla was equivalent to 101.6097 United States pounds. Other denominations: 25 libras = 1 arroba; 4 arrobas = 1 quintal; 20 quintals = 1 tonelada.

[39] Of these measures of capacity, the first set are for liquid measure: 4 copas = 1 cuartillo; 4 cuartillos = 1 azumbre; 8 azumbres = 1 arroba mayor or cantara. This arroba equals 4.26304 gallons, and is supposed to contain the weight of 35 libras of pure (i.e., distilled) water. The arroba for oil, however, is only 3.31853 gallons.

The other measures are for dry substances. Hanega is only another form of fanega (= 1.599 bushels), which is described in Vol. II, note 72; the celemin is the same as the almude (note 20, ante). Table: 4 ochavillos = 1 racion; 4 raciones = 1 cuartillo; 2 cuartillos = 1 medio; 2 medios = 1 almude; 12 almudes = 1 fanega; 12 fanegas = 1 cahiz.

[40] References to the shares, in goods discovered or produced, which were to be set aside for the king and the church.

[41] Elem: in Retana's text, "el M." In some old documents appears the name Elen (or Helin); it apparently refers to the islet off the southwest point of Mindoro which is now called Ylin.

[42] Pintados ("painted"): a term applied to the inhabitants of the Visayas (and afterward extended to those islands), because they painted their bodies with red clay—or, as some writers say, on account of their being tattooed.

[43] The name Manila is derived from a Tagal word, manilad, meaning "a place overgrown with nilad"—which is the name of a small tree, bearing white flowers (Ixora manila).

Some writers claim that the name is a corruption of Maydila, from the Tagal words may and dila, meaning "the place that has a tongue"—alluding to a tongue-shaped island formerly at the mouth of Pasig River.—Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[44] Gold and other minerals are still obtained from the mines of Paracale (in the province of Ambos, Camarines), Luzon.

[45] Blumentritt says (Dic. mitologico de Filipinas, pp. 34, 35), of the appellation Bathala: "This name, of Sanscrit origin, is or was given to various gods of the Malay Filipinos. The ancient Tagalos called their principal god Badhala, or Bathala mey-kapal ["God the creator"], and gave the same name to the bird Tigmamanukin, ... and sometimes to the comets or other heavenly bodies, which, in their opinion, predicted future events." This is analogous to the manner in which the North American Indians apply such terms as "Manitou," "wakan," or "medicine," not only to their divinities, but to any phenomenon that is mysterious or incomprehensible to them.

The term Diwata (devata, diobata), also of Sanscrit origin, is applied variously by different races in the archipelago—sometimes to the souls of ancestors (whom they invoke); sometimes to any inferior spirits, whether good or bad (ut supra pp. 45, 46).

[46] A reference to the island of Basilan, off the southwest point of Mindanao; it was formerly called Taguima. The route for ships here mentioned was through the strait of Basilan.

[47] Yvalon (or Ibalon) was the ancient name of Albay; it was sometimes applied to the entire island of Luzon.

[48] The Bicol river, which crosses the province of Ambos Camarines (Sur), while Paracale is in the same province (Norte); both are on the opposite coast from Albay. Yloquio is probably Ilocos; but that province is north, not south, of Manila.

[49] This municipal organization may be thus defined: The cabildo was the municipal official corporation—nearly the same as the American city council; the regidores were members of it. The alguazil was an official who executed the orders given by the cabildo, or by the alcaldes (judges). Regarding this subject, see Historical Introduction, Vol. I, p. 56; also Dic.-Encicl. Hisp.-Amer, art: Cabildo, Alcalde, etc.

[50] The peso was a money of account, commonly supposed to be worth fifteen reals vellon. There was also a silver coin called a peso, which was valued at eight reals of silver, and weighed one onza (a trifle more than the English ounce). The real (=34 maravedis) is equivalent to nearly five cents of United States money; it is no longer coined, but is still a unit of value throughout Spain. The tomin for gold was equivalent to 8.883 grains (United States weight), and for silver to 9.254 grains. From a document published in Doc. ined. Ultramar, vol. ii, pp. 461-463, it appears that seven tomines of gold were equivalent to one peso of gold.

[51] The table of weights to which the marco belongs is as follows: 12 granos = 1 tomin; 3 tomines = 1 adarme; 2 adarmes = 1 ochava or dracma; 8 ochavas = 1 onza; 8 onzas = 1 marco; 2 marcos = 1 libra (= 1.016097 United States pounds).

[52] Encomenderos: persons to whom repartimientos or encomiendas were granted (see Vol. II, note 18).

[53] The name first given to the present city of Cebu, on the island of that name. Another early name was San Miguel, given because the settlement was founded on St. Michael's day.

[54] Bound with this MS. is an abstract of the same, evidently made for the royal council by some secretary. In the margin are noted, opposite the various points, instructions for the governor of the islands. In reply to this letter Lavezaris is to be thanked for his care, and exhorted to continue it. The licentiate Francisco de Sande is about to go from New Spain to the Philippines, to take account of Legazpi's administration and to act as governor. The king is advised to reward Lavezaris, and suitable rewards should be given to Martin de Goiti and Juan de Salcedo. Sande is to be instructed to accord good treatment to the Chinese, in order to invite their trade and win them to the faith. Peace and friendship must be maintained with the Portuguese. The lists of encomiendas granted by Legazpi and Lavezaris, with full information regarding them, must be sent to the government. Sande should be instructed to do what he considers best, in regard to the appointment of regidores.

[55] Regarding the authorship of this document, see Bibliographical Data. In its presentation here, we have interpolated in brackets the additional matter found in the Sevilla copy; and likewise words which alter the sense, prefixing to these "S:", to indicate the different reading of the Sevilla document. Matter in the Madrid copy which would give a different meaning from that at Sevilla is indicated by "M:". The title of the latter is: "Relation of the Western Islands, and the route thither from Nueva Espana."

[56] The brisa is the north, northeast, or east wind, the vendaval the south or southwest wind. The observations made for a considerable period at the Jesuit observatory in Manila indicate the main prevalence of winds as follows: north and northeast, November to January, inclusive; east, February to April; south and southwest, May to October. See Algue's account of these winds, in his Archipielago Filipino, vol. ii, ch. iv; also (with additional observations, and citations from other authorities) in Report of the Philippine Commission, 1900, vol. iv, pp. 227-256. In these is discussed the question whether these prevalent winds can be properly termed monsoons.

[57] Probably some of the Marshall Islands.

[58] The Chinese tael (weight) is equivalent to 1 1-3 United States ounces avoirdupois. The mace (masse) is one-tenth of the tael, and equals 60.42 grains. These terms are also applied to moneys of account in Chinese trade.

[59] The words "one thousand" do not appear in the Madrid copy, having probably, in the course of time, been worn off (as have other words or letters) from the edges of the paper.

[60] Now Panaon; separated from Leyte (here called Baybay) by Panaon Strait. Tandaya was the early name of Samar Island, which is separated from Leyte by San Juanico Strait. Mazoga is the same as Massava of other early writers; it is now Limasaua Island.

[61] The estado was equivalent to 1.85472 English yards, having nearly the same value as the braza.

[62] Probably the sibucao (Caesalpina sapan); its wood produces a red coloring-matter which is highly valued, especially by the Chinese. Some varieties of it are more highly esteemed than are those produced in Brazil. These "Brazil" Islands are apparently the small groups north of Luzon, now known as Batanes and Babuyanes.

[63] An archivist's marginal note on the Sevilla MS. reads: "Doubtless this should be Bassilani"—which is the modern Basilan, an island southwest of Mindanao.

[64] Regarding piracy in the Philippines, see Barrantes's Guerras piraticas de Filipinas (Madrid, 1878); and Montero y Vidal's Historia de la pirateria en Mindanao, Jolo y Borneo (Madrid, 1888).

[65] A term (imported from America, and from the Nahuatl language) applied to several species of Calamus: the rattan—a plant of great use to the natives for many purposes.

[66] Compare the custom among the Norse vikings—a warrior, at the approach of death from natural causes, embarking alone in his vessel, floating out to sea, and setting it afire, that he might perish with it.

[67] The table for Spanish measures of length: 12 puntos = 1 linea; 12 lineas = 1 pulgada; 6 pulgadas = 1 sesma; 2 sesmas = 1 pie (the foot, = 11.128 U. S. inches); 3 pies = 1 vara; 4 varas = 1 estadal. Also, 9 lineas = 1 dedo; 12 dedos = 1 palma. The legua of 8,000 varas equals 4.2151 United States miles.

[68] Camote: the sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas.)

[69] An interesting reference to one of the earliest and most characteristic industries among the natives of the Philippines. The "wild banana" is the abaca (Musa textilis); its product (made from the fibers of the leaves) is commonly known as "Manila hemp," and is one of the chief exports from the islands. Two kinds of cloth are now made by the natives from the abaca, called sinamay and tinampipi; in making them, they use only primitive handlooms. See Zuniga's description of this manufacture, in Estadismo (Retana's edition), vol. ii, pp. 41, 42: cf. pp. 94, 95, where he praises the cotton cloths made in the Philippines.

[70] The Spanish word is moldes; this sentence regarding the art of printing in China is not in the Sevilla MS. Gonzalez de Mendoza gives an interesting account in his Hist. gran China (Madrigal edition, Madrid, 1586), part i, book iii, ch. xvi, fol. 87-87b; he says that the Chinese understood and used the art of printing more than five hundred years before Gutenberg. He supposes that this invention was carried to Germany via Russia and Muscovy, or by way of the Red Sea and Arabia. The Augustinian Herrada and his associates took to the Philippines a great many books, "printed in various parts of that kingdom [China], but mostly in the province of Ochian [the former province of Hu-Kwang, now forming the two provinces of Hou-Nan and Hou-Pe] ... for therein were bookshops of the largest size," where books were sold at low prices. In ch. xvii (fol. 89-91), Mendoza enumerates the subjects treated in the books procured by Herrada; they included history, statistics, geography, law, medicine, religion, etc. See also Park's translation of Mendoza (Hakluyt Society, London, 1853), vol. i, pp. 131-137, and editorial note thereon regarding antiquity of printing in China.

[71] See the Treaty of Zaragoza, Vol. I, pp. 222-239.

[72] The term Moros ("Moors") was applied by the Spaniards and Portuguese to these Malayans, simply because they were, at least nominally, Mahometans. Their residence was mainly in the islands of Mindanao, Jolo, Paragua, and Balabac. Most of them were pirates, who for centuries harassed not only the Spanish settlements, but those of the Filipinos.

[73] A note by the editor of Cartas de Indias says: "The documents here named do not accompany this letter."

[74] This document is presented in both Spanish text and English translation.

[75] The latter part only of this document is here presented; for somewhat more than half of it is practically a duplicate of Legazpi's Relation of 1570—which see (ante, pp. 108-112), with footnotes indicating all important variations therefrom found in the first half of the Mirandaola letter. The part appearing here is matter additional to the Legazpi Relation.

[76] For localities in which gold is found in the Philippines, see Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 83, 84. See also Combes's Hist. de Mindanao, lib. 1, cap. iv, with Retana's note thereon, col. 787; in the note is information apparently obtained from this document of our text.

[77] The viceroy of New Spain, Martin Enriquez, makes the following interesting comments on the Chinese trade with the Philippines, in a letter to the king dated January 9, 1574: "Since I wrote to your Majesty by the despatch ship, I have seen some of the articles which have been received in barter from the Chinese; and I consider the whole thing as a waste of effort, and a losing rather than a profitable business. For all they bring are a few silks of very poor quality (most of which are very coarsely woven), some imitation brocades, fans, porcelain, writing desks, and decorated boxes; indeed, did I not have respect for more than the good government of this land, I would not permit a single one of these things to be brought into this kingdom. To pay for these they carry away gold and silver, and they are so keen that they will accept nothing else. I am told that they took away more than forty thousand ducats in gold and silver from the islands; and if this were not regulated, they would always have the best of it—although, if the Spaniards who traffic there with them were business men, they themselves would reject the goods carried to them, and would try to ascertain what goods the Chinese have and their value, and arrange so that the exchange should be profitable. I tell your Majesty of this because I shall write the general no more than that he must not permit Spaniards to carry on barter with gold that has not paid the tax."

[78] In 1560 the Portuguese obtained the loan of a spot near the mouth of the Canton estuary, where they were permitted to establish a trading-post, which was named Macao. Before many years elapsed, more than five hundred Portuguese merchants resorted thither annually to trade. "By the regular payment of their rent (five hundred taels a year), as well as by a judicious system of bribing, the Portuguese long enjoyed the practical monopoly of the external trade of the great mart of Canton with the West." See D. C. Boulger's History of China, ii, pp. 146, 169.

[79] The Chinese rulers here referred to are known in history by different names from those here given, even after making allowance for their pronunciation by Spaniards. Moutsong, twelfth emperor of the Ming dynasty, died in 1572, and was succeeded by his son Chintsong, better known under the name Wanleh. As this prince was then but six years old, his mother acted as regent during his minority.

[80] The Ultramar MS. (see Bibliographical Data at end of this volume) reads, "the river of Panaca to Cubo."

[81] From this point this paragraph in the Ultramar MS. reads as follows: "As justly as possible. But although it was done thus, complaints were heard, because not so many natives were found as the list made by the person who had visited this district gave us to understand. This list was so summary that it could not be true. The encomenderos urged that the governor should make the number of each repartimiento equal to the list. Therefore each encomendero received the number for which he petitioned."

[82] The Ultramar MS. reads here: "named Cebu, he set out for Prognal."

[83] Martin Enriquez writes to the king (January 9, 1574), urging that a new governor for the Philippines be appointed: "I beg your Majesty to appoint, within a very short time, some person who shall have the necessary qualifications for governing that land; for otherwise neither Christianity nor the royal estate will be able to make much progress there. Even since I wrote to your Majesty, I have heard fuller details of certain things from among the many which are bound to occur, and all through lack of justice. I had charged Don Pedro de Luna to bring me a detailed relation of everything that he should hear concerning matters there, and, as he died at sea, I sent word to the Alcalde Mayor of Acapulco to look through his coffers for all his papers, and send them to me, suspecting that I would not like to trust everything to his memory. In this way I have ascertained from them that there is beyond question need that your Majesty should endeavor to secure better administration of justice there, and provide some one to take greater care of your Majesty's finances."

[84] The Munoz letter (see Bibliographical Data at end of this volume) says, "four varas." The reading of our text is uncertain, as the number is not written in full, but is designated by a contraction difficult to read.

[85] The Ultramar MS. has the following: "It is enough to say, and I swear it on my oath as a Christian, that there is said to be more gold in this one island than iron in Vizcaya." This is very similar to the reading in the MS. copied by Munoz.

[86] The red sulphuret of arsenic.

[87] This and what follows was apparently added by the officials in Mexico.

[88] Corredor de Lonja (Lonxa) is undoubtedly a commission merchant: apparently the decree confers upon the city the right to appoint brokers of this class.—A.P. Cushing.

[89] This document is evidently addressed to the governor, then Guido de Lavezaris.

[90] The ganta = 8 chupas = 3 liters.

[91] An ancient province of Luzon, so called from the name given in Manila to the many porticos constructed out of the nipa palm. It was erected into a province during the governorship of Guido de Lavezaris, and was conquered by Salcedo. It is mountainous, and contains rich mines of various metals, and a fertile soil. It is now (since April 27, 1901), under American government, known by the name of Ambos Camarines.

[92] The early name of the islands now known as Visayas (or Bisayas)—the group lying between Luzon, Mindanao, and Mindoro; so named from their inhabitants, known as Pintados ("painted men") from their tattooed bodies.

[93] Referring to the abaca, or wild plantain (note 68).

[94] Referring to the birth of a son to Felipe II and Anna of Austria—probably that of Jacobo (or Jaime), born in 1572 or 1573, who died in 1582.

[95] The name and title of this commander are, by some lapsus calami, omitted in the MS. The reference, however, is obvious, to Don Juan of Austria, illegitimate son of Carlos I (but finally publicly acknowledged by him); this prince gained signal renown in wars against the Mahometans.

[96] The Rio Grande of Mindanao.

[97] The first-born son of Felipe was Fernando, born in 1571; he died at the age of four years. The town named for him is now called Vigan; it is located on Abra River, and is capital of the province of Ilocos Sur, Luzon.

[98] Of the decrees here referred to, two may be found in Recopilacion de leyes de las Indias (5th ed., Madrid, 1841), lib. viii. One (tit. iv, ley xxiv) provides that vacancies in crown offices shall be filled by the viceroy, or by the president of the Audiencia; the other (tit. x, ley xviii), that gold and silver found in seaports, which has not been duly taxed and stamped, shall, if there be no smelting establishment in such place, be forfeited to the royal treasury.

[99] See post, p. 286.

[100] Apparently a reference to the custom of taboo (or tabu), of which traces exist among primitive peoples throughout the world, but most of all in Polynesia. The word means "sacred"—that is, set aside or appropriated to persons or things regarded as sacred; but the custom, although doubtless originating in religious observances, gradually extended as a social usage. It is among many peoples connected with totemism, and is considered by many writers as the gradual outgrowth of animistic beliefs.

[101] This was Doctor Francisco de Sande, who entered upon his duties as governor of the Philippines in August, 1575. He had previously been a member of the Audiencia of Mexico. While governor, he desired to undertake the conquest of China; but Felipe II ordered him to confine his activities to the preservation of what Spain had already gained in the islands. Sande was recalled in 1580.

[102] Thus in the original (setenta y cinco); but it must be a slip of the writer, since Legazpi removed to Manila in May, 1571, which was organized as a city a year later—as is shown by the "Documents of 1571-72," ante.

[103] The marco was the unit of weight used in weighing gold and silver in the different Latin countries. In Spain it was equivalent to O.507641 lb.

[104] "Most authors use this nomenclature: 'Moros' are Mahometans, of more or less pure Malay race, in whose civilization are the remains of Oriental barbarism; 'infidels' or 'pagans,' [gentiles], Filipinos whose only religion is one of the idolatrous rites, more or less absurd, which are natural to savages: and 'Christians,' the Indians whom our meritorious religious have converted to the faith of Jesus Christ."—Retana (Zuniga, ii. p. 9*).

[105] Referring to the Tartar chief Yenta, who harassed the Chinese empire from 1529 until 1570—raiding the frontiers, carrying away rich plunder and many captives (in one campaign, it is said, 200,000 persons), and even threatening Pekin itself. Finally (1570) peace was restored, Yenta acknowledging the sovereignty of the Chinese emperor, and receiving in return the title of prince of Chuny. Yenta died in 1583. See Boulger's Hist. China, ii, pp. 141-144, 150, 154.

THE END