I do not believe that the cinnamon will prove a success in this land, for it is very little used, because of the use here of other spices which grow in these regions. I beg your Majesty to order what disposition is to be made of the same; and likewise to be pleased to advise me whether cinnamon imported by individuals shall be allowed to be brought here.

They say that in an island called Cauchi, not two hundred leagues from Manilla (where the Spaniards are settled now), there is a great quantity of pepper, and that the Chinese resort thither for trade. This seems to be the best site which could be chosen, and to secure it would obviously be attended with but little difficulty. I see no other objection in this, other than that I fear the opportunity for general trade, which is desired there, may not exist; and that the Chinese will resent being deprived of their trade, which must be very lucrative to them, or having to depend upon the Spaniards to carry on the same. But all the ability to remove these obstacles, and to arrange everything satisfactorily, depends upon the person whom your Majesty may place there to administer justice, and to see that no wrongs are done; for in the absence of unjust conditions, self-interest will attract people.

Your Majesty orders that no Portuguese shall go to the islands; yet it is understood that some have gone there, and have married Indian women. Will your Majesty please order whether they shall, on this account, be allowed to remain; or whether they, together with the Indian women, shall be sent away?

I had given orders that, when any ship should come from the islands, it should reconnoiter the coast of China on the way, in order that more information of the land and its commerce might be obtained. I gave your Majesty an account of this before the step was taken; and I likewise enclosed the instructions concerning the procedure, which I thought should be observed. General Miguel Lopez had ordered that it should be adhered to; but when he died, it appeared to Guido de Labezarii to be a dangerous enterprise on account of the coast being unfamiliar and unknown, as well as a region where our ships might fall in with Portuguese or other people. This is a fact, but nothing of importance can be done without danger. Still we shall postpone the carrying out of this until your Majesty shall arrange matters concerning that land; and the person who manages affairs there will make all suitable provision, since he will have more information upon the subject.

As I have already written your Majesty, there is a lack of artillery here, for those islands take it all—so that I have no artillery for a ship which I am now despatching, and which was built in the port of Acapulco; and I shall have to take some of that brought by the other vessels coming here. In future, will your Majesty kindly order some to be sent both for an emergency like this, and for these royal settlements?

Together with this ship, I will endeavor to send one of those that have arrived here which may be repaired; and in them I wish to send all the people able to go—a number not in excess of one hundred and eighty men—and some munitions. The flagship, which is of larger tonnage, will be repaired and put into shape, for it is in bad condition; as well as another ship which was to sail thence within twenty days. Afterward, the vessels will remain, in order that they may go from here in a year, and take more people with them. Meanwhile, your Majesty will have time to make such provision as you think best.

The rigging which is bought here is that conveyed by the ships from Espana, and is very costly and very inferior in quality; but nothing else can be done. I beg your Majesty, therefore, to send from yonder a large quantity of rigging, both small and cable size, for ships of small tonnage and for larger vessels (provided your Majesty think it is well to do so). Please have sent also a lot of canvas. Your Majesty will have to order the officials to make selection of both, and to see that it is very good; or else let them send to Vilbao [Bilbao] where they say the best rigging is made, and at the most reasonable prices. This must come, moreover, with the fleet, if it is to be utilized by these ships.

The accountant Melchor de Legazpi, on hearing of the death of his father, wished to go to throw himself at your Majesty's feet, in order to beg you to remember his father's services, and how he had died in your royal service; and he had for this purpose sold his property, and was poor and even not free from debt. However, I prevented him from going, by telling him to write to your Majesty, and recall his father's services to your Majesty. Certainly, from the accounts I have received, his father did perform such services; and I understand that he was a good man, and served with all possible loyalty.

The boon which his son desires does not lie in those islands, but must be given by your Majesty in this land, and to the extent that seems best to you, in order that certain of his sisters, who are of a marriageable age, may not be left unprovided for. In those islands he was to have had a repartimiento which they say was a very good one. This repartimiento possessed a large amount of provisions, and is called Vitis and Lau. I believe that it was this which General Miguel Lopez wished your Majesty to grant him and the same thing is desired by the successor to his office. My opinion is that it would be well to annex it to the royal crown, in order to supply soldiers and sailors with provisions from it. Your Majesty could order the accountant Legazpi to be given such recompense in this land as your Majesty may be pleased to give him; for by remembering the dead your Majesty will encourage the living—so that, in addition to the mere duty involved, they may die for you with the utmost zeal. Whatever your Majesty may do for him, moreover, I shall consider as a favor done to myself.

As for the procedure which this royal Audiencia is to adopt with the Inquisition, there is only a mere document which bears no signature; a copy of which I send which relates thereto. Neither the auditors nor alcaldes are satisfied with this, and they think that they should possess more authority than an unsigned paper. Your Majesty will send whatever orders seem best to you, for there is no other provision here save the general order which your Majesty gave for all the Inquisitions.

I am sending your Majesty today copies of some letters which were Written to me from the islands, in order that your Majesty may have an account of those regions, up to the departure of these ships. One is from General Miguel Lopez Legazpe, and another from Guido de Labezarrii; two from Fray Martin de Rada, and two from Fray Francisco de Ortego. I am sending also a copy of the list of gold mines of the islands; the certificate of the villages which have been annexed to the royal crown; the procedure adopted by the master-of-camp, Martin de Goyti, in making the treaty with the Indians; the peace made with Indians of Manilla; the account, given by a Chinese, of the coast of China, and the picture of the same; a little book which Fray Martin de Rada sends your Majesty, de latitudine et longitudine locorum invenienda, the memorandum sent by General Guido de Labezarii to your Majesty; and, finally, the instructions which I had given to the person who was to go to explore the Chinese coast. I enclose also the ordinances which your Majesty ordered sent to the officials of Veracruz with affidavit of delivery; and a copy of the decrees which Cardinal de Siguenca, inquisitor-general, sent. [73] May our Lord preserve the royal Catholic person of your Majesty many years, and grant you the increase of kingdoms and seigniories, as we your Majesty's servants desire. Mexico, December 5, 1573.

Your Majesty's loyal servant, who kisses your royal hands,

Don Martin Enriquez

[Superscription: "To His Royal Catholic Majesty, King Philipe our sovereign, in his Royal Council of the Indies."]



Documents of 1574



Letter to Felipe II. Andres de Mirandaola; January 8 [74]Las nuevas quescriven de las yslas del Poniente Hernando Riquel y otros; January 11 Decrees regarding Manila and Luzon. Felipe II; June 21 Opinion regarding tribute from the Indians. Martin de Rada; June 21 Reply to Fray Rada's "Opinion." Guido de Lavezaris, and others; [June?] Two letters to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; July 17 and 30 Slavery among the natives. Guido de Lavezaris; [July?]



Sources: The second of these documents is from a MS. in the archives at Simancas; the third, from Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania; the remainder, from the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla.

Translations: The second document is translated by Jose M. Asensio; the third, by Frederic W. Morrison; the sixth, by Alfonso de Salvio; the remainder, by Arthur B. Myrick.



Letter from Andres de Mirandaola to Felipe II

11. The [75] mines of which we have been informed, and which have been seen thus far are those of Masbad, which are good, from the rivers of which it is said to be taken. Much gold is found in the island of Vindanao, in the districts of Butuan, Curigao, and Parasao. It is said that much gold is mined there and that it is the loftiest of all these islands. In the island of Luzon, where we are at present, are the following mines and rivers: In Patro there are mines, as well as in Bondo and Pacorago, and in Malabago, in the district of Galvan. There are mines likewise in the province of Ylocos, in the neighborhoods of Balatao, Turrey, Alingay, and Dinglas. These are very rich mines from which, it is said, much gold is extracted, and that there are many metals and rivers which have not been examined. On the other coast there are also mines, which are called those of Paracali, and a river is near by; from there much fine gold is taken out. In other parts there are more mines, which will yield a great deal of gold throughout, if Spaniards operate and work them. [76]

12. The kinds of gold that are found among the natives of the city and vicinity of Manila are: Bizlin, which is worth two pesos a tael. The weight of a tael is one and one-eighth ounces. The second kind is Malubay, and the third is Linguinguin. These are the kinds of gold with which the natives trade and barter. The Malubay gold is worth the same as the Bizlin. The Linguinguin gold is worth four pesos. There is another kind of gold which the Spaniards call orejera [earring], which is worth five pesos. The Indians call it panica. There is another finer sort of gold which they call ylapo and another which they call guinuguran. From what I have heard this last is the standard, because in assay it is equal to the wrought gold of Spanish jewelry. All these fine golds in the possession of the natives are never used by them except for some marriage or other important affair. For goods for which they trade and barter, they use Malubay and Bizlin and Linguinguin.

13. And if your Majesty attempt henceforth other and more important things in this land, it will be necessary to have towns and ports here, because this land is in the near neighborhood and almost in the midst of other lands—Japan, China, Jaba, Borney, Malucos, and Nueva Guinea, so that one can go to any of those regions in a short time. It is a healthy land of tolerable climate, and it has sufficiently good harbors where there is abundance of wood and timber, and other things necessary for the building of ships; and it would cost but little to bring workmen, sails, and some articles which are not to be had there. It is also necessary to make a good harbor there, in order that ships from outside may find anchorage. It is very dangerous for large and deep vessels to pass among so many islands, with their shoals and tides. It would therefore be necessary to build there galleys and light-draught oared vessels, in order to go to those regions that I mention above, and to carry cargoes which the heavy vessels would have to carry to this Nueva Espana; the latter would not leave any port of those islands which might be settled for this purpose. They could thus cruise and trade in all places in a very short time; and the heavy ships would only have to go to the harbor, to take on their cargoes and return.

14. Of the mainland I will make a report conforming to what I have heard, and what I have been able to get from the natives of it—both those who lived in Manila, and those who have traded between the city of Manila and the mainland, whence come the ships that have visited the Spanish settlements. From what I have heard, there are, for two hundred leagues (rather less than more), towns and fortresses ready for conquest, on the coast whence have come these ships, as far as Canton. On one river there is a fortress, containing a certain number of soldiers as a garrison; but their number I could not ascertain from those people. There are at the mouth of the river a few islets and shoals. There is another fortress and town, about fourteen leagues farther up the coast, in a little bay, called Occia. Opposite the bay are a few islets, which are apparently uninhabited. About ten leagues farther up the coast there is another river, with a town and fortress called Sihua. Farther up the coast about twelve leagues there is another large and very swollen river which from what I have heard makes a junction with the river of the city of Canton. There is a town and fortress here called Cincin. It is understood that from that port sail the ships that come to Manila, and others that go to Vindoro, Balayan, and Elen. [77] Farther up the coast is a large bay with many islets at its mouth, one of which is called Amyhu. Within the bay there is a fort and a town called Aycum. Farther inland there is a very broad river that leads to Canton; about two leagues up there is another fort and town called Cionciu, from which ships also come hither for our trade, because, as I learned from the natives, that is a large province, and has a great amount of commerce. About ten leagues farther up the coast there is a broad river with a fort and a town named Tisciu. Opposite this river there is an island called La Mao. About fourteen leagues farther is the great river of Canton where it is said there is a large fort with an ordinary garrison—as nearly as I could make out, of about six or seven hundred soldiers, who guard the fort, and their captain and governor, from the city and province of Canton. Opposite this river are islets where the Portuguese go to trade, because they are not allowed to enter Canton. [78] The first of these islets, as one enters the river, is called Tanquian; and then come the islands where the Portuguese anchor their ships, where there are neither houses nor anything else; but it serves as a harbor for their vessels. The place where they are is called the quiao of Canton. Even as far as Paquin [Peking], which is the city of the king of China, it is said that one would have to be on the road a year; and all the route would be found full of cities and large provinces. Those on the road are Chincheo, Cantun, Hinchiu, Mimipou, Ouchiu, Yrinari, Sisvan, Conceonau, Nanguin, and Paquin, where the court and the king reside. There are other provinces, namely Suchiu, Veou, Histau, Cencay. The last king, who died two years ago, was named Ontee, and his son who succeeded him is called Taycii. [79] The latter has issued a general pardon for all those, who were out of their native lands, who should return freely to the condition in which they were during the life of his father; for, before, there was a law that he who did not return to his country within a year should be condemned to death, and his goods confiscated for the expenses of justice. But this new law ordered that the former law would not be enforced for four years, within which time those who wished to return to their former conditions might do so freely. Therefore some of those converted to our holy faith, who were in the city of Manila, have returned with their wives and children. Father Fray Augustin de Alburquerque who is charged with the conversion of the Chinese, wished to go to the mainland this year with these Christians and the traders who came to the port of Manila. It seemed that there was no way of getting there—because, as we are told, a law had been passed that no foreigner whatever might enter the mainland under the penalty of losing his life; and those who convey them thither should receive the same punishment. Accordingly, no one dared to take foreigners thither. The fertility, abundance, riches, and curiosities of die land need not be related here, on account of the notoriety that, from the beginning, exists regarding these things. Of all the things that Europe has, cloth and velvet are the only ones lacking in this country; in all else it is better supplied—both in food, and in other particular and interesting articles. In the City of Mexico, January viii, MD. LXXIIII. Catholic royal Majesty, your Catholic royal Majesty's faithful servant, who humbly kisses your Majesty's royal feet, and commends himself to your royal favor,

Andres de Mirandaola



Las Nuevas Quescriven de Las Yslas del Poniente Hernando Riquel y Otros

Sienpre e ydo dando avisso delo de por aca y asi Lo haze de Presente Rrefirendo algunas Cosas delo q asubcedido despues q sCriui y di Razon enlos Vltimos nauios q llegaron aese rreyno el ano pasado de 1570. y tocarelo mas Notable dexandolo que no loes para otros autores mas desoCupados rremitiendome a los capitanes pasajeros y otras personas q Van en estos nauios.

A 17 de nouj delano pasado de 1570 partio El sr. goueror. Miguel lopez delegaspi del rrio de panai a cubie y conforme ala orden q tenia de su magd. poblo vna villa concinqta. vos. a los quales dio rrepartimio de yndios con parecer del prouincial fray min de herrada y del mre, de Campo y capitanes.

ACauada de asentar esta poblon se boluio a panae a donde llego y estubo hasta q se apresto para la jornada de manila ques e la ysla de luzon adonde al presente esta la principal poblacion y Campo de su Magd. Partio a diez y seis de abril de mill e qnieo y setenta y vno segundo dia de pascoa de Resurresion enbarcose e la galera nonbrada La leona despana q se aCauo en esta sazon enel Camino se detubo 32 dias asi llego ala dha poblacion de manila y antes de llegar a ella como quatro leguas Vino Vna espia la qual ebiaron los principales atomar tiento del yntento q se traya y entendido del sr. goueror. queera toda Paz y amistad y q pa tratarlo como Conbiniese y mas a gusto delos principales y naturales venia en psa. la espia mostro alegrio particular deentenderse y entonces se declaro como venia auer lo q esta dho y asi fue muy satisfho y rregalado de su senoria y se boluio y el goueror siguio su viaje endemahda del puerto con buen biento galerno y Como desde la poblon nos Vieron y no auia llegado la espia comencaron a poner fuego a los Casas el ql llegado fue pte pa q no pasase adelte yncendio porque entendiero de la espia como ybamos de paz y asise aseguraron y dispusieron a benir nos a Reciuir al Camino los principales rraxa El viejo y aljandora y el maguno marlanauay y sale laxa que son los mas principales desta trra el Raxa soliman por temor delo q hizo el ano pasado no Vino en Conpa destos y entendiende el gouernador q poreste temor no Venia ebiole conestos principales seguro debaxo del qual Vino el dia siguie sienpre mostraua temor dio disCulpa delo pasado facil y discreta y en suma dixo estas Razones no tube Culpa enlo q se hizo[?] porque ya saues que en esta trra no ay rrey ni Caueca sola sino q Cada vno tiene su parecer y opinion y asisiguen lo q mas gusto les da Vbo algos q pudieron mas q yo pues sin licencia mia rronpieron la paz y amistad y hizieronme Caer en falta y si esto no fuera asi y por mi pte y Consejo se hiziera merecia Pena y si fuera Rey desta trra como soy solo sr. demihazienda nose quebrara la palabro que di po Como dependio de muchos yo no pudemas se oy adelte e lo que ami tocare por mi psa sugetos y amigos poCurare de q sea cierta la paz y amistad q se asento aviendo entendido el goueror. el Razonamito concediole perdon general por lo pasado con Cargo que enlo presente y futuro Cumpliese lo que prometia y haziendolo asi en ne. de su magd. sele hazia toda mrcd con estos Razones y otras y muchos rregalos fueron este Raja y todos los demas muy contos de auer asendo. las pazes y el Campo se alojo trra y abemos hecho Cosa lo mejor q se pudo y Cada diase Van haziendo.

El dia de Pascoa de Spiritusanto Vinieron a la Costa desta poblaccion ciertos moros de la Comarca della con ns. de To[?] y tantos naujos y ebiaron a dezir al goueror. qe Venian a pelear con su gente rrespondioles qe mirasen bien lo qe dezian porque el no queria mandarlos matar ni hazer dano sino todo buen aCogimiento y Vecindad pa qe Con liuertad pudiesen hazer suscontrataciones y otros muchos Razones pomesas rregaladas y exortaciones Xptianas y no basto antes se ensoberbesieron mas pertinazmte. Visto esto mdo el goueror. que elmre. de Campo min. de goyti fuese a ellos el qual lo hizo con mucha presteza lleuando Consigo la gente que le parecio lo qual ebarco en alos de los naujos que auia [?] aComodados'y dexo[?] orden que le siguiesen los soldados que dexo senalados y llego al sitio que se senaloe Vnos esteros de mar pa darse la batalla naual como se hizo y desbarato y rrindio a todos los enemigos con muy poco dano delos Espanoles con ser los Contrarios mucha gente de guerra y traer artilleria Visto qe por tan pocos Xptianos fueran Rendidos se admiraron y puro temor en toda la trra pa que los naturales temen en mucha figura esta gente y Con este buen subceso estubo algos dias quieto este Campo.

Despues desto se trato con ynstancia paz con los naturales desta trra por buenos medios afixando la qe se auia tratado con los primeros y algos qe no auian sido en ella dezian qe no querian paz ni amistad Con el goueror. ni Con su gente ni verlos ni oyrlos porque no se les seguia prouecho y por esto vbo demandas y rrespuestas y vista su pertinacia fue neceso ebiarles a hallanar y asi se hizo en diferentes ptes especial a vna proujn qe tiene mucha gente nonbrada panpagan comarcana a esta ciudad de manila y a todos seles hazian rrequerimientos y amonestaciones qe viniesen a obidiencia de su magd. y alos que nolo quisieron hazer fue neceso pelear pa rrendirlos y asi se Hizo sin dano notable.

estDo en este estdo las Cosas desta trra tubo el goueror. rueba dela llegada delos dos naujos Santiago y San Jun qe dio tanto Conto como se puede eCarecer y avnque llegaran muy travajados se rrepararon lo mejor qe ser pudo pa qe hiziesen ttorna viaje a esa nueua spana y el mismo Conto se Reciuio con el auer llegado dn po deluna conel nauio SpirituSanto y asi se despacharon delos tres los dos El ano pasado y pasales tarde hallaron en la mar tpos contros y les fue forcado a Ribar y asi saldran aora medte. nro Senor a principio del mes de Julio deste ano de 1573.

a los 20. de ago del ano pasado de 1572. fue nro Senor seruido de llevar pa si al gouernador miguel lopez de legaspi murio rrepentinamte. aviendosse aquel dia leuantado sano en su scriptorio se hallo Vna proujon. de su magd. librada por esa rreal avda. en el tiempo qe tubo en si el gouierno por muerte del vissorrey dn luis de velco e la qe senalaron subcesores del Cargo de miguel lopez y al que Pertinecio de presente fue al theso. guido delabasaris y asi se le entrega el gouierno por el mre. de Campo y officiales de su magd. y por el cavildo dela ciudad y otros officiales y todo esta pacifico y e seruicio de su magd

De Presente Residimos en esta ciudad de manila e la ysla de Luzon que es lo mejor destos distritos el goueror. pasado y el presente Repartieron la trra y moradores della qe estan pacificos y asise yra rrepartiendo lo qe se pacificare ase hecho tasacion delo qe Cada tributao a se dar e Vn ano que es vna manta de algodon de qe ay mucha abundancia en esta ysla de diez varas de largo y dos de ancho es rropa de que vsan los naturales pa bestirse delgada asi mismo an de dar dosas. de arroz y vna gallina entiendese lo daran sin pesadunbre porla mucha abundancia qe de todo tienen ay mucha jente, asi se entiende seran algos muy principales Repartimientos de mucha Renta.

en esta ysla ay muchas minas de oro y pte dellas sean Visto por espanoles y dizen que las labran los naturales como en la nueua spana, las minas de plata y el metal lleua su veta seguida como la plata an hecho dello ensayes y aCude atanta rriqueza qe no lo scriuo porqe no entiendan que me a largo el tpo descubrira la verdad.

deste oro Vsan Los naturales y lo mezclan con metal de Cobre tan sutil mte. que enganaran alos diestros artifices despana.

Anse desCubierto enesta trra muchos grangeros y asi se entiende los abra y la mejor contron qe auido ni sea desCubierto en todas las yndias.

De Vn ano a esta pte, binieron al puerto desta ciudad tres naujos dela china y a las yslas comarcanas otros 5. y los que aqui llegaron traxeron mrcas. delos qe vsan entre ellos como lo suelen hazer de ordo. ay poco Camino desde esta ysla ala trrafirme tardose en nauegar Como 8. dias.

Como estos naujos llegaran a la Vista del puerto desde la mar ebiaron a pedir seguro el goueror. se lo dio y se les hizo muy buen tratamito. traxeron algos menudencias avnque poca Cantidad porque los naturales con quien principalmte. bienen a Contratar lo qe comunmte. Vsan y pa ellos se trae son tinajas grandes y boca basta hierro Cobre estano y otras cosas a su modo y pa los principales algos piecas de seda y porcelanas finas y esto no delo muy Curioso pa espanoles traxeron alguna locafina y otras Cosas lo ql Vendieron muy bien porque alos que aqui estamos nos sobra dineros y a los chinos les falta q Vender fueron tan engolosinados qe cierto bolberan de aqui a 6. o 7. meses y traeran Cosas muy Curiosas y e mucha abundancia.

traxeron muestra de muchos generos de Cosas qe ay e su trra pa entender el precio en que los podran vender como es azogue, polbora pimienta Canela fina clauo acucar hierro Cobre estano laton sedas texidos de muchos suertes y en madexas rrexalgar alCanfor loca de diferentes suertes rrica naranjas dulces y otros mill generos y menudas qe no traen mas los flamencos asi mismo traxeron ymagenes de crusificos y sellos muy Curiosos en que se asentar a nro modo la Causa desta Venida demas dela orda que ellos tienen fue algos chinos qe an estado entre nosotros y eran esclauos y se les dio liuertad y pasaje pa su trra los qales dieron noticia, desta poblacion ala qual podian venir con seguridad y Contratar con liuertad y Paz a entender esto vinieron Con los naujos y Cosas ya rreferidos.

ase entendido que esta gente son muy delicados e su contraton. traxe y Costumbres y Cada dia se entendera mas porque ay algos Vos desto poblacion qe son naturales dela china de quien se etiende ques trra muy rrica y poblada y que el rrey tiene muy buena orden de guerra y sus fronteros muy fortificados con muchos fuercas y artilleria y gente, de guarnicion y Cuidado enellos dizen que desde la ciudad de Canton ques Vna delas mas fuertes poblaciones dela maritima de trrafirme ay distancia de Camino de Vn ano pa llegar a paquin ques donde esta el Rey esto se entiende por trra costa a Costa y enel Camio ay muchas poblaciones de Ciudades muy populosas pero si su magd. fuese seruido se podria allanar y Conquistar con menos de 60 espanoles buena gente.

Otros menudencias auia de qedar Razon de Xolo se hazer porque se entenderan delo que van en estos naujos lo mas esencial delas Cosas desta trra es lo qe tengo rreferido el dia de oy a Conto enella porlo mucho qe promete la rr queza y contrataciones todo sea pa servir a nro sr.

Relon delo q traen los dos nauios q Vinieron delas yslas del ponite y otros Cosas qe a esto toca qe se ponen pa qe mejor se entienda la Calidad de aquellos proujas.

448. marcos de oro de diferentes quilates.

712 pas de todas suertes desedas.

312 qes de canela.

22U300 pas de loca fina dorada y de otras suertes.

11U300 mas de algodon qe cada vna vale a 2 pas de oro Comun y mas.

930 as de cera qe Cada aa vale 15 pos de oro Comun.

334 as de hilo de algodon qe Cada aa vale a 17. y 20 pos del dho oro.

otras muchas Cosas de menudencias traen qe no sea valian por no entenderselos precios dellos.

en otro nauio q esta a la Carga, y se espera Cada dia se etiende

Vendra mucha Cantidad de todos las Cosas qe estos dos naujos traxeron.

Para sus magds. En Particular ebian deaquellos proujas. muchos joyas y Coronas de oro sedas porcelana y tinajas rricas y otras Cosas muy Primas qe los Principales ebian en reConocimio de su vasallaje y por premicias deaquella trra de Presento se alistan dos naujos en que Yran 200 Soldados de socorro enel entre tanto qe se adrecan mas naujos en que se entiende yra gran Cantidad de gente, segun a sonado esta bua nueua la ql se ebia a su magd. por dos duplicados en diferentes naujos qe nra senor lleue ensaluo, de mexo xj de henero 1574. aos

[Endorsed at beginning: "Relon De Las nueuas quescriuen delas yslas del ponite herDo rrequel scriuo degouernacion dellas y otros Cuyos Cartas binieron e Vno de dos nauios que partieron del puerto de manila a primero del mes de Julio de 1573. aos y surgio enel puerto de Acapulco desta nueua spana, a 15. de nouje. del dho ano."]

[Endorsed at end: "Nuebas Delas yslas phelippas." In another hand: "anos 1573 y 1574 Noticias de las Yslas del poniente hoy Filipinas y de la china escritas por Hernando Requel Secretario de la Gobernacion de ellas, y otros en el ano de 1573. enviadas desde Mexico el ano 1574. adonde las dirigio."]



News from the Western Islands by Hernando Riquel and Others

I have always given advices of affairs hereabout, and therefore do so at the present, referring to some things which have happened since I last wrote—a letter sent by the last ships which arrived in that kingdom in the year 1570. I will mention the most notable events, leaving other and unimportant matters for other writers who may be less occupied than I; and I refer you to the captains, passengers, and other persons who go in these ships.

On the seventeenth of November of the year 1570, the governor Miguel Lopez de Legaspi left the river of Panai for Cubie. [80] According to the orders given him by his Majesty, he established a town of fifty inhabitants, to whom he allotted repartimientos of Indians, [81] with the approbation of the provincial, Fray Martin de Herrada, and of the master-of-camp and the captains.

After establishing this town [82] he returned to Panae, where, after his arrival, he remained until he prepared for the expedition to Manila—a city in the island of Luzon, and at present the principal settlement and camp of his Majesty. He set out on the sixteenth of April of the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one, on Easter Monday. They embarked on the galley called "La Leona de Espana," completed in that season. On the way, they were detained thirty-two days before arriving at the said town of Manila. Before arriving there, and at about four leagues' distance, there came a spy sent by the chiefs to ascertain the purpose of the Spaniards in going thither. He was told by the governor that his purpose was one wholly of peace and friendship; and that, in order to confer about this more conveniently, and further to please the chiefs and natives, he was coming in person. The spy appeared greatly pleased at this, and then it was explained how the governor happened to go there, as has been said. He was well satisfied thereat, and, having received some presents from his Lordship, he returned to his people. The governor continued his voyage toward the port, with a mild and favoring wind. As the spy had not yet returned, the people of the town, as soon as they perceived us, commenced to set the houses on fire. As soon as the spy came, he made them put out the fire, explaining that our purpose was peaceful. They were thus reassured, and the chiefs—the aged Rraxa [Raja], Aljandora, Maguno, Marlanavay, and Salelaxa, the principal men of that land—prepared to come to receive us on the way. Raxa Soliman, through fear on account of what he did last year, did not accompany the others. When the governor learned that he did not come because of fear, he sent him by these chiefs assurance of safety. On the following day he came, but displayed continual fear. He excused himself for the past with fluency and adroitness; and, according to the reasons which he gave, there was no guilt in his actions. "As you already know, there is no king and no sole authority in this land; but everyone holds his own view and opinion, and does as he prefers. There were some persons more powerful than I, for, without license from me, they violated the peace and friendship, thus obliging me to be guilty of a lapse of duty. But if it had not been done in this wise, and they had done it with my approbation and advice, I would merit punishment. If I were king of this land, instead of being only the master of my own estate, the word I had given would not have been broken. But as this depended on the many, I could not, nor can I henceforth, do more than personally endeavor that my subjects and friends keep the peace and friendship that was established." When the governor understood the cause, he granted general pardon for the past, charging that now and in the future the promises made must be fulfilled. Therefore, in the name of his Majesty, he granted full grace. Because of these and other reasons, and by means of many presents, this Raja and all the other chiefs were satisfied, and peace was well established. A camp was formed in the land, and we have established a settlement, as well as we could; and every day more is being accomplished.

On the day of Pentecost there came to the shore of this settlement certain Moros of the region hereabout, some seventy in number, and with as many boats; they sent word to the governor that they came to fight with his troops. He replied that they must consider well what they were doing, as he was not willing to command that they be killed, or to inflict any harm upon them. On the contrary, he offered asylum and right of residence, that they might freely carry on their traffic. Many other arguments, promises, and presents were given them, and Christian exhortations made; but to no effect, for they stubbornly grew more boisterous. At this, the governor commanded that the master-of-camp, Martin de Goyti, should attack them. This the latter did with exceeding promptness, taking with him such troops as he chose. They embarked on several of the ships which had been made ready, leaving orders that the soldiers whom he had designated should follow him. They proceeded to a place marked by certain estuaries, to engage the enemy in naval battle. This was done, and the enemy were completely defeated; and they surrendered after inflicting but little injury upon the Spaniards, notwithstanding the great force of the enemy, and their many pieces of artillery. When they saw that they were conquered by so few Christians, they were astonished; and fear was inspired in all the natives of the country, who hold the Moros in high estimation. By this success, the country remained quiet for some time.

After this earnest efforts were made to come to friendly terms with the natives, and they were told of the treatment which had been accorded to the first ones. Several of those who had not been in this group declared that they desired no peace or friendship with the governor, or with his people; nor did they wish even to see or hear them, as no profit resulted to them thereby. On this account arguments were given pro and con; and in view of their obstinacy it was necessary to undertake to subdue them. This was done in many places, especially in a well-populated province named Panpagan [Pampanga], near this city of Manila. Demands and admonitions were given to all that they should render obedience to his Majesty. Those who refused to do so, it was necessary to fight and subdue, which was accomplished without much damage.

When the affairs of this country were in this condition, the governor heard of the arrival of two ships, the "Santiago" and the "San Juan." This caused universal satisfaction; and although the ships arrived in a bad condition, they were repaired as well as they could be, in order to make the return voyage to that Nueva Spana. The same pleasure was experienced at the coming of Don Pedro de Luna [83] in the ship "Spiritu Santo." Of the three ships, two were despatched last year; but on account of their late departure they experienced stormy weather on the sea, and were compelled to put into port again. Accordingly, God willing, they will sail at the beginning of the month of July of this year, 1573.

On the twentieth of August of the past year, 1572, our Lord was pleased to call to Himself the governor, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. He died suddenly, having that day arisen in good health. In his cabinet a provision of his Majesty was found, issued by that royal Audiencia during his administration, on account of the death of the viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco. Therein were designated the successors of Miguel Lopez; and the office at this time fell to the treasurer, Guido de Labasaris. The authority was therefore delivered to him by the master-of-camp, his Majesty's officers, the cabildo of the city, and other officials. Everything is at peace and at his Majesty's service.

At present we reside in this city of Manila, in this island of Luzon, which is the most important of these districts. Both the former and the present governor apportioned the land, and the inhabitants thereof who were pacified. Thus as the land is subdued, it will be divided. Taxation is imposed in such a manner that every tributario must pay annually a piece of cotton cloth, which is very abundant in these islands. It must be ten [?] varas [84] in length and two varas wide. It is a thin cloth used by the natives for their clothing. Moreover, there must also be given two arrobas of rice, and one hen. It must be understood that this can be levied without difficulty, as there is an abundance thereof, and everyone possesses these articles. There are many people, so it is evident that there will be some very important repartimientos, yielding good profit.

In this island, there are many gold mines, some of which have been inspected by the Spaniards, who say that the natives work them as is done in Nueva Spana with the mines of silver; and, as in those mines, the vein of ore here is continuous. Assays have been made, yielding so great wealth, that I shall not endeavor to describe them, lest I be suspected of lying. [85] Time will prove the truth.

The natives use this gold and mix it with copper, so cleverly as to deceive the best artisans of Espana.

Many traders have been encountered in this land; so, it is plain, the country will have them and the best trade which has been or may be discovered in all the Yndias.

A year ago there came to the port of this city three ships from China, and to the neighboring islands five more. Those which came here brought merchandise such as is used among the Chinese, and such as they bring here ordinarily. The distance from this island to the mainland is not great, the voyage lasting about eight days.

When those ships came in sight of the port, they sent from the sea to ask for assurance of safety. The governor granted it, and they were treated very well. They brought some trifles, although but a small quantity, as the natives, with whom they come principally to trade, commonly use, and for them are brought only large earthern jars, common crockery, iron, copper, tin, and other things of that kind. For the chiefs, they brought a few pieces of silks and fine porcelain; but these goods are not especially out of the common. For the Spaniards they brought some fine ware and other articles, which they readily sold, since we who are here have plenty of money, and the Chinese need it. They are so delighted that they will surely return in six or seven months, and will bring a great abundance of many very rare articles.

They brought specimens of many kinds of goods peculiar to their country, in order to arrange the price at which they can be sold—such as quicksilver, powder, pepper, fine cinnamon, cloves, sugar, iron, copper, tin, brass, silks in textiles of many kinds and in skeins, realgar, [86] camphor, various kinds of crockery, luscious and sweet oranges; and a thousand other goods and trifles quite as many as the Flemings bring. Moreover, they brought images of crucifixes and very curious seals, made like ours. The cause of this unusual visit is that freedom, and passage to their own country, were given to some Chinese who were slaves among us; those people spread the news of this settlement, where they could come with safety and trade freely; accordingly they came, with the ships and goods to which we have already referred.

It must be understood that those people are very peculiar in their traffic, costume, and customs; every day this is more evident, since some of the inhabitants of this city are natives of China. From them it is learned that the land is very rich and thickly populated. The king is well prepared for war and the frontiers are well fortified with many forts with artillery and garrisons wherein strict watch is kept. They say that from the city of Canton, one of the strongest towns on the coast of the mainland, there is a distance of one year's travel before arriving at Paquin [Pekin], the residence of the king; this means from coast to coast of the land. There are many very populous cities on the way, but if his Majesty would be pleased So to command, they could be subdued and conquered with less than sixty good Spanish soldiers.

There are a few other small matters to be mentioned concerning Xolo, which will be made clear by what is sent in these ships. The matter most essential to this country is what I have already referred to today, regarding trade. May the good prospect of riches and traffic be all to the service of our Lord.

Relation of what was brought by the two ships which came from the islands of the West, and other things referring thereto given that the resources of those provinces may be better understood. [87]

448 marcos of gold, of different degrees of purity.

712 pieces of all kinds of silks.

312 quintals of cinnamon.

22,300 pieces of fine gilt china, and of other kinds of porcelain ware.

11,300 pieces of cotton cloth, each worth 2 pesos or more of common gold.

930 arrobas of wax, each arroba worth 15 pesos of common gold.

334 arrobas of cotton thread, each arroba worth 17 to 20 pesos of said gold.

Many other small articles were brought, the value of which cannot be given as it is not known.

By another ship which is now being loaded and which we expect every day, it is understood that there will come a large quantity of all the goods which these two ships have brought.

For their Majesties individually, are sent from those provinces many jewels and crowns of gold, with silks, porcelains, rich and large earthen jars, and other very excellent things which are sent by the chiefs in token of their allegiance. For the first fruits of that land two ships are being prepared in which reenforcements of two hundred soldiers will be sent. In the meantime, more ships are being prepared in which it is understood that many people will sail. This good news is forwarded to his Majesty by two duplicates in different ships, which, may it please our Lord, may arrive in safety. From Mexico, January xj, 1574.

[Endorsed at beginning. "Relation of the news written from the islands of the West, by Hernando Rrequel, government notary thereof, and others, whose letters came in one of two ships which left the port of Manila on the first of the month of July, 1573, and anchored at the port of Acapulco of this Nueva Spana on November 15 of said year."]

[Endorsed at end: "News of the Phelippinas Islands." In another hand: "1573, 1574. Information about the Western (now Filipinas) Islands and China, written by Hernando Requel, government notary thereof, and others in the year 1573; sent from Mexico in 1574, whence he addressed them."]



Two Royal Decrees



Bestowing Titles on Manila and Luzon

Don Phelipe, by the grace of God, etc.

Inasmuch as we have been informed by the council and by the judicial and executive departments of the city of Manila, in the island of Luzon of the West, that the citizens and inhabitants of the said city have served us with much faithfulness and loyalty, and have endured great hardships; and that, after the said island was discovered and pacified, and the said city founded therein, the governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi (now defunct), in our name, gave to the latter the title and designation Ynsigne e siempre leal Cibdad, ["Distinguished and ever loyal City"], and to the said island of Luzon that of Nuevo Reyno de Castilla ["New Kingdom of Castilla"]; and inasmuch as supplication has been made to us, for the greater welfare of the said city and the perpetual remembrance of the services of its citizens, that we order the confirmation of the said title Insigne e siempre leal Cibdad de Manila, and to the said island of Luzon that of Nuevo Reyno de Castilla, and that it might be our will that they be so designated and named, or however else might be our pleasure: now therefore, we, after careful consideration of the above, and of the good and loyal services that the said city and its citizens have rendered us, do regard favorably the above supplication; and by the present we do confirm and approve, to the said city of Manila, the title Insigne e siempre leal Cibdad, given it, in our name, by the said governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; and to the said island of Luzon, the said title and appellation Nuevo Reyno de Castilla. And we do consent that the said city of Manila bear forever the designation and title Insigne e siempre leal, and the said island of Luzon that of Nuevo Reyno de Castilla, which we, by this, our decree, grant as title and appellation, with leave and permission to be so designated and called as abovesaid, and to place the same on any or all documents that are drawn up and contracted, and on all letters that are written. And we do hereby order the same, under our hand and seal, and with the confirmation of my Council of the Indies. Given at Madrid on the twenty-first day of June, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-four.

I The King

[Endorsed: "Registered."]



Granting to Manila the Office of Corredor de Lonxa for the Estates of the City

Don Felipe by the grace of God, etc.

Inasmuch as we are aware of the services which the city of Manila in the island of Luzon, entitled el nuevo Reyno de Castilla ["the new Kingdom of Castilla"], and its citizens and inhabitants, have rendered us; and considering our desire for its honorable increase and colonization: it is our pleasure to bestow upon the said city of Manila, as we do, by this present, the office of corredor de Lonxa [88] thereof, for the estates of the city, for such time, and no more, as may be our pleasure. And it is our wish that in said office be vested the jurisdiction and administration of the same according to and in such manner as our corredores de Lonxa have exercised and do exercise it, in the cities, towns, and villages of these our kingdoms and seigniories, as well as in those of our Indias, islands, and Tierra-Firme of the Ocean Sea; we will also that there be appointed for said office of corredor de Lonxa, the person or persons whom the city may see fit to appoint; and that the said person or persons through the said appointment, and by virtue of this, our decree, shall be authorized to enjoy and exercise the said office in all cases and matters pertaining to it, in such wise as the other corredores de Lonxa of the other cities, towns, and villages of these our kingdoms, and of our aforesaid Indias, enjoy and exercise it. And they shall enjoy the income and fees annexed and pertaining to the said office, provided that the income which said persons shall give each year be for the estates of said city, to be expended and distributed for the common welfare of the same, and not for any other thing—for which purpose we direct the present decree to be given, signed by my hand and countersigned by our secretary. Madrid, June twenty-one, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four.

I The King

[Endorsed: "Registered."]



Opinion of Fray Martin de Rada on Tribute from the Indians

Most Illustrious Lord:

Your Lordship [89] asks me to give, in writing, my opinion of affairs in this land; and to invent a remedy which shall result more to the service of God, our Lord, and of his Majesty, and to the security of the consciences of those who live in this land. I say the same that I said lately in conversation with your Lordship, when your Lordship asked me in the autumn whether it would be right that the Indians should give tribute. I told your Lordship that I had determined to call an assembly of all the religious that were in this land, so that all of us in common could discuss the affairs of the country. Until then, it did not seem to me that any change should be made, except that the Spaniards should raise tribute by similar methods to those employed farther down on the coast—namely, a small amount of rice, equivalent to seventy gantas, [90] and a piece of cloth, for each Indian giving tribute. Having assented to this—although some religious, and that rightly, have found fault with the tribute, both in the pulpit and in the confessional, and in other and private discussions—I waited until all should come here, and the conference should be called as I desired, in order that everything might be better reasoned out. Seeing now the great delay of some, and that we would have to leave this town—some alone, and others in company—have taken the opinion of all the fathers who were to be found here. They unanimously affirm that none among all these islands have come into the power of the Spaniards with just title. For, although there are many and just causes for making war on some nations or towns, no governor or captain can do so without an express mandate for it from his Majesty, excepting only that war which is waged in defense of their persons and property, others being unjustly undertaken; since neither in the first instructions that we received, nor in later ones, has his Majesty ordered us to make war on the natives of these islands. Rather did he order the contrary, in a letter that Juan de la Isla brought from his Majesty, written from the Escorial to the governor (who is now in glory), and which I saw. That letter declared that any conquest made in these islands by force of arms, would be unjust, even if there were cause for doing so. All the more unjust are these conquests that in none, or almost none, of them has there been any cause. For as your Lordship knows, we have gone everywhere with the mailed hand; and we have required the people to be friends, and then to give us tribute. At times war has been declared against them, because they did not give as much as was demanded. And if they would not give tribute, but defended themselves, then they have been attacked, and war has been carried on with fire and sword; and even on some occasions, after the people have been killed and destroyed, and their village taken, the Spaniards have sent men to summon them to make peace. And when the Indians, in order not to be destroyed, came to say that they would like to be friends, the Spaniards have immediately asked them for tribute, as they have done but recently in all the villages of Los Camarines. [91] And wherever the Indians, through fear of the Spaniards, have left their houses and fled to the mountains, our people have burned the houses or inflicted other great injuries. I omit mention of the villages that are robbed without awaiting peace, or those assaulted in the night-time. Pretexts have been seized to subjugate all these villages, and levy tribute on them, to such amount as can be secured. With what conscience has a future tribute been asked from them, before they knew us, or before they have received any benefit from us? With what right have three extortions, of large amounts of gold, been made on the Ylocos, without holding any other communication or intercourse with them, beyond going there, and demanding gold of them, and then returning? And I say the same of Los Camarines and of Acuyo, and the other villages that are somewhat separated from the Spanish settlements. In all this is it not clear that tribute is unjustly raised? Likewise he who sends them for it or orders it, as also the captain in the first place, next the soldiers and those taking part in it, and those who advise it; and those who, being able to, do not prevent it; and those who, being able to make restitution, do not do so—all these together, and each person individually, are entirely responsible for all injury. And it is the same in the villages in the neighborhood of the Spanish settlements; because, although they may have some religious instruction, and under the shelter of the Spanish are safe from their enemies, and some injuries which have been done them have been redressed, they do not fail to receive great molestation and injury through the continual presence of the Spaniards, and never-ending embarcations. Finally, they were free, and, to speak openly, not reduced to vassalage. And when base and foundation fail, all that is built thereon is defective—all the more as the Indians are not protected from their enemies, nor maintained in justice, as they should be. Many piracies go on as before, and those most thoroughly subdued suffer the worst, because, being robbed by others who are not so subject, they are given neither any satisfaction nor allowed to secure it for themselves. And there is not sufficient reason for his Majesty to have ordered that the land shall be allotted and divided into encomiendas; because his Majesty was ill informed, as appears by his own letter, since he had been assured that, without any war, they had of their own accord become his Majesty's vassals. Therefore it seems to have been entirely against his Majesty's will. If at any time we have been of opinion that the land should be allotted, as indeed it now seems to us, or likewise if the land is to be maintained, it was and is to avoid greater injury and robberies, which are committed without any remedy, when there are no repartimientos. Therefore, only one thing now works injury. We are trying to render the land orderly, and not turbulent as it was before, when no one knew anything about it. Even now some of the Spaniards treat the natives very ill. More than all, the tribute which is now raised (three maez [mace] for each Indian) is excessive, in our opinion, considering what we saw from the beginning among them and our intercourse with them, and our knowledge of their labors, and of the tools with which they cultivate the ground, and their great difficulty in supporting themselves—for they even live a part of the year on roots; and the common people can scarcely obtain a robe with which to clothe themselves. Whence it happens that, at the time of collecting the tribute, some of them demolish their houses—which at the least would be worth as much as the tribute itself, if they should be sold—and go into hiding, in order not to pay the tribute. They say that afterward they will return to build, with the labor of a month or two, another house. From others it is necessary to demand the tribute with arquebuses and other weapons, and men, in order to make them give it; and most of them it is necessary to imprison to make them provide the tribute. Therefore most of the owners of encomiendas maintain stocks, in which they keep as prisoners the chiefs or timaguas [freemen] who do not supply the amount of the tribute from their slaves when they themselves cannot obtain it from the latter. Thus, considering all this and other inconveniences, that, in order not to go into greater details, I do not set down, it was the opinion of the majority of the fathers, that—even if the whole affair were justified, and the Indians maintained in peace, justice, and religious instruction—for the present, and until the Indians have other opportunities, and other and better tools to cultivate the land, and until the land is more fertile, all that is taken from each Indian, in general, above the value of one maez, in food and raiment, is cruelty, and oppresses them too heavily.

Your Lordship should consider that in Nueva Espana, the Indians at first gave nothing but food (then worth a great deal) and service. And all times are not alike, for now they can give little, but in course of time, the earth growing more fertile, they can give more; so that what is collected of all this that the Indians now, in strict justice, do not owe, and that which until now has been raised, has been unjustly raised, on account of the evil way in which these Indians have been conquered, and because his Majesty's orders regarding them have not been obeyed.

And because your Lordship asks my opinion as to what ought to be done, I say that, considering that the land is already subjugated and divided into repartimientos—and for many reasons which, in order not to be prolix, I omit—there is no reason to abandon it, since it is very necessary that those who reside here should be supported. Your Lordship ought, in the opinion of the majority of the captains, to send his Majesty a true, simple, and clear report, without dissimulations, of the methods that have been adopted in all this conquest; and of its present condition, and the methods adopted in collecting the tributes, so that his Majesty, as a thorough Christian, may decree what is to be done in the matter. In the meanwhile, the least amount of tribute possible should be taken for the support of all, considering that it is not owed; and those who have repartimientos should support those who have not. It seems to me that if the tributes should be regulated to the one maez of food and raiment for each Indian, which I spoke of above, there will be sufficient for both classes if our people aid themselves with other profits that may be obtained. In order that this may be collected with some tribute, your Lordship should in every way try to protect these natives, and to do them justice; and to abolish abuses and punish pirates, etc. We on our part, shall do what we can to aid them, instructing them in our holy faith. Since this is my opinion I sign it with my name. Done at San Pablo of Manila, on the twenty-first of June, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four.

Fray Martin de Rrada

[Endorsed: "These opinions are to be kept on file, in order that they may be passed upon by the Council."]



Reply to Fray Rada's Opinion

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

Replying to the opinion that was given by the father provincial, Fray Martin de Rada, of the order of St. Augustine, on affairs in this land, and on the raising of tribute from its natives, we confess that it was zealously done, in the service of God, our Lord, and for the security of our consciences. In this estimation we hold and repute him. But, as sometimes the very wise are misled—now through too great zeal, and again by their ignorance of some things, which if they had understood fully, they would not have been misled—we shall not fail to point out in the "Opinion," certain things which we consider harsh, harmful to this whole community, and very prejudicial to the development of this land. Taking up the principal point to be answered in the "Opinion"—namely, that his Majesty was ill informed of the affairs of this land, as thus appears by his letter which Captain Juan de la Ysla brought, we affirm that it is very erroneous. For what his Majesty says in his letter is the same of which report was made before he wrote it, and the same which was occurring when the report was made of the affairs of this land, and so to say, more clear, public, and notorious—namely, that the governor (who is now in glory), when he entered this land, entered it in peace, inviting to his friendship all the natives. Thus in the island of Ybabao which was the first of these Filipinas islands of which possession was taken, Indians came to the ships from the shore, who made friends and rendered obedience to his Majesty. These came of their own will, to make friends, and at the first, before any bartering of food and other small articles was made, and without anything of their possessions being asked. The same was done on the river Calayan, where were Captain Andres de Ybarra and father Fray Diego de Herrera. Peace was made, and nothing was asked or taken from them; and they remained friends. And although in the island of Ybabao certain Indians treacherously killed there Francisco Gomez and another Spaniard, no war was made upon them for that reason. Rather the governor was always calling for peace from all the natives of the islands where he went, without making war on anyone. So in Bohol the chiefs gave their obedience, and came to the ships of their own will. From that place a contingent was sent to Butuan to make friends with the chief. Captain Juan de la Ysla and that same father provincial went there and made friends with Limanpao, lord of Butuan. From there they went to Cubu, where they summoned and from the small boats invited the natives to make peace, proclaiming for two or three days the summons, until those natives shot arrows from the shore at those in the boats, who were continuing to summon them peaceably to make peace. Therefore father Fray Andres de Urdaneta, he who was calling upon them for peace, made a harangue to the people, saying that they were apostates, and that war could be made against them legitimately. The governor disembarked there, with the opposition of the natives. After having planted a colony there, many Indians of the neighborhood, and even those of Cubu, came in peace to render him obedience. Thus a true report was made to his Majesty, for many Indians became friendly in these islands and made submission without war being waged upon them. Nor would it have been made against any others, without first quietly and pacifically calling for peace, making much of them, and giving them clothes, articles of barter, food, and other small articles, which they asked for. If afterward any occasion arose for making war for the pacification of the friendly Indians who were disturbed by the others who were not friendly, it cannot be said on that account that a false report was made to his Majesty; for whatever was going on in the land at our arrival there has been written to him, and true reports of what has happened have always been sent him. Therefore, by the above, it is clear and manifest that true and faithful reports have been made to his Majesty.

The "Opinion" says further that no land among all these islands has come with a just title into the power of the Spaniards. To this we have only to reply that we came to these districts by his Majesty's order, and therefore are here, obeying his royal mandate; and, as we are not lawyers, we shall cease discussing the justice, title, or cause that his Majesty has or can have in these islands. In what concerns the robberies and injuries that have been committed (if any have been) in this land, the natives have given the occasion for it, some of them being traitors and breaking the peace, as they have broken it at different times, especially in this city of Manila. The master-of-camp, Martin de Goiti, having come hither the first time and entered in peace, and having made and ratified it with the rajas of Manila, without the Spaniards on their part giving them any occasion, the natives tried to kill the latter, discharging at them five or six pieces of artillery, the greater part of which hit the junk on which was the said master-of-camp. Thus the Spaniards were forced in self-defense to fight and enter the city, as it was entered. And, if the city was burned, it was for the security of the few Spaniards who had entered it, that the natives might not attack them among houses closely joined together. The same natives confessed that they themselves had begun the war. Further, as for assaulting villages at night, this has been done in the case of rebellious villages that defied the Spaniards. It was necessary for the security of our friends to break and crush their pride, to avoid greater evil. If some have gone to excess in this matter, it is the individual excess which casts blame on the community in general, because the instructions that the governors have given and do give, whenever any expedition is made, are Christian in tone, and quite in conformity with those which they have from his Majesty. If sometimes the commanders have inflicted injury or waged any war, it is because the malice of the natives is so great, that wherever they sally out in war, with their ambuscades and other treacheries they provoke the Spaniards to self-defense. If the latter go with the mailed hand, it is for the security of their own persons; for, if they were unarmed and unprepared, the natives would kill them—as they have done to many Spaniards whom they have caught astray and alone, killing them and practicing great cruelties upon them. Therefore it is necessary to go everywhere with weapons in hand, for the security of the Spaniards; for there is so little justice and reason among these natives, and they never obey one another, or have lords or headmen among them, but all sorts of disorders, clans, and factions. Before the Spaniards came hither, the natives killed one another in their own villages for very slight causes. Wherefore it is clear that wherever the Spaniards go, they must go ready and prepared to defend themselves, as they are but few among many infidels, and loyal among traitors. Therefore it is a perfectly good argument to say that wherever they go they go with weapons in hand. As to the matter of maintaining the natives in peace and justice, it is a just one. Therefore we try in every way to protect those who are friendly to us. Those who are in the neighborhood of the Spaniards are very well protected and defended—not only from their enemies, who aforetime were wont to make war on them, but even from their servants and the members of their households, who among them were wont to kill, punish, and enslave one another, a thing not done now. And if this is done in any remote district, it is in places in which, on account of their remoteness, no remedy can be had from the Spaniards. Thus it is of great use and profit that the Spaniards have come to the natives hereabout, on account of the security that they have from one another, and because they have free recourse to their trade and interests without being hindered or robbed by any one. They were not accustomed to this security before the Spaniards came hither, because it is a thing publicly known and notorious that even in their own houses they were captured and robbed. They were not free to go fishing on the sea without being captured. Now not only are they safe in their houses, but they go safely to different places, without any harm being done them. If there are piracies, they are very far from this town and in places where the Spaniards do not go. It is a very ancient custom that the natives had among themselves, of capturing, robbing, killing, and imprisoning one another. Now there are few injuries committed, in comparison with what used to be committed before the Spaniards came here. Every day there will be fewer, because we are ever striving to take and punish such pirates, as today there were some taken in this town. In regard to the tribute that has been raised, and the amount of tribute in gold that is collected from Los Ylocos and Los Camarines, without giving them any greater benefit than going there and collecting the tribute, it is a matter clearly to be understood, that, for the support of those who live in this land, it is quite necessary that the natives assist with tribute as they do in the other part of the Indies. They are not considered friends, nor do they have any security, without first having paid the tribute—which is, in proportion to their condition and wealth, very little; and which they are willing to give gladly and without compulsion. In each island, district, and village, the natives give what they please, for in some places they give provisions, and in others wax, cloth, and other things which they obtain from their harvests. To them it is little, and almost nothing, because they have those things abundantly. If gold has been collected from the Ylocos and the Camarines, it is because the land is very rich in mines, and because they have great quantities of gold. Cloth and provisions are worth more to them than in other districts, and so the natives would rather give the tribute in gold, of which they have an abundance, than in cloth and provisions, which they lack. If up to this time the said districts and villages have not been settled, it is on account of having so few men in the land and because it is not possible to do anything else. Moreover, Captain Juan de Salcedo has already settled in Los Ylocos, has built a village there, and has a cleric to instruct them in the tenets of our holy Catholic faith; and he made a settlement in Los Camarines shortly after they were pacified and discovered. Although we have not gained a complete knowledge of the nature of the land and settling it, because Spaniards are going about everywhere still, exploring and making an end of pacifying it. When there is any possibility of settling it, that will be done, as has been done in the other districts where the natives have made and are making peace.

As regards the excessive tribute which in the "Opinion" is said to have been collected from the natives, to generalize from individual cases is to confuse the whole matter. We say this because a great part of this country is taxed differently in different places, and the natives vary in wealth. In some parts they are rich, in others farmers, in others merchants, in others miners; and, again, in others they live by robbery and assault. So the late governor taxed this bay of Manila and its vicinity—being informed of, and having seen with his own eyes, the quality and fertility of the land, and the wealth of its natives—two fanegas each of unwinnowed rice for a year's tribute, and a piece of colored cloth of two varas in length and one in breadth; and, in default of this, three maes of gold—in gold, or in produce, as they prefer. This said tribute is so moderate, that with six silver reals, which an Indian gives to his encomendero each year, he pays his tribute entirely. A maes of gold is commonly worth two reals, and, when gold is worth more, the maes is worth two reals and a half; so, even at that, it is not half the tribute that the Indians pay in Nueva Espana. The Moros pay this tribute of three maes as being more wealthy people, and because they are excellent farmers and traders. They are so rich that, if they would labor and trade for four days, they would gain enough to work off the tribute for a year. They have various sources of gain and profit; and so they have an abundance of rich jewels and trinkets of gold, which they wear on their persons. There are some chiefs in this island who have on their persons ten or twelve thousand ducats' worth of gold in jewels—to say nothing of the lands, slaves, and mines that they own. There are so many of these chiefs that they are innumerable. Likewise the individual subjects of these chiefs have a great quantity of the said jewels of gold, which they wear on their persons—bracelets, chains, and earrings of solid gold, daggers of gold, and other very rich trinkets. These are generally seen among them, and not only the chiefs and freemen have plenty of these jewels, but even slaves possess and wear golden trinkets upon their persons, openly and freely. To say, then, that the Indians are so wretched that they live on roots during part of the year, and in some places are accustomed to support themselves for a certain part of the year on sweet potatoes, sago bread, and other vegetables they find, is wrong. It is not so in all districts, but only in some of the Pintados [92] islands; nor is this through any lack of prosperity, but because they are vicious, and eat all sorts of food. They are so lazy that they will not go four leagues out of their villages to buy rice, but spend their time in drunkenness, idolatries, and feastings. As they get along also with those eatables until they harvest their rice, they do not miss it; because they are a people who, when any of their relations die, will, as mourning, willingly go without eating rice for four or six months, or even a year. They live on other foods and grains that they possess, and in many parts of the Pintados they live a part of the year on borona, millet, beans, fish, swine, and fowl, and many kinds of wine. Not for that reason do they fail to be rich and have golden jewels, slaves, lands, and gardens. The Pintados are not as rich as the natives of this island of Luzon (who are called Moros), because they are not as capable in labor and agriculture. So they are taxed to a less amount, each Indian being taxed for a fanega and a half of unwinnowed rice, and a piece of cloth, white or colored, woven from a plant. [93] In other districts they have other tax-rates, each suitable to their prosperity. Up to this time the natives have not been injured, nor are they now injured, by paying the tribute which is imposed upon them, because it is so moderate that they can pay it without any labor. For by breeding four fowls under their houses every year (which can be done without any cost), they can pay their tribute, over and above which they have many advantages and profits. Now more than ever, with the stay of the Spaniards in these regions, they have established and increased their trade, and they continue to increase it every day. The "Opinion" states that the encomenderos can be supported with the one maes that each Indian gives every year. It is very certain that no one can be supported on so small a tribute, because there are many encomenderos who cannot be supported on a tribute of three maes, and they live in great poverty, through having so few Indians. One of these encomenderos has for his share less than three hundred Indians, and many five and six hundred, and as very few have over a thousand, especially are they in need where goods are so dear and gold is valued so slightly. A pair of shoes is worth a half-tael of gold, which would be the tribute of eight Indians. A shirt is worth six pesos, and so on; all other Castilian articles are worth double their price in Nueva Espana. Then, if the Indians here should pay every year two reals (the equivalent of one maez) as tribute, one could not live here by any means, especially since the natives are so rich, and have so many profits and sources of gain, and are more rich in lands than those of Nueva Espana. They have a great deal of cloth with which to clothe themselves; many silken fabrics worked with gold, greatly esteemed and of high value; many porcelains and fine earthenware jars; lances, daggers, bells, and vases; and many adornments for their persons, of which they make use. They also have great quantities of provisions, which they gather every year from their irrigated lands; palm wine, and wine of the nipa palm, which they collect ordinarily every day during the whole year and many other wines, made from rice or cane—to say nothing of the great profits they make from wax and gold, which are ordinarily produced in all the islands. There is a great deal of cotton, which they work and spin, and make into fine cloths; these are very valuable to the Indians in their trade. The Chinese bring them many silks, porcelains, and perfumes; with iron and other articles, from which they make great profits. For all this and many other reasons and causes, which are well known everywhere, the said natives can pay the tribute which is imposed upon them, and much more, without any difficulty. If some natives in some of the villages decamp in order to avoid paying the tribute, as is stated in the "Opinion," it is not on account of any lack of means, but because the natives are spirited, and make it a point of honor to pay the tribute only when forced. They like to be compelled to do so. This is not the case with all of them, but only with some who, after debaucheries and guzzling of wine, come to the Spaniards, and say that they have nothing wherewith to pay the tribute. This is not true of whole villages, but of certain individuals, who, as they seldom obey their chiefs, do whatever wine incites them to. All this is no reason to detract from the prosperity and riches of the natives; for if some Indians go without robes and loin-cloths, they must be slaves and laborers—not because they lack cloth, since it costs them so little to make a robe that there is no one who cares to work who has not one; and not only robes, but many other valuables. For all these causes and reasons, then, although the "Opinion" of the father provincial and the other religious has been given with good and holy zeal, it is, nevertheless, exceedingly harmful to the augmentation and settlement of this land, and the perpetuation of the Spanish rule therein. To the natives themselves it is pernicious; because, if they do not pay tribute to the Spaniards, the latter have to take from them their provisions and such things as they possess, in order to support themselves—as was done before the land was divided into repartimientos, and before the natives paid tribute. It is, therefore, most useful and profitable for the natives to pay tribute, by which the said Spaniards can be supported comfortably, and without vexation to them; and if the tribute is too small and the Spaniards can not be supported on it, it will come to the point of taking away their property on the sea, as was done before the land was divided into repartimientos, but does not happen now. On the contrary the natives are all very secure and quiet, and come and go to trade, and are altogether much profited and enriched by the repartimiento.

Guido de Lavezaris. Juan Maldonado. Martin de Goiti. Andres Cabchela. Luis de la Haya. Salvador de Aldave. Joan de la Ysla. Amador de Arriaran. The licentiate Chacon. Gabriel de Rribera.

In my presence,

Fernando Riquel



Two Letters from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty:

In the past year of seventy-three, I sent to your Majesty, by two ships despatched to the kingdoms of Nueva Espana, a written account of what had occurred in these regions until that time. A few days after the departure of these two ships, I despatched another one, which had taken more time in its preparations. The last-named vessel followed a different course from the others, and put into a harbor again, after having sailed all around this island of Lucon, on account of the bad weather with which it met. The ship has been detained until now in order to repair it, and to make all the necessary preparations. We are waiting every day for the arrival of the ships from Nueva Espana, for it is already time that they should arrive; but, in order that the vendavales may not prevent the navigation of this ship, we shall not detain it here until the others arrive—although it would have been much better for the service of your Majesty to receive an explanation of matters regarding which an answer was expected.

With the service of God and that of your Majesty in mind, as soon as the ships left for Nueva Espana, I despatched Captain Juan de Salcedo in July, seventy-three, with one hundred and twenty soldiers in vessels like those used by these natives, to win over and conquer Bicor River and the province of Los Camarines, on the east side of this island of Lucon. He brought under the dominion and obedience of your Majesty all that region, with about twenty thousand of its natives, with as little injury as possible. Some villages paid their tribute in gold. They have abundant stores of food, and possess goldmines. The people are the most valiant yet found in these regions; they possess much good armor—as iron corselets, greaves, wristlets, gauntlets, and helmets—and some arquebuses and culverins. They are the best and most skilful artificers in jewels and gold that we have seen in this land. Almost all the people of Los Camarines pursue this handicraft. Close upon the province of Los Camarines and Bicor River are the mines of Paracali. As soon as the ships arrive, I shall try to effect a settlement near those mines with the people that may come, for I consider it a matter of importance for the service of your Majesty; and I shall continue the apportionment of the discovered and peaceful district of that region.

In July of the past year, seventy-three, a ship despatched by the viceroy Don Martin Enriquez arrived at these islands from Nueva Espana. It brought us news which caused great joy and satisfaction in this camp of your Majesty. We learned that God had granted the Queen, our lady, the delivery of a prince, [94] so much desired by all, and that her Majesty is enjoying the good health so needful. Our Lord was pleased to grant us such a marked favor, and we beseech Him to preserve your Majesty, the Queen our lady, and his Highness many years for us; for only thus shall we not fear any adversity, nor can we desire greater things in this new world.

In order that we might better celebrate this news, we heard at the same time of the victory won by the most serene [95] of Austria over the fleet of the Turk, a victory which has proved as great and signal as we expected from the zeal of his Holiness and from your Majesty; for God having seen that both had taken His honor so at heart, has been pleased to show part of His strength, so that in a single day He has made your Majesty master of the sea. Considering the great Catholic zeal of your Majesty, God will be pleased also to make your Majesty master of the land in which His holy faith is exalted, and afterward He will grant you a share in heaven, as one employed in matters so holy deserves. I pray that God may preserve your Majesty and so great a brother many years for the welfare and prosperity of Christianity.

On account of the necessity of visiting the islands of Cubu, Panae, and others near by, and for the arrangement of matters therein necessary for the service of your Majesty, and the preservation of those natives, I went there in the month of November, of last year, seventy-three, and found that the town of Nombre de Jhesus in the island of Cubu was almost deserted, and that its inhabitants were roaming about in the neighboring islands. I ordered them to assemble and resettle the said town; and since in doing so they would be poor and needy, I gave and distributed among them in the name of your Majesty all that was near at hand. Then I visited all the other towns until I reduced all things to the order and arrangement necessary, and left the natives quiet and reconciled. It took me four months to accomplish this so that I returned to the city of Manila in the month of March of this year.

As I considered the friendship of the king of Borney an important matter for the service of your Majesty, I sent to him a Moro, a native of this island, as messenger, with certificates of security so that his people may freely come to these islands to trade, as they were accustomed to do. For the friendship of this king and the commerce will open us a way for the establishment of a community and the erection of a fort in that island; and if people come [hither from Nueva Espana] it will be necessary for me to go or to send others to settle that island, for the service of your Majesty requires it.

The lord and chief of Bindanao River [96] has also notified me, through letters, that he wishes to be our friend and your Majesty's vassal. This is also an important matter, for the place is suitably situated for your royal service. That river is the most important one in the island and the latter receives its name from it. If I have the opportunity I shall send men there; and, if convenient, we shall make a settlement there.

In case I have people and ships enough, I intend to send men to discover the islands of Lequios [Liu-Kiu] on this side of Japan. This will be of much importance to the service of your Majesty.

Inasmuch as this island of Lucon is so large, and as, for the preservation of the natives, we need some settlements of Spaniards to protect and defend them, and teach them our holy Catholic faith, it seemed best to send Captain Juan de Salcedo with seventy or eighty soldiers to people the coast of Los Ylocos, on the shores of a river called Bigan. There I ordered him to found the town of Fernandina in memory of the prince, our master [97] (may he live many happy years); and I continued to apportion, in the name of your Majesty, all that had been discovered and won over thereabout, reserving for your Majesty what had been ordered me through your royal decree.

The Chinese, in view of the kind treatment that they have always received and do receive at our hands, continue to increase their commerce each year, and supply us with many articles as sugar, wheat, and barley flour, nuts, raisins, pears, and oranges; silks, choice porcelains and iron; and other small things which we lacked in this land before their arrival. This year they gave me a drawing of the coast of China, made by themselves, which I am sending to your Majesty.

There is great need in these regions of Franciscan, Dominican, and Theatin religious, and of some ecclesiastics, for the conversion of the natives. The Theatins are much and especially needed; for, as an eyewitness, I know the great results that they have obtained in Yndia. With the coming of more people, it will be necessary to found a few Spanish settlements in this island of Lucon, which is large, and in other islands; for already these natives are being baptized daily, and are embracing our holy faith and religion. They are very quiet and reconciled, and will be more so when many religious of the said orders have arrived; for at present we have only ten Augustinian religious here, and they are not sufficient for the great labor demanded of them. I repeat that the service of your Majesty requires the presence here of Franciscan religious and of some Theatins.

This year we have brought from the island of Bindanao three hundred quintals of cinnamon for your Majesty. This ship, being small, will carry no more than eighty quintals, so that we have here three hundred and fifty quintals more to send in the ships which may come later.

I am also sending to Nueva Espana cinnamon plants, and pepper plants of the round and large variety; also roots taken from Chinese stock, so that they may be raise here for your Majesty.

I am sending a bundle of cinnamon branches with leaves, and three flasks of cinnamon water, for her Majesty the Queen, our lady.

Last year I sent to your Majesty in this ship a cup and fourteen earrings of gold. Now I do the same, and add four daggers of the kind used by these natives.

For his Highness the prince our master, I am sending a crown, two gold chains, and two daggers. Not considering the objects themselves, or the person who sends them, may your Majesty accept them as articles sent from regions so far away, with the desire of serving your Majesty.

For the good management of your royal exchequer, we need two men to fill the offices of treasurer and of factor. These offices are vacant at present; for while the governor Miguel Lopez lived I served as treasurer, but at his death I succeeded him in his charge, and sent the factor under arrest to Nueva Espana for certain charges made against him. Your Majesty will also see that we are supplied with an attorney-general, for we are in much need of one.

Juan de Ledesma and Valmaseda, your Majesty's secretaries, sent to this your camp three of your royal decrees, in which we are ordered not to fill again the office of purveyor-general or any other office in these islands; and that from the gold, silver, and jewels discovered, the royal fifths shall be taken. [98] This will be heeded and carried out according to the orders of your Majesty. I am also ordered to send a report concerning the slaves of these islands, how and for what reasons they are enslaved; and also concerning the Augustinian religious who are here. In fulfilment of the latter command, I say that at present there are only ten religious of the said order in these islands. As to the slaves, I am sending to the members of your Royal Council of the Indies the report which your Majesty orders me to make, and in which I explain the conditions and causes of their slavery. [99]

We do not notify your Majesty of the many details which arise here, because we have reported, and do report all to your viceroy of Nueva Espana, who attends to your royal service in all that we need here with much diligence and promptness, so that nothing has been overlooked.

Since we came to this settlement of the city of Manila, the religious who reside in these islands have shown so much scruple in regard to collecting tribute from reconciled and apportioned communities that some of them have several times affirmed in the pulpit that one could not conscientiously levy tribute, and have made other assertions at which all have been grieved. Since this idea is being stirred up now more than ever, I asked the provincial of the order to give me his opinion concerning the matter in writing. He did so, and gave me an opinion which, although prompted by holy zeal and commendable in certain respects, is nevertheless severe; and, if it should be heeded, this land could not be maintained. To anticipate the religious who might notify your Majesty, or send copy of the said "Opinion," and to keep your Majesty informed of the truth, a reply to the "Opinion" was drawn with the consent of the master-of-camp, captains, and other prominent persons. The contents of the reply will be verified and proved by many Spanish and native witnesses; accordingly, may your Majesty, together with the members of your royal Council, be pleased to provide what is most necessary for the service of your Majesty.

While this ship was on the point of departure, one of two ships which your viceroy Don Martin Enrriquez despatched from Nueva Espana arrived here, on the fifth of the present month. Through these ships he sends one hundred and fifty soldiers, some married men, and three Augustinian religious. The other ship has not yet arrived. This camp of your Majesty was much pleased at the news of the birth of the new infante. May he rejoice your Majesty for many years.

The officials of your royal exchequer who reside in Mexico write that they are not empowered by your Majesty to provide this camp with some very necessary supplies which were asked from them for this land. May your Majesty be pleased to exercise your accustomed magnanimity, and order them to provide us with what is necessary for your Majesty's service, and for the maintenance of this camp and commonwealth, according to the memorials which the royal officials of these islands shall send to them.

This last ship brought a decree from your Majesty issued at San Lorenco el Real on June fourth, seventy-two. The decree orders me and the officials of your Majesty to send, by the first ships which shall leave this place, a report of your royal exchequer from the time this land was discovered and settled until the day when the report is sent, and to do so at the beginning of every year to come. This order will be heeded and carried out according to the wishes of your Majesty—although, these ships having already departed, we shall not be able to do so until the departure of the others a year from now.

Last year, I wrote to your Majesty that the Indians who were deserting the encomiendas were again being allotted to the Spaniards who serve your Majesty in this camp. The same is being done now, since it is necessary for the service of your Majesty, and the preservation of this land. I beseech your Majesty to favor this measure and to confirm what has been already done, and whatever allotment should be made hereafter; for the soldiers have suffered much, and no day passes away without the death of some one. Unless the land were thus allotted, it would lack means of sustenance.

The office of treasurer, which I filled when Governor Miguel Lopez was alive, is now vacant; and since I sent the factor under arrest to Nueva Espana, thus leaving here only the accountant, I appointed as treasurer for the proper management of your royal exchequer, Salvador de Aldave, until your Majesty be pleased to provide otherwise. He has served almost a year in the said capacity, with all diligence and care, and he possesses all the qualifications required for such an office. From the time he came here, over seven years ago, he has served your Majesty loyally in the discovery, conquest, and pacification of these islands for more than seven years, namely, from the time of his arrival. He fills the office well, and is worthy of whatever favor your Majesty may be pleased to grant him. May our Lord preserve the sacred Catholic royal person of your Majesty, and add greater realms and seigniories, as we your Majesty's faithful subjects desire. Manila, July 17, 1574. Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty, your loyal subject kisses the royal feet and hands of your Majesty.

Guido de Lavezaris

[Addressed: "To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty, the King Don Philipe, our sovereign."]

[Endorsed: " Philipinas, 1574. To His Majesty. From Guido de Labezaris, July 17, 1574." "Let it be made into a relation." "Received, March 7, 1575."]

[Remarks by the council, appended to this letter: Answer that I receive it with gratitude, and that the governor appointed by his Majesty will take account of it, and will reward him according to his services.

Let a decree be sent to the viceroy and officials of Nueva Espana so that with the money received from here they might supply these islands with the articles which may be requested as necessary for war and other emergencies, according to the memorial which the governor and officials may send. Another decree should be sent also to the governor of these islands charging him to strive most diligently to facilitate commerce, and take care that the moneys belonging to your Majesty be sent to the officials of Nueva Espana, in order that they may provide the islands with the supplies that will be needed, and which will be requested from here. For the fulfilment of this, orders should be sent to the viceroy and officials.]



[The following letter, dated July 30, of this same year, is identical with the foregoing in almost every word, as far as the twenty-sixth section. The new matter in the second letter is herewith presented.]

26. Up to this point, this letter is a copy of the letter which I wrote to your Majesty by the ship "San Juan." What afterward occurred is, that the said ship left this port on the nineteenth of the present month. May God grant the propitious voyage for which we hope.

27. One of the two ships despatched from Nueva Espana has not yet arrived, nor do we know anything about it. I have sent men to look for it in two different directions, with the oared boats of these natives. It is thought that the vessel is detained on account of stormy weather, and that with the help of God it will soon be here.

28. On the twenty-fourth of this month, there arrived at this city Captain Pedro de Chaves, who, when Captain Juan de Salcedo returned from the province of Los Camarines, had remained there with men to continue the exploration and pacification still remaining to be carried on. When Captain Juan de Salcedo returned from that province the whole land was quiet and tranquil, and its natives, as well as those of the province of Albay, were reduced to the service of your Majesty. He had also won over the island of Catanduanes five leagues from that coast The natives of that island were famous sea-pirates, who did much injury wherever they went. The people of that region are well disposed, and possess gold, mines, and plenty of provisions. Now, with God's help, the whole land will be apportioned and distributed among the conquerors of these islands, according to your Majesty's orders. The mines of Paracali, which are a day's journey from Bicor River, will be settled, for they are in a suitable place; and when they are given to the Spaniards and worked by them, the land will increase in population and its commerce will prosper. I have faith in God that from this small beginning He will enlarge and increase the kingdoms and seigniories of your Majesty, and we shall be able to carry the true knowledge of the holy Catholic faith to so many barbarous and blinded men who are found in these regions, including the vast kingdom of China and many others. Heaven has this good fortune in store for your Majesty, so that it may be fulfilled during these propitious times of your Majesty.