The ships having arrived at the said island of Panay, orders were given for all the other captains who were scattered with their companies through the other islands to assemble. The papers and letters of his Majesty were opened, and it was seen that it was his will for the lands to be settled and divided among those who conquered and subdued them. Other and greater favors were conferred by his Majesty, who has always striven and will always strive that our Lord should be served. The will of his Majesty having thus been revealed to the governor, he determined to go to found a colony on the island of Cubu, which he did, naming it El Nombre de Jesus. He left this colony populated by forty or fifty colonists, giving them some villages and islands in the immediate environs. From that island he returned to the above-named island of Panay, whence he decided to sail, with the rest of his men and all his munitions of war, to the island of Luzon. He was detained here, however, for five or six months, during which time the people suffered great distress from the lack of rice in the island, because of the swarms of locusts which had prevailed for two or three years. Therefore the father provincial preached to us each day, and strongly urged the governor, in all his public sermons and private conversations, that he should depart from this island and not permit the people to suffer so great distress. Therefore, influenced by the prayers and warnings of the said father, and because he saw that there was reason therefor, he decided to sail out of the said river of Panay with all his fleet and army, to settle the island of Luzon.

Accompanied by the ships necessary for such an expedition, the governor set sail in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one, on the day after Easter, taking with him the father provincial, Fray Diego de Herrera, the master-of-camp and all the other captains, and two hundred and thirty arquebusiers. It was on the twentieth of the month that he set sail, and with fair weather he arrived at the island of Mindoro with his whole fleet of twenty-six or twenty-seven ships, large and small, including both our own and those of the natives who came with us. He remained on that island fifteen or sixteen days, and from thence set out for the island of Luzon, where we arrived a week later, at the bay which I have before mentioned and on which Manilla is situated. When the natives knew that the governor had come with his entire force to settle upon their lands, and when they saw him entering the bay, they set fire to their village of Manilla (which they had rebuilt after its burning, a year before, by the master-of-camp); and this time many of the houses were consumed and many remained standing, while the natives crossed to the opposite shore, to the village of Alcandora. The governor having arrived at the port of Manylla one day in the middle of the month of May, at two o'clock in the afternoon, Alcandora came out in a little boat to welcome him in peace and friendship, and speak to him on behalf of Raxa Soliman and Laya, begging that he would treat them with friendship, and pardon them for having taken up arms the past year against the master-of-camp. He said that on the following day they would come, under safe conduct from him, to talk with him and make peace. The governor received him very well, and told him through an interpreter to retire for the night to his house and to come on the next day with the two Raxas, saying that he would make peace with the latter, and would treat them as sons; for he had no ill-feeling toward them, but rather regretted that they had resisted the master-of-camp. Thus with these assurances, Alcandora took his leave, going to his house greatly pleased. The next day the governor disembarked in Manilla and the three chiefs came to talk with him and declare themselves his friends. It should not be understood in Nueva Espana or in Espana that the chiefs in this land are absolute rulers, or that they have great authority or power. Rather the very opposite is true, for there exist among them the most primitive conditions to be found in any race. It often befalls that in one village, however small it may be, there are five, six, or ten chiefs, each of whom possesses twenty or thirty slaves, whom he has the power to sell, or treat as he pleases. Others there are who are called timaguas (that is to say, freemen), over whom the chiefs have no power—except that the timaguas are under obligation to follow their own chief when war arises between the different factions; and even this service is not compulsory and cannot be obtained by force. As I have said, there prevails among them the utmost rudeness and lack of harmony; so that if one says "basket," the other responds "crossbow." He who has the most gold and riches is the greatest chief and of the highest nobility, and is the most respected, in accordance with the vanity and vainglory of this world. It occurs to me now that this is borne out by the proverb current among the Spaniards, namely, "Dost thou wish to know thy value? see what thou hast."

These three chiefs, having become our friends, offered to bring all the surrounding country to terms of peace with us, a thing which they did not succeed in accomplishing, for they were not sufficiently powerful, as I have said, each village having its own chiefs. Indeed there are but very few chiefs who have authority over as many as two or three villages, for the reason which I have given above. The character and customs of these people, and their clothing, ornaments, and mode of government I shall describe further on—that is to say, of the people of this island of Luzon and of the other islands round about. As for those farther away in China, we are informed by those who come from there to trade with these islands that they are a cleanly, well-clothed race, and of higher morals. This is worthy of some belief, on account of the Chinese who come to these islands to trade, and whom we see walking about, well and decently clothed. Leaving this subject for its proper time and place, I shall continue to relate the governor's actions after disembarking in Manilla, on the sixteenth of May of the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one. At the end of a week he published an edict that, in accordance with the command of his Majesty, he would give lands and repartimientos to those who desired to settle in the city of Manilla, which he was founding in the name of his Majesty. Accordingly, all those who came with him, captains, soldiers, and gentlemen, settled as citizens in this city; but up to the present, and it is now about a year since the city was founded, there are very few who have repartimientos or even homesteads. This is, as I have said, a very unsatisfactory manner in which this city was founded and settled. I shall now return to relate briefly the war with the natives, which the Spaniards have carried on even to the present day.

All that I have above related having taken place, it was decided to make peace with the nearest villages, some of whom had come to beg it from the governor, and others would not. Among those who would not come was a village called Butas, situated on an inlet on the other side of the river flowing past Manilla, and about a league and a half away. This village, uniting with the others near by, sent word that they did not wish peace or friendship with the governor; and had the boldness to come as far as the village of Alcandora, quite close to Manilla, whence they sent defiance to the governor and the captains. Having endured this a number of times and having made offers of peace, it finally became impossible to endure such insolence; and the governor had to send the master-of-camp, with seventy soldiers and several native leaders, by sea to fight with those Indians at their village, where they were waiting with twenty or thirty of their boats, with one or two culverins in each boat. He set out (after having heard mass) on the day of the Feast of the Holy Ghost, which was the third of the month of June in the year above mentioned. The master-of-camp, having embarked with the soldiers, arrived at the place where the enemy were assembled at twelve o'clock on that day. When they saw that he was entering the port, they sailed out to attack him with their boats (which were, as I said, twenty or thirty in number), and with a great outcry began to fire their culverins and many arrows. It was God's will that they caused no injury to our forces. Taking note of the order used by the enemy, the command was given for the Spaniards to fasten their boats by twos, and to row slowly toward the opposing forces. When they were in close proximity, all the arquebusiers began to shoot and to cause injuries among the enemy—who, not being able to endure the firing, which killed many of them, began to turn their backs and retreat to the land. When the Pintados Indians who accompanied the master-of-camp saw the enemy in retreat, they threw themselves into the water in pursuit, and caused great slaughter among them; for they are bitter enemies of the natives of this island of Luzon. And thus they attacked them on land, capturing all their boats and taking two hundred of the natives prisoners; and later they captured two or three hundred more. On the land there were five or six culverins in a little fort, which was captured. In this manner were routed those Indians, who had shown so much pride and had so little courage. On the morning of the next day the master-of-camp came to the city with all the booty, and divided the prisoners as slaves among the soldiers, reserving a fifth for his Majesty.

A few days having passed in peace and rest, there came certain Indians who told the governor that in the province of Capanpanga there were many densely-populated rivers; and that most of the people thereon did not desire to have friendly relations with the Spaniards. The master-of-camp had to go therefore upon this conquest with one hundred soldiers. When he had entered the said province, some of the natives retired to forts which they had built, and tried to resist him. He routed them, and took from them some culverins in their possession and they were left pacified. While he was subjugating this province, there came news that two ships had arrived from Nueva Espana, sent by the viceroy Don Martin Enrriquez, with a reenforcement of one hundred soldiers, under the captaincy of Juan Lopez de Aguirre. The governor thereupon ordered the master-of-camp to go to Panay, to send the said ships to this port of Manilla, and to bring back his wife, who was in Cubu. In consideration of this service the first repartimiento in this island and a river called Bonbon was allotted to him.

At this same time of which we have spoken, there came down from up the river which flows by Manilla, several chiefs of a village named Caynta, to proclaim themselves friends of the governor. This said village had about a thousand inhabitants, and was surrounded by very tall and very dense bamboo thickets, and fortified with a wall and a few small culverins. The same river as that of Manilla circles around the village and a branch of it passes through the middle dividing it in two sections. Now when they had made their declarations of friendship to the Spaniards, and saw our situation and condition in Manilla, they came to think lightly of us; and, after their departure to their village, sent word that they did not care to be friends, but would rather fight with the governor and his men. They said that, if the Spaniards would come up the river for this purpose, they would see how the people of Caynta would hurl them from their lands. The governor gave them a month or two to return to their allegiance, and sent certain friendly Indians to treat with them; but no conclusion could be reached until the governor sent his nephew Juan de Sauzedo with one hundred soldiers to conquer them, or rather to destroy them. During this interim there arrived the two ships coming from Nueva Espana, which had been lying in port in the island of Panay. I have already told above how the master-of-camp had gone to order them to come to this port of Manilla. On the fifteenth of August, the day of the Assumption of our Lady, they arrived; and on the same day Captain Juan de Sauzedo embarked in a galley, with his hundred soldiers and three pieces of heavy artillery, to go to the fort of Caynta. He ascended the river for three days before he reached the fort. After his arrival, the captain, following out the orders of the governor, waited three days longer, summoning them to return to the terms of peace and friendship with the Spaniards which had been arranged with the governor at Manilla. The ill-fated creatures were intractable, on account of the confidence which they had in their miserable fort; and for response told the captain that they desired to fight. They called upon their hearers as witnesses of the fact, saying that on the day of the battle it would be seen that their God was better than the one worshiped by the Castilians. This latter statement was shown to be a falsehood; for God our Lord was vindicated, and they and their demons, whom they call gods, and worship, were proved liars. Thus on the third day, when the period set for summoning them had passed, the captain prepared his men; and, leaving the galley and the three pieces of artillery in a bend in the river with sufficient men, made a detour with the rest, and, on the side where the fort appeared the weakest, they entered. As they were entering, the enemy killed two men with a very small culverin which they had; and another man they pierced through his coat of mail and all with a lance of fire-hardened palm-wood, so that there were three dead. I have already said at the beginning of this relation that the lances of palm-wood are harder than iron. The fort having been entered, as I have told, the enemy made no resistance after the Spaniards were within. Whoever was able to flee to save his life fled, and of the Indians there were slain, men and women, four hundred persons. The rest who had escaped came thereupon, and made terms of peace and friendship. The fort and all the bamboo thickets surrounding it were destroyed, and the people are today very humble and submissive. There were found in this fort but four culverins. Their having artillery, and the source of their knowledge of casting it, I shall state in a few words, for I forgot to do so at the beginning. According to the natives of the province of Capanpanga and Manilla, there were two Spaniards, from the first fleets which came to this land, who had been captives among them. One of these was a Fleming, the other a Vizcayan; and from them they learned to cast artillery. I do not affirm this, although, as I say, the natives make this assertion. I am inclined rather to the belief that they have learned it from the Moros of Burney, with whom they had dealings. The fort of Caynta was destroyed, as I have related. This fort or village was very near a great lake of fresh water located about four leagues from the city of Manylla. It was reputed to be very large and thickly populated along the shores; but it is not one tenth so thickly populated as they say. With regard to the lake, I shall state what it is like, for I have gone all around it afoot, and seeing gives authority. It is more than twelve leagues long and two wide, and is fresh. Its freshness is caused by the fact that a great number of streams enter it, and only two flow from it; and for this reason also it is very deep, because much water enters and there is but little outflow. The villages about this lake, containing about twenty-four or twenty-six thousand men, were pacified by the captain Juan de Sauzedo. From here the latter crossed with sixty men to the opposite coast of this island, in quest of some mines which the natives had told him were very rich and abounding in gold. The galley was left in the lake above mentioned. These mines are on the opposite coast of this island, which is the northeastern, and the natives call them the mines of Paracali. [44] When the captain had arrived at the mines with his soldiers, who had suffered much on the march because it was in the wet season, they found them excellent and very rich, and more than thirty or forty estados in depth. The natives were afraid and did not await the coming of the Spaniards. Some of the soldiers complained also that the captain conducted himself badly. And thus they returned having lost by death four soldiers, among whom was the sergeant Juan Ramos, newly come to this land. I believe, according to reports, that possession of these mines will be taken, and the whole coast thereabout conquered—for it is a very rich land—if our Lord will it and give his divine sanction thereto, for here we are gaining little profit.

I have told above how the master-of-camp had gone to Cubu for his wife; arriving there, he returned with her to this city. There was a river in the province of Capanpanga, named Vites, the inhabitants of which refused to be friends of the Spaniards; they were reputed to be very powerful. The master-of-camp had to take upon this expedition one hundred and fifty soldiers, and was accompanied by a native guide from the same river who was an Indian chief hostile to the natives of Vites. This man had come to the Spaniards with the offer to conduct them into Vites in perfect safety, without any danger whatever; and this he did, getting the master-of-camp and the hundred and fifty soldiers with him into the place. When the natives saw the Spaniards so safely within their gates and at their fort, they surrendered themselves in peace and friendship and destroyed their fort. All the other villages round about came to offer their friendship; and thus we gained possession of this stronghold, which, by reason of the reports of the natives, was regarded as somewhat dangerous—but there was no more resistance experienced from it than what I have related. With this expedition was ended the last of the wars which have been waged in this island and in that of Mindoro, the most important being written in this relation.

I shall now give my attention to the treatment of certain facts with regard to the natives of this land, simply telling their manner of living, dressing, and dealing with one another. I shall describe a few things which I have seen as to the idols worshiped by them, and shall not enlarge upon other details.

In the first place, the men are of medium size, and dark. They wear their hair clipped short, like the Spaniards. They wear a little cloth headdress and a small piece of cloth to conceal their private parts. From the belt upward, some wear a short doublet of coarse material, with half-sleeves and open in front. There is no manner of footwear. Among them the manner of dress and ornamentation is very indecent. The women are exceedingly ugly and most indecent. They clothe themselves with a piece of cloth hanging down from the belt, and a very small doublet, so that their bellies are left exposed. They can only be compared to mares glutted with hay. They have no personality or rank whatever, and eat and drink most vulgarly. There is no difference between the chief and his slave, or between the slave and his master, in the matter of eating and drinking.

As for their sacrifices, each one of the natives, so far as I have seen, has in his house many idols, to whom they pray. They call God, Batala, and the chief idol which they have is thus named; but others call him Diobata [45]—at least among the Pintados they give him this name. The natives of this island usually call him Batala, and even consider him God of all creation. Accordingly, after the religious came to this land and commenced to preach the faith of Jesus Christ, and to baptize, the natives have not known how to give any other name in their language to God our Lord, except that of Batala. They are people easily converted to the faith, and in the short time while those religious have been in this island, they have gathered much fruit and have baptized many people—men, women and children, who have all been baptized without any chief or native Indian of this land denying our faith. Quite to the contrary, if they are questioned in regard to it, and preached to about it, they say that it is very sacred and very good. Returning to the discussion of the way in which they conduct their feasts, it is as follows.

When any chief is ill, he invites his kindred and orders a great meal to be prepared, consisting of fish, meat, and wine. When the guests are all assembled and the feast set forth in a few plates on the ground inside the house, they seat themselves also on the ground to eat. In the midst of the feast (called manganito or baylan in their tongue), they put the idol called Batala and certain aged women who are considered as priestesses, and some aged Indians—neither more nor less. They offer the idol some of the food which they are eating, and call upon him in their tongue, praying to him for the health of the sick man for whom the feast is held. The natives of these islands have no altars nor temples whatever. This manganito, or drunken revel, to give it a better name, usually lasts seven or eight days; and when it is finished they take the idols and put them in the corners of the house, and keep them there without showing them any reverence. As I have said, they all, from the least to the greatest, eat and drink to the point of losing their senses. In the villages nearest the sea some do not eat pork, the reason for their not eating it, which I have already given, being that, in trading with the Moros of Burney, the latter have preached to them some part of the nefarious doctrine of Mahoma, charging them not to eat pork. In this they act most childishly, and when, by chance any of them are asked why they do not eat it, they say that they do not know why; and if one asks them who Mahoma was and what his law commands, they say that they do not know the commandment or anything about Mahoma, not even his name; nor do they know what his law is, nor whence it came. It is true that some of them who have been in Burney understand some of it, and are able to read a few words of the Alcoran; but these are very few, and believe that he who has not been in Burney may eat pork, as I have heard many of them say. They swear by the sun and by the moon, and all the islands have this oath in common—a fact that I have noticed since our coming to this land. It does not seem to me that they are accustomed to worship animals, stars, clouds, or other things which many idolatrous pagans are wont to adore. I believe, nevertheless, that they have many other customs with regard to sacrifices and witchcraft, for they actually practice these; but there is little advantage in wasting the time or burdening the mind therewith, for any rational person will be able to understand sufficiently the rest after reading what is herein written. Among them, up to the present day, I have not observed any sin against nature, which is saying a great deal of so uncivilized a race; yet with regard to their treatment of women, they are so vicious and licentious that any race whatever might excel them, and this is no insignificant evil and sin. Their custom in taking wives is the following.

Whoever is the richest and has the most gold also has the most wives, and offends most God. There is a law among these natives which is not bad—namely, that however many wives a man has, among them all he regards one as his legitimate wife; and if, when he dies, he has no children by this woman, the children of the others do not inherit. In illustration of the truth of this, one may cite the death of Laya, whom I have already mentioned. When this man died, a Christian, he had no children by his legitimate wife, and although he had many by his other wives, they did not inherit; therefore his property descended to a legitimate nephew of his. It is true, however, that the bastard children may deprive them of their property. I have above shown the characteristics and mode of government among these natives. They do not care to know more than that they are Indians, like all the other Indians. The chiefs are but slightly distinguished in dress from the slaves and freemen. Both women and men wear anklets of gold, and bracelets upon their arms. In regard to the wars waged between them and the Spaniards hitherto, I have already told the principal exploits of captains and soldiers among them. I have already designated the captains who have achieved the most noted deeds in this conquest; and nothing further will be found. If it were necessary to give proof by calling upon all who are in this land, I would be ready to do that. As to what has taken place among the Pintados and among the Portuguese, my relation does not concern itself therewith; but I claim that the most important events which have occurred on these islands, touching the relations between the natives and the Spaniards, are those related and declared by me. As for the Portuguese, I shall say only that the Spaniards have shown great fidelity and bravery in the service of his Majesty, although they never came to a hand-to-hand struggle with the Portuguese—except in a few ambuscades, where they took some captives, as has been written at great length by many chroniclers who live here. May God grant that they write the truth; for, as far as I can learn, very little credit can be given them except in the case of father Fray Diego de Herrera and Fray Martin de Herrada, who, being religious and strongly attached to the service of God and the public good, will write the whole truth; and yet I do not believe that they will interest themselves in secular affairs. Now that I have written the customs and practices of the natives of these islands, I shall make a few remarks on the Indians of China, for I had begun to state them before. I said that they come to trade with the natives and the Spaniards of this island of Luzon as well as to all the islands in this region, to import and sell silk stuffs, very good cotton robes, and other small articles, very neat and similar in make and style to those worn by them. As I began to say above, both men and women are vigorous and light complexioned. I say women, for some are to be found living in this island of Luzon. These Chinese live among these natives because they have fled from their own country, on account of certain events which took place there. They brought their wives with them; all of them, both men and women, number about one hundred and fifty. They became Christians after coming here. They are a very unassuming and modest people; they clothe themselves with long robes of cotton cloth and with silk. They wear wide breeches, and sleeves and stockings, like the Spaniards. They are a very ingenious and cleanly people. This, is in brief what we have seen. They wear their hair very long, men as well as women, tied up and well arranged upon their heads. I have treated thus far of various matters; I come now to speak of the fertility of these islands, of what is gathered and sown in them, mainly with regard to those in which I have been.

The island of Mindanao is very large and poorly populated, at least in the part in which I have been, which is from the river of Butuan to the cape of Calamita, about eighty leagues along the coast. It is an extremely rough country. The natives there obtain very pure gold, for the mines are numerous and very rich. The cape of Caahuite, located in this island, and where cinnamon is gathered, lies in five degrees of latitude, and is toward the southeast. It is a very unhealthy country. As I remarked above, I have been at that cape. From the cape to the river Grande de Mindanao, the distance is about sixty leagues. We were very near this river of Mindanao with the small boat of the flagship which was lost in the Ladrones. Up to the present day none of the Spaniards of our number who were in that ship, have been in that river. Near this cape there is an island called Taguima, [46] and between the island and the said cape the vessels of the Portuguese pass on their way to Maluco for cloves. Therefore if the king our lord take Maluco for his own (for people say that his Majesty has a right to it), the ships sent out will be able to carry out two commissions in one voyage, taking on a cargo of cloves and of cinnamon, for Maluco lies in the course, and is a very good port, where they must of necessity touch. I have called attention to what I have seen in this island. Finally, I shall now speak of all the others which are on terms of peace, at least as far as concerns those where the Spaniards have been. The second is the island of Negros, which is absolutely peaceful. It contains about twenty thousand inhabitants, and is divided among the Spaniards who remained in Cubu. There are said to be gold mines there. Next is the said island of Cubu, which is poorly populated. Between these three islands there are many insignificant islets, some of them inhabited and some not. These I shall not mention, in order to avoid prolixity, but in all of them there are mines. Farther to the northwest from Cubu are Baybay, Bayugo, Abuyo, Cavalian, Tandaya, Barciogama, and other islets, among these which I have mentioned. They are divided among the same citizens of Cubu. Very few of them have peaceable inhabitants. With them as with the others, it is best to bring about peace in these islands. Rice, cotton, great numbers of swine and fowls, wax, and honey are produced there in great abundance. There are many mines, as has been shown, and the natives say that they are well populated. There is gold in all of these islands; but the most important thing is wanting, Spanish people to colonize them. There remains to the west the island of Panay, which was very populous and fertile, and yielded great abundance of rice, swine, fowls, wax, and honey. The natives say that there are gold mines in this island; and, since they say it, it must be true. The gold found there is very pure. When the governor was in that island there fell upon it—because of our sins and those of the natives, or God knows what—an extremely great plague of locusts, which has lasted three years and still continues. No field is sown which they do not destroy. A great famine and pestilence have sprung up among the natives of that island, so that more than half of them have died; and they will continue to die until God our Lord is pleased to remove his anger from over it. From that island to the island of Luzon it is about sixty leagues, and in the course is that of Mindoro. This is an island where much wax and honey is produced. It contains many gold mines, and rivers where gold is gathered. I have been all about it; on the farther coast, which is to the south, it is well populated, while on the northern coast is the village called Mindoro, as well as other thickly-populated rivers. Those who have not seen it or set foot upon it say that it contains about eight thousand men. I shall dare to affirm from what I have seen of it that it has more than fifteen thousand. It is very near the island of Luzon. Between this island and the others above named, lie many small islets, which are friendly, although they have but small populations. As I say, next is the island of Luzon, where the governor resides now, and which was settled in the manner above related. This island is thickly populated and large. The greater and better part of it is still to be conquered, I would say from what I have seen of the villages and land. It does not seem to me that there will be any more resistance from any of them when they learn of the advantages of friendship with the Spaniards; for they have already been informed of the way in which those are treated who resist. To the present time, all that has been explored in this island is about fifty or sixty leagues along the coast from Manilla to Yvalon, [47] which is the landing-place for the ships sailing to Nueva Spana. On the farther coast, to the north, nothing is explored except the mines of Paracali, which were discovered by Captain Juan de Sauzedo when crossing from Manilla to the other sea with sixty men, as I have told above. Near these mines there is a large and thickly-populated river called Bico. [48] According to the reports of the natives, all of it is thickly populated. This island extends a long distance from Manilla toward the west. Toward the south is a province called Yloquio, which is said to be very rich in gold mines; but the Spaniards have not seen it as yet. The natives have not been able to say how far this island extends in longitude. I have already said that all of it is thickly populated, and that it has a great abundance of rice, fowls, and swine, as well as great numbers of buffaloes, deer, wild boars, and goats; it also produces great quantities of cotton and colored cloths, wax, and honey; and date palms abound. In conclusion, it is very well supplied with all the things above mentioned, and many others which I shall not enumerate. It is the largest island which has thus far been discovered in these regions. As I say, it is well populated and very rich in gold mines. There is much trade with China. That part of it which has thus far been conquered and pacified, the governor has begun to allot to the conquerors.

I could write many other things about this land, and the conditions existing in it; but I omit them, in order to avoid prolixity. Therefore I bring the present relation to a close, to the honor and glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, the one and everlasting God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, and of the glorious Virgin Mary, our Lady, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-two, in this city of Manilla, on the twentieth day of the month of April.



Foundation of the City of Manila

I, Hernando Riquel, notary-in-chief and governmental notary for his Majesty in these islands of the West, do hereby certify most solemnly, to whomsoever shall see this present, that the most illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general in these said islands, gave the title of city to this colony of Manila, on the third day of the month of June of the past year, seventy-one; and on the twenty-fourth day of the same month and year, which was St. John's day, he appointed two alcaldes in ordinary, one alguacil-mayor, and twelve regidores; and on the day following he appointed one notary for the cabildo and two notaries public for the court of the said alcaldes, [49] as is set forth in greater detail, and appears by the list of the said appointments, which are in my possession. Therefore, that this might be manifest, I have been ordered by the aforesaid governor to draw up the present document; which is done in the said city of Manilla, on the nineteenth day of the month of June, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-two.

Fernando Riquel

[Endorsed: "June 19, 1572. Copy of the [notarial record of the] bestowal on Manilla of the title of city, and the establishment of alcaldes and regidores." And, in another hand: "For the first article of the 7th, consult the viceroy."]



Documents of 1573



Expenses of expedition to Western Islands, 1569-72. Melchior de Legazpi; March 2. Affairs in the Philippines, after the death of Legazpi. Guido de Lavezaris; June 29. Relation of the Western Islands, called Filipinas. Diego de Artieda. Letter from the viceroy of New Spain to Felipe II. Martin Enriquez; December 5.



Sources: The first two documents are from MSS. in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; the third, from a MS. in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid, collated with another copy at Sevilla; the fourth is taken from Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877).

Translations: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson; the second, by Arthur B. Myrick; the third, by Alfonso de Salvio; the fourth, by Francis W. Snow.



Expenses Incurred for the Expedition to the Western Islands 1569-72

I, Melchior de Legazpi, chief accountant for his Majesty in this Nueva Espana, hereby certify that from the original books and orders for payment pertaining to his royal accountancy, now in my possession, it appears that from the twelfth of February of the year five hundred and sixty-nine—when the alcalde Bernardino de Albornoz entered upon his duties as royal treasurer in this Nueva Espana—until the end of December in the year five hundred and seventy-two, there has been audited and paid from his royal chest (the three keys of which are in charge of the treasurer of the royal estate) the sum of three hundred and twelve thousand one hundred and seventy-six pesos, seven tomines, and eight grains of common gold, each peso of the value of eight reals. [50] This sum includes whatever pertains to the expedition of the Western Islands—for the crews and outfits of the royal ships that were built to send aid to the said islands; the tackle, food, and necessary armament for the said ships; the wages of the soldiers and mariners sailing therein, besides the wages of the sailors who have been serving in that capacity in the said Western Islands since before the years above mentioned, and those of other men; the furnishing of provisions to those who for the said time have been engaged in the work of preparing and despatching the said vessels; and the gunpowder, artillery, military supplies, and other necessary articles sent in the vessels to his Majesty's camp, established in the said islands in his royal name. All this is as set forth in detail in the said books of his Majesty's accountancy, to which I refer.

In certification of the above, and in order that by the same it may be manifest, I give the present—by command of the most excellent Don Martin Enrriquez, viceroy, governor, and captain-general for his Majesty in this Nueva Espana—in duplicate, in Mexico, on the second day of March in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-three.

Melchior de Legazpi

[Endorsed: "Expenses incurred by the royal estate for the expedition to the Western Islands in the years dlxjx. lxx. lxxij."]



Affairs in the Philippines After the Death of Legazpi

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty:

When I came to these islands in company with the general Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, I gave your Majesty an account of the events of the expedition. Since then I have not done so, understanding that the governor sent word by every ship, as was proper, how affairs were going here. Now was our Lord pleased to take him from this life, and I, being treasurer of the royal exchequer, succeeded him in the office by a royal provision, emanating from the royal Audiencia of Nueva Espana. To make myself better understood, your Majesty perhaps knows that in the year forty-two, I came to these regions as accountant, with General Villalobos, who sailed from Nueva Espana, sent out by the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoca. I was in the Maluco Islands, and went thence to Yndia and from there to Espana and Nueva Espana, to inform your viceroy of the success of the expedition. I brought with me from Yndia the ginger root, which has grown so well in Nueva Espana. Don Antonio de Mendoca sent me to Espana to inform your Majesty of the proceedings that should be taken in this discovery. After that mission, I returned with your Majesty's despatch to Nueva Espana, where they were commencing to build the ships and fleet in which General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came for the discovery of these islands. In his company, I passed thither, for the second time, in the year sixty-four—serving your Majesty as treasurer of your royal exchequer until, as I have said, Miguel Lopez died, on the twentieth of August in last year, seventy-two.

In a chest was found the royal decree, by which, in your Majesty's name, he enjoyed and exercised his office as governor and captain-general. Before his death, the said Miguel Lopez had founded, on the island of Cubu, where we first resided, a city called El Santisimo Nombre de Jesus ["the most holy name of Jesus,"] because of an image of the child Jesus that we found there. Here in this island of Lucon, he founded the city of Manilla, where from that time until his death he resided, with all his people. He had commenced to levy taxes, and was assigning repartimientos in the islands and towns that were being pacified; and I am now doing the same. This island of Lucon is large and well populated. The greater part of it has been explored and reduced to your Majesty's service. On account of the lack of men, and the little time that we have spent here, we have not been able to investigate everything. The land contains many rich gold mines. The natives in general acquire, possess, and trade great quantities of gold. The country abounds in provisions—rice, wine, fish, hogs, Castilian fowls, and wild buffaloes; in short, it is so well provided that it can maintain many Spanish settlements, which will produce good fruit, both spiritual and temporal. Ships from China come to trade at many ports of this island. It is understood as certain that the mainland is very near us, less than two hundred leagues; so that, if we are reenforced, I hope in our Lord that much fruit and service will result to God and your Majesty. For reenforcements have come to this island so slowly that, in eight years, only seven hundred soldiers have arrived; and, moreover, when some arrive others are dead as a result of the hardships and distress that have been encountered. Nevertheless, our Lord indeed be praised for having given us, now and in the future, greater repose in a larger land.

Of the natives of this island, some are Moros and Mahometans, especially those living near the coast. Those in the interior are pagans. Their arms are numerous and good, namely: culverins, large and small; lances, daggers, and arrows poisoned with herbs. They wear corselets of buffalo-hide and of twisted and knotted rope, and carry shields or bucklers. They are accustomed to fortify themselves in strong positions, where they mount their artillery and archery, surrounding them outside with ditches full of water, so that they seem very strong. But our Lord (who assists us, because his holy faith is at stake) has always given us the victory, to his and your Majesty's honor and glory.

The Chinese have come here on trading expeditions, since our arrival, for we have always tried to treat them well. Therefore during the two years that we have spent on this island, they have come in greater numbers each year, and with more ships; and they come earlier than they used to, so that their trade is assured to us. Those that come here are, like the people of this land, almost naked, on account of the hot climate. They do not bring to sell the silks and beautiful things that they take to Malaca. They say that, if there were any one to buy them, they would bring all we wanted; and so, since trading with the Spaniards, they bring each year better and much richer wares. If merchants would come from Nueva Espana, they might enrich themselves, and increase the royal customs in these parts—both through trade and through the mines, the richness and number of which are well-known to us.

Your Majesty knows how antagonistic the Portuguese are in everything here. When they can do us no harm in their own persons, they try to do so through others. Last year Chinese vessels came to this city to trade and told us how the Portuguese haa asked them not to trade with us, because we were robbers and came to steal and commit other depredations, so that these people wonder not a little if this be true. As the treatment accorded to the Chinese neutralizes these reports, more vessels came this year than last, and each year more will come. I advise your Majesty of this, because it is better to have certain peace or open war with the Portuguese, and not to be uncertain, and not to have them trying to harm us at a distance. Every year we are disturbed by fears of their coming. This year I had news from Moro merchants, who came from the island of Borney, that last year their king had collected a large fleet to descend upon us. After having embarked, he gave up for the time the voyage because of the severe storms; but gave out that he would return this year and bring the Portuguese with him. I exerted myself to get together the Spaniards, who were pacifying these islands and had the island of Borney reconnoitred in two parts, by oared vessels of the sort that the natives use. I instructed them that if they could get any of the Moros from Borney, they should bring them, in order to get at the truth; and so they did. The people whom I sent for this purpose arrived near Borney, and because they did not dare bring small boats near the island itself, they halted about eight leagues from it, and captured six Moros. By these I was informed that the coming of the king of Borney was uncertain, and that he lives in great privacy and prudence, keeping himself informed about us. With the people that I sent for this purpose was a pilot, who had mapped the islands and lands that he saw on the way. He said that it was about two hundred leagues to the west from here to Borney. With this relation I send your Majesty the map of this island, and of those near Borney and China.

Last year, seventy-two, the governor Miguel Lopez despatched two ships to Nueva Espana a few days before his death; but, as it was late when they started, and the weather bad, they could not that year make the voyage. They came back, therefore, much disabled and disordered. After the death of the governor, who had made liberal provision for their repair and [the MS. is torn here] rigging and pitch, which it has been no little trouble to find. This year, therefore, God willing, three ships will go, so that they may not for lack of vessels neglect to send reenforcements.

Since the death of the governor, Miguel Lopez, I have had made from the gold that has been brought and given by the natives as tribute and service, some jewels, which I send to your royal Majesty and to the Queen our mistress, with some specimens of the articles brought by the Chinese. These two ships now carry one hundred and thirty-six marcos [51] of gold, just as it was obtained from the natives who gave it as tribute. I hope in our Lord, that henceforth your Majesty will be better served with the first fruits of this land. I am also sending to Nueva Espana three hundred and seventy-two quintals of cinnamon, which I had brought from the island of Vindanao, where there is a great quantity of it. There is no longer any necessity for the Portuguese to export hereafter any more cinnamon into your Majesty's kingdoms and seigniories; because a greater quantity can be brought from these districts than can be sold in Europe, if ships are supplied. I am sending also to Nueva Espana shoots of the cinnamon and pepper trees, so that they may be planted there and benefit your Majesty. I have also sent previously a tamarind tree, and have been informed that it is already bearing fruit in Nueva Espana. I have tried to have some rigging for the ships made on this island, because what is brought from Nueva Espana is completely rotten and useless, and for want of rigging the vessels have many times been unable to sail. God has been pleased that we should succeed in our endeavors—a thing that will be of great service in the despatching of the fleets that your Majesty will cause to be constructed here. I have also procured pitch for the same purpose; and, although there is not much of it, what has been discovered will be of great assistance.

The baptism of the natives steadily continues, and they are being received into our holy faith and religion. I hope in our Lord that the spiritual and temporal good will continue to increase day by day, to the glory of our Lord and to your Majesty's honor. It will conduce much to the conversion of these natives to have some religious of the society of Jesus, and friars of the order of St. Francis, come to these districts; because it has a most edifying influence upon the covetous disposition of these barbarians, to see that those fathers do not receive or have anything to do with money—which will be a good example for them. May your Majesty provide in this regard according to your pleasure, for it would certainly greatly rejoice everyone to see those holy people here.

As the labors that have been endured and are being endured in this expedition are prolonged and heavy, it has happened that many of the encomenderos [52] to whom repartimientos were given have died. Understanding that it will be for the good of your Majesty's service, I have reapportioned and am reapportioning the Indians, as is done in Gautemala and other parts of the Indies. I beg your Majesty to favor this and send confirmation of it, because in no other way can this island be maintained for the present.

I send to beg your Majesty to grant me favor regarding certain petitions made in my own name. I am confident of receiving this as from a lord and prince so magnanimous that he will take into account that I have busied myself almost all my life in your royal service. So also those who have served your Majesty in these regions send, severally and jointly, to beg your Majesty to reward them, having recourse to your Majesty as to a fountain of all liberality, all being confident of receiving what they ask, as they are continually receiving favors.

Martin de Goiti has served and serves your Majesty in this country in the capacity of master-of-camp. With great faith and diligence has he served, and serves, notwithstanding his age or sufferings. On the contrary, he is just as ready today to undergo hardship as he was the first day. So on account of his qualities and his experience in warlike matters and the Christian spirit which he shows in all dealings with the natives, and the fidelity and truth that has always been found in him, I recommend him in general terms to the most important office in your Majesty's service. I most humbly beg you that all favors may be granted him, because he is worthy and deserving of them.

Juan de Salcedo, grandson of the governor Miguel Lopez, has served and serves your Majesty in these districts in the capacity of captain of infantry. He is one who has exerted and does exert himself in whatever he has been commanded—not only in the conquests, discoveries, and pacification of these islands, but in everything else that has occurred and occurs from day to day in your Majesty's service. In all of these, and in expeditions of great importance entrusted to him in this land, he has given a very good account of himself. He merits, and it is fitting that your Majesty should resolve to grant him, some favor. In paying his grandfather's debts and for the repose of his soul, he has spent all his possessions. What the governor left was but little, and did not suffice for this, because he had spent his income in helping some poor soldiers, and in other matters of your Majesty's service, and was therefore poor and needy.

The governor, Miguel Lopez, in this city of Manila appointed in your Majesty's royal name certain regidores to serve as long as it should be your Majesty's pleasure. I did the same in the town of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus. [53] The said governor changed the cabildo of the said town at the end of the year, and I believe would have done the like in this city, had he lived; because I assure your Majesty that it is a thing of great inconvenience and disturbance to have perpetual regidores. The regidores in this city from its foundation discharged their duties little more than a year, during which time there were among them parties and factions; as a result of this, the governor, seeing certain of them maltreat or affront one of the alcaldes-in-ordinary in the town-hall, sent two of the said regidores with the record of their trial, referred to your royal Audiencia in Nueva Espana. I removed the said cabildo, and appointed new regidores, as in the first town. And so I think it a matter very important to your Majesty's service that, for the present, there should be no perpetual regidores in these parts, but those who are elected annually; because in this way they will do their duties well, understanding that the office is to last but a short time. On the contrary, they will, if elected in perpetuity, become careless, as experience shows. I advise your Majesty of this so that if perpetuity of these offices is demanded, you may do what seems best.

After the departure of these ships if it be our Lord's will, I shall continue the repartimiento of this land, in those places discovered by Captain Juan de Salcedo and the master-of-camp in this island of Luzon, on the coast of Yloco; for it would be impossible for this fleet to sustain itself in any other way, on account of the great privation and poverty endured in the past and present by the soldiers, especially since they are not now permitted to make raids. These were wont to be made formerly, in order to support themselves; but they proved of great harm and prejudice to the natives; and by them God our Lord, and your Majesty were not served. With this remedy these evils cease. Everything will be done which is thought most suitable for the service of your Majesty, and the support of this your camp and fleet. May our Lord for many and fortunate years guard and prosper your Majesty's state with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, as we, your Majesty's faithful vassals, desire. Manila, June 29, 1573.

Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's faithful vassal and most humble servant, who kisses your royal feet. [54]

Guido de Lavezaris



Relation of the Western Islands Called Filipinas

(Captain Artieda, who went to those islands for the king, wrote this relation.) [55]

Nueva Espana has two ports in the South Sea. That which is called Acapulco is [very] good and can give shelter to many ships, no matter how large they may be; it is in seventeen and one-half degrees of north latitude. The other is called Puerto de la Navidad; its entrance is shallow, and it can therefore give shelter to small ships only. It is in nineteen and one-third degrees of north latitude. From whichever of these ports one goes to [any of] the Western Islands, the best route is to sail strictly in the latitude in which lies the island that one wishes to reach; for in the season of the brisas, which is the right time to make the voyage, favorable stern winds are never wanting. The season for the brisas lasts from the end of October to the end of April. From the end of April to the end of October the vendavals blow, [56] which will be of help on the way back; but let it be remembered that he who wishes to return ought to take a higher degree of latitude, because there the winds will not fail him.

In view of your Majesty's command and orders from Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of Nueva Espana, the expedition commanded by Miguel Lopes de Legaspi has discovered since November twenty-first, 1564, the following islands to the west, in the South Sea:

North-southwest from Puerto de la Navidad, in about ten degrees of north latitude, and at a distance of eleven hundred and twenty leagues, were found some islands running east and west. The inhabitants were dressed in a sort of cloth made of thin palm-bark. The men wore long beards, and for that reason the islands received the name of Barbudos. [57] No weapons were found among them, from which we can infer that they are a peaceful people, and that they had never come into conflict with other men. They live on cocoanuts, roots, and fish. It was learned that they kept some Castilian fowls. These islands may be about one hundred and seventy-five leagues from Nueba Espana [S: Nueva Guinea].

[Further west by a distance of four hundred leagues lie the islands called Chamurres or Ladrones, which, according to report, number thirteen islands. The largest of all is not forty leagues in circumference. They are all alike in appearance, trade, and food products. I have seen but the island of Guahan. Their weapons consist of slings and clubs hardened in fire, which they use instead of lances. They hurl stones to so great a distance with their slings, that they are beyond range of the arquebuses. They live on rice, bananas, cocoanuts, roots, and fish. They have great quantities of ginger.]

Further west is the island of Mindanao, with a circuit of three hundred and fifty leagues. It is in its greatest measurements one hundred and forty leagues long, and sixty leagues wide. The northern promontory juts out between the two rivers of Butuan and Zurigan, famous for their gold, although the Spaniards who went there were able to find but little—or, to be more accurate, none. According to what I have learned, all the gold mines of this island are so poor that the natives offer their labor for a gold maes [58] or three reals per month. In this island cinnamon grows. I believe that, if good order be established there, we shall be able to barter for eight hundred quintals, and even [one thousand] [59] for a year of this article; for I was present at the barter of that which was lost with the flagship. In one month we bartered for more than six hundred quintals of cinnamon at three reals per quintal, this money being reckoned in iron of that land. This island contains pitch. [I do not declare here the trade, rites, clothing, weapons, and food of this island, because many others are just like it; and I will place this information at the end of these islands, in order to avoid prolixity.] The middle of the island lies in fully seven and one-third degrees of north latitude.

Northeast of Mindanao is another island called Tandaya. There are certain rocky islands with an island called San Lorenzo in their midst. The fact of their being small and uninhabited does not debar anyone who wishes from finding them on the chart. Tantaya has a circuit of one hundred and forty leagues, and is almost triangular in shape. [The clothing, weapons, rites, and food of this people are the same as that above.] Its center lies in fully twelve degrees north latitude.

Nearer the island of Mindanao than the above-named, and extending in a north and south direction ten leagues from the point of Mindanao, is another island called Baybay. It has a circumference of ninety-eight leagues, and forms a strait on the east with the island of Tandaya, less than a league wide; and another on the south with a very small island, called "Panae the little," [60] through which strait one cannot pass, except in a small and light vessel. West of this strait is the island of Mazoga. It is reported here that this island is very small, and that it has a population of six or eight Indians. [It forms another strait, which can be passed by any ship.] The center of the said island of Baybay is in eleven degrees of latitude. [It has the same people, weapons, trade, and customs as the islands above.]

There is another island, called Zubu, where the camp was established, and remained until broken up by the Portuguese, on account of the excellent harbor formed by it with another island called Mattan—which is almost uninhabited, unwholesome, and a large part of it covered with swamps. It is here that Magallanes was slain. The port has two entrances, opening northeast and southwest. Through my influence and with [S: against] the consent of most of the men, the camp was removed to the island of Panae. I went there by order of the governor, and drew the plan of a fort, which now is being built. [It has the same people, and trade, and customs as the islands named above.] The center of it is in about ten and two-thirds degrees of latitude.

Farther west is another island, called Buglas, or Negros, because the inhabitants are black. It is one hundred and twenty-five leagues in circumference with a distance north and south of forty-five leagues, and east and west of twenty leagues. Its center lies in ten and one-third degrees. [It has the same people and weapons as the islands above.]

Northwest of Buglas lies Panae, an island abounding in rice and all kinds of provisions. The camp was moved thither, and, as abovesaid, I drew the plan of the said fort between the two arms of a river, because it is impossible to effect an entrance by one arm. In the other arm and below the fort, fourteen gabions were made and twelve large pieces of artillery mounted for the defense of the entrance and passage. The fort is situated two and one-half leagues inland, and the ground all the way to the fort is a swamp, covered with tangles of bushes; so that enemies can approach the said fort only through the river, where are planted the above-mentioned gabions and artillery. The position is excellent, and such that it needs only a few men to defend it against many. The bar of the river is not more than one braza deep; and its coast thereabout, for more than twenty leagues, is very forbidding. Its center lies in about eleven and one-third degrees of latitude.

Northeast of Panie is the island of Masbat, with a scanty and poor population. There were found gold mines from two to four estados [61] in depth, somewhat more or less, although I have not measured them. I understand that the mines yield very little on account of the scanty population, and its trade is of slight value. [The people are the same as those of the above islands.] The center of this island lies in thirteen degrees of latitude.

Farther to the northeast of Masbat lies the island of Ybalon or Luzon. It is a large island, with many rivers, in which gold is found—although, as I have ascertained, in but little quantity, because its most influential inhabitants are Moros. While I was in Panae, [S: the leading man among its people] sent a Moro, his steward or treasurer to trade there; but he could hardly get for me one marco of gold in exchange for four of silver, which he bought for me. Buffaloes are to be found here. We have [M: not] explored much of its coast, and I have seen no one who could inform me fully concerning its south-eastern, southern, and eastern parts, because no one has sailed around it. Between this island of Ybalon and that of Panae, lies Masbat. Farther on, and lying north and south, are some other small islands, in one of which is to be found much brazil-wood. Although all the others have it, I mention this because the Anglis [S: Sangleyes] from the mainland of China come for it, in order to dye their silk. [62] In this island of Luzon are three settlements of Moros, who do not know the law of Mahoma in its entirety. They eat no pork, and pay reverence to the said Mahoma. [The rest of the inhabitants are the same and have the same customs as those above.] The southern portion of this is in about thirteen and one-third degrees of latitude.

South of [that island of] Zubu, between it and Mindanao, is another small one, called Bohol; between Bohol and Matan lie [as already mentioned] many small islands—uninhabited, except for game; for which reason they contain many deer and wild boars, as is generally true in most of the islands. However, this is so warm a region that the game spoils on the very day when it is killed. This island contains many palms and roots, on which the natives live. Rice is lacking.

Southwest by south from the port of Cavite, which is in six and one-half degrees of latitude in the island of Mindanao where cinnamon grows, lies a small island, called Taguima. [63] There the natives captured from the Portuguese a small vessel, killing or making prisoners many of its crew. The latter were ransomed by the people of Jolo, with whom the Portuguese are on friendly terms. We have not seen this island of Jolo. Its inhabitants are pirates. [64] It lies to the southwest. Goats are found in Taguima, but no rice is harvested. Civet cats are found there. While we were bartering for cinnamon, men from two towns of that island came to us, and asked to be received as subjects and tributaries of your Majesty. One of these towns lies in seven degrees of latitude.

There are no lords in these islands. Each man is master of his own house and slaves; and the more slaves one owns, the greater and more influential is he reckoned. The people are divided into three classes. The Datos, who correspond to knights, are the most important; the Tigamas [S: Timaguas] are the freemen; and the Orispes are the slaves. The Datos boast of their old lineage. These people rob and enslave one another, although of the same island and even kindred. They are cruel among themselves. They do not often dare to kill one another, except by treachery or at great odds; and him who is slain his opponents continue to strike even after he is dead.

The word for mourning is marabae [S: marahaze; margin: magarihe]. Among their customs is this: that when some relative is killed, they do not cease mourning until they have avenged him [(on the Spaniards)]. If the dead person is a near relative, they quit mourning, when they have either killed a man or taken captive a woman. They cut their hair. In time of mourning, they withdraw into the house of the principal and nearest relative; and there, covered with old and filthy blankets, they crouch on the floor and remain in this position without talking or eating, for three days. During this time they only drink. After the three days, they eat nothing which has come in contact with fire until they have taken vengeance or observed their custom [S: ceremony]. They place on their feet and wrists some rings of a certain wood, called bejuco. [65] When the reasons for mourning are not so serious, they are released from it by striking with a lance or a dagger a deer or a wild boar, even if the animal be already dead.

In every port [S: village] we find that the people have their god. All of them call him divate [S: Diuata], and for surname they give him the name of their village. They have a god of the sea and a god of the rivers. To these gods they sacrifice swine, reserving for this especially those of a reddish color. For this sacrifice they rear such as are very large and fat They have priests, whom they call bailanes; and they believe that the priests talk with their gods. When they are about to perform the sacrifice, they prepare the place with many green branches from the trees, and pieces of cloth painted as handsomely as possible. The bailan plays on a heavy reed pipe about one braza in length, such as are common to that land, in the manner of a trumpet; and, while thus engaged, the people say that he talks to their gods. Then he gives a lance-thrust to the hog. Meanwhile, and even for a long time before commencing the rite, the women ring a certain kind of bell, play on small drums, and beat on porcelain vases with small sticks—thus producing a sort of music which makes it very difficult for them to hear one another. After the hog is killed, they dress it, and all eat of the flesh. They throw a portion of the dressed animal, placed in nets, into the river or into the sea, according to the location of the village; and they say that they do this in order that the god of the river or that of the sea may eat it. No one eats of the part touched by the lance-thrust, except the bailan. These people believe that their souls go down below; and they say that world is better, and that [since] it is cooler than the world above, where the heat is so great. They are buried with their riches—blankets, gold, and porcelain. When chiefs die, slaves are killed and buried with them, so that they may serve their masters in the other world. If the dead man is renowned as a seaman, they bury with him the vessel in which he sailed, with many slaves to row him, so thathe may go in it to the other world. [66]

Considering their size, those islands are very thinly populated. The people are generally very dark, more so than the natives of Nueba Espana. There are but few islands where blacks are not found among the mountains. The inhabitants of the lowlands are of the former kind, and are accustomed to tattoo their bodies, arms, legs, and even their faces, where a beard should grow, with very carefully-drawn and handsome figures. The greater the chief, or the more valiant he is, the more he tattoos himself, leaving untattooed only the parts covered by the breech clout—the [clothing or] dress worn by them, and which covers only the privy parts. Both men and women suffer no hair to grow on their bodies except on the head. They wear the hair long and take good care of it so that it will grow. The men bind their hair on the crown of the head with a small piece of gauze, and the women bind it with bands made of the hair itself. All of them, both men and women, are fond of [wearing] beads, earrings and perfumes. The garment worn by them [the women] is made of linen drawn together like a bag or sleeve with two very wide openings. The amount by which this garment is too wide they gather up into many folds upon the left side, which, knotted with the same linen, rest there. A small, tight-fitting shirt is worn, which does not reach to the knees [S: waist], and covers no more than the breasts. They wear garlands of flowers on their heads. It is a very immodest dress, for it leaves uncovered the greater part of the legs and body. The women are generally depraved. They are given to abominable lustful habits.

The weapons they use are the following: shields, breast-high, and little more than half a vara [67] wide; lances, two and a half varas long, with iron and steel points a third as long as the lance, and as wide as the hand. In some districts the lance-points are long and ground to a very fine edge. Cutlasses or daggers, from a half to three-fourths of a vara long, are made of the same shape as the lance-points. Those people have armor consisting of cotton-lined blankets, and others of rattan. Some wear corselets, made of a very hard black wood resembling ebony. They use bows which are very strong and large, and much more powerful than those used by the English. The arrows are made of reeds, the third part consisting of a point made of the hardest wood that can be found. They are not feathered. They poison the arrows with a kind of herb, which in some regions is so deadly that a man dies on the same day when he is wounded; and, no matter how small the wound is, there is no remedy, and the flesh will surely decay unless the antidotal herb, which is found in Luzon, be first applied to the wound. Arrows are also discharged through blow-guns with the same effect, although not with the same range. The Moros, who trade with the Japanese and Sangleyes [S: Indians or Japanese], possess in their houses, and bring in their vessels, bronze culverins, so excellent and well cast, that I have never seen their equal anywhere.

Rice is the main article of food in these islands. In a few of them people gather enough of it to last them the whole year. In most of the islands, during the greater part of the year, they live on millet, borona, roasted bananas, certain roots resembling sweet potatoes and called oropisa, as well as on yams [yunames] and camotes [68] whose leaves they also eat, boiled. They eat Castilian fowls and pork. In the islands inhabited by Moros, some goats are raised; but there are so few of them that wherever fifteen or twenty Spaniards arrive, no goats will be seen for the next two or three years. The cocoa-palm offers the greatest means of sustenance to the natives, for they obtain from it wine, fruit, oil, and vinegar. These people eat many kinds of herbs which grow both on land and in the sea. Some of these herbs have been used by our people as articles of food. The scarcity of all kinds of food here is such that—with all that is brought continually from all these islands, in three frigates, one patache, and all the other native boats that could be obtained—each soldier or captain could only receive [as his rations] each week two almudes of unwinnowed rice—which, when winnowed, yielded no more than three cuartillos. This ration was accompanied by nothing else, neither meat nor fish.

The natives sustain life by eating little and drinking much—so heavily, that it is a marvel if they are not drunken all the time, or at least from noon on. And the more important their position, the more intoxicated do they become, for they have more to spend for this purpose. The inhabitants of the coast are fishermen who barter their fish and buy from those living inland, who till the soil, the above-named foods. They eat all kinds of shell-fish and slimy plants which grow at the bottom of the sea.

They are but ill supplied with cloth. They use a kind of cloth made of wild banana leaves [69] which is as stiff as parchment, and not very durable. The natives of Panae and Luzon manufacture a cotton cloth with colored stripes, which is of better quality. This cloth is used by the Spaniards when they can find it; otherwise they use the cloth above-mentioned. Both kinds are so scarce, that we are suffering great privations for lack of clothing. The people are very poor. There are few islands where, as it is reported, gold does not exist—but in so small quantities that quite commonly [as I think I have said] a native can be hired to dig, or to work as he is commanded, for three reals a month. A slave can be bought for fifty reals, or sometimes for a little more. It is therefore evident that it is not possible to save from the mines much gold, as can be seen by any man who zealously wishes to serve your Majesty who laments the great expenses of both men and money incurred here.

In that land people buy and sell slaves to one another in great numbers, and even bring them to the islands of the Moros. Most slaves are children and grandchildren of slaves from time immemorial. In this connection, it seems to me that it would be less troublesome, and that God would be better served, if the Spaniards bought these slaves and took them to Nueva Espana, where they would become Christians; they would thus supply the great need for slaves there, and would prove a resource for the Spaniards who live there.

Farther north than the aforesaid islands are others, the nearest to Luzon being called Xipon [S: Japan]. We have not seen this island, and what I shall say about it has been related to us by the Moros who carry on trade with that land. It is said that the island possesses silver mines, and that silks and other necessary articles from China are purchased with the silver; for all the people, both men and women, are well clad and shod. And because of being so near China, they have acquired the civilization of that country. These people manufacture very good cutlasses, which they call legues. These have single or double hilts, are very sharp, and are curved like Turkish cutlasses. On the side without any edge, they are about half as thick as the finger, but the edge is very sharp. It is said that Theatin religious have gone thither from Portugal; but I do not know the result of their mission. The Portuguese tell me that the natives of that land are considered very warlike. The women are virtuous, modest, and very jealous of the men [a very rare thing for these regions]. They [S: the men] shave or pluck out the hair from their heads.

A little to the east between these islands and China are the islands of Lequios. They are said to be rich; but we have been unable to learn much about them, for I have not seen any one who has been there. For this reason I conclude that they must be small, and that the people are not much given to commerce.

Likewise immediately north is the mainland called China. This is a vast country—so much so that, as we are assured, it extends as far as Tartary; for merchants who have traded there say that the two nations are at war with each other. The Chinese are highly civilized. They work iron with tools. I have seen iron inlaid with gold and silver, as cunningly and skilfully wrought as they could be in any part of the world. In like manner they work in wood and all other materials. The Portuguese say that the Chinese are good people—that they possess somewhat of the light of the world, but they see it with only one eye. They make gold into threads as is done in Milan, and weave raised designs of it on damasks and other silken fabrics. They possess all kinds of weapons that we have. Their artillery, judging it by some culverins I have seen that came from China, is of excellent [S: better] quality and better cast than ours. They have also a form of government; but they do not elect a governor (or captain, as they call him) unless he is a great astrologer and has first foretold the weather, future events, and the true outcome of things; so that he may be able to provide for future necessities. In each city and province there is an armed garrison. The people dress well; they wear beards and are as white as ourselves. The women are very beautiful, except that they all have small eyes. They wear long shirts and robes, reaching to the ground. They dye and dress their hair carefully, and it is even said that they rouge and color their faces. It is said that the king of that land is so great a lord, that his camp is composed of three hundred thousand men, two hundred thousand of whom are mounted on horses. On painted articles I have seen pictures of horsemen armed with coats of mail, Burgundy helmets, and lances. The country is so fertile and well provisioned, that it is believed to be the best country in the world. The Moros with whom I have talked have told me that the Chinese are not as warlike as we are, and are heathens. They possess matrices [70] with which they have printed books from time immemorial.

If your Majesty desires to have this land explored, I am at your service provided I be given two ships of about two hundred and fifty tons each, with forty soldiers to each vessel, and all the artillery, ammunition, and provisions that will be necessary. Then, with our Lord's help, and bearing some power of ambassador to the lord of the land, I will enter the country myself, returning by way of Nueva Espana after having explored the coast. I will ascertain how both trade and conquest must be carried on there. I will carry out all other orders that your Majesty may be pleased to give me, as well as whatever your service shall demand.

Southeast [S: west] by east from the island of Zubu are the islands of Maluco, where cloves are found; and it is not known whether they exist in any other regions. They lie below the equatorial line The names of the islands in which cloves are found are: Maluco, Gigolo [S: Jilolo], Maquian, Motel, and Momoy. Near those islands [it is said is one called Sunda, which contains pepper. To the east of those islands], at a distance of one hundred and twenty-five leagues, is Nueba Guinea, and three hundred and thirty-two leagues west of them is the island of Burney. This island is well-provisioned; and according to what some Moros, natives of Burney, told me, it belongs to one lord. It is said that there are a great many pearls of enormous size, even as large as pigeon's eggs; but my opinion is that all the natives of that land are great liars, and exaggerate things.

All these islands with more than two hundred and fifty leagues hereabout, are included in the compact which the sacred Majesty now in glory made with the most serene king, Don Juan of Portugal. Even if it were outside of the compact, if your Majesty does not wish to continue the spice trade, on account of the great expense and the little profit that it now yields, or will yield in the future, I think that it would be advisable to withdraw the people from the islands, as your Majesty can hope to draw no other profit from this land. I say this as a loyal subject of your Majesty, for it grieves me to see so much money wasted on a land which can be of no profit whatever.

If your Majesty prefers the spices, I think that it would be better to break the agreement, since it is for so small an amount, that three hundred and fifty thousand ducats [71] would be gained in two ships going from Nueba Espana to those regions. When this is done, your Majesty's domains will extend as far as Maluco, according to what was told me by the Augustinian friar, by name Fray Martin de Herrada, a native of Navarra, who was prior at the time when I left the Western Islands. He is a great arithmetician, geometrician, and astrologer [—one of the very greatest in the world]. He has measured this, and told me so. He has also written a book on navigation and the measurement of the earth and the sea, east and west. I believe that he will send the book by Fray Diego de Herrera, prior of the aforesaid islands of your Majesty. Then we shall be able to trade in spices with the whole world; for as I have said before, cloves cannot be found save in the five islands of Maluco.

I have written all that can be said on this subject; and I say this because I have seen other accounts both in print and in manuscript, which depart very much from the truth. In order that your Majesty may not be deceived, I sign this account with my name.

If your Majesty should desire to know especial details about that land, I will, at your command, give oral information.

[Endorsed on Sevilla MS: "Superb! Excellent! Relation of the route to the Western Islands." And in a more modern hand: "By Captain Juan de la Ysla. Islands of the West."]



Letter from the Viceroy of New Spain to Felipe II

Royal Catholic Majesty:

On the fifteenth of November there arrived at the port of Acapulco one of two ships, which sailed from the Philipinas islands on the first of July. The second, the flagship, entered on the twenty-fourth, for it was leaking so badly that they succeeded in making port only with great difficulty. On account of this danger, knowing the nearness of the land, the flagship had determined to keep off shore, thinking this course possible because of its better sailing qualities. Ultimately they availed themselves of the land only for the purpose of taking aboard water because their supply was failing. They entered harbor without having lost either any people or any of their cargo. Don Pedro de Luna, the captain, died of illness two hundred leagues away from land, as did a few sailors also.

Fray Diego de Herrera had taken passage in one of these vessels. It was his intention to continue the journey to Spana to give your Majesty an account of the wrongs committed in those islands, because of the lack of justice; and to tell you that the soldiers, inasmuch as they are unpaid and receive no rations, are being supported at the Indians' expense, and that on this account many extortions are practiced. The factor Andres de Mirandaola, Captain Juan Pacheco, and Juan de Morones, sergeant-major, also came. The factor and sergeant-major were sent because of certain crimes which they are said to have committed; however, I do not think that these are very serious. By these men I have been informed of matters relating to those islands, and of the nature of the land. They give a very good account thereof, especially of the island of Luzon, where there are settlements very thickly inhabited, by both Indians and Moors [Moros], although the latter must not be thought of as really of that race, but only as having had the name attached to them. [72] It is not believed that they are very sincere in the profession of the Mahometan religion, as many of them both drink wine and eat pork. There are many gold mines, which are worked similarly to the silver mines here. A few of some depth were seen there, although the people, naturally indolent, work them but little—and then only to the extent of their necessities, when the opportunity of barter is offered them—declaring that whenever they have any need for the gold, the mines are close by. Fray Diego de Herrera gave me an account of many other things likewise. I am sending an abstract of his report today, which has been confirmed by those who have come from those regions.

Every one asserts that the chief deficiency of that land is justice; and without justice there is no safety. He who at the present time exercises the duties of general is not, I believe, held in much esteem; for they knew him when he held the inferior position of a bookseller here. To enter into this subject is very disagreeable to me, but, as your Majesty's servant, I am obliged to mention this; for I am convinced that, if this venture is to succeed, as I hope in God that it will succeed, your Majesty must appoint a man to that office who will be respected and esteemed, and who possesses the necessary qualifications both for peace and war. I beg your Majesty not to make trial, especially in the case of those who are to participate in the administration of justice, of men from the Indias.

As for the question of helping the Philipinas islands, I have up to this time adhered to the instructions which your Majesty has ordered to be given me. Since I came here, I have never failed in any year to send a ship or ships with reenforcements and munitions; but sea and land and climate have their effect, and the number of men is constantly diminished; so that, although people are regularly sent thither, they are actually but little increased in numbers. The object and plan which should be pursued in matters yonder I do not know; but, whatever it may be, people are necessary, for the islands are many. As for the mainland of China, it is so large a land and so thickly settled that one of its hundred divisions, according to report, is as big as half the world itself. It is learned from the Chinese that they admit strangers only with reluctance to their land. For this reason, more and better soldiers would be needful than those who could go from this land, for those born here are but little used to hardship—although it is also understood that the people of China, in spite of possessing weapons, horses, and artillery, are but little superior in valor to the Indians. Commercial relations are now beginning to be established with the Chinese; but until this is definitely completed the hopes of the merchants here will not rise, in spite of all I do and contrive with them to encourage and spur them on; for, to tell the truth, no certain information comes of a nature to induce them to go. And one of the difficulties consequent upon this commerce and intercourse is, that neither from this land nor from Espana, so far as can now be learned, can anything be exported thither which they do not already possess. They have an abundance of silks, and linen likewise, according to report. Cloths, on account of the heat prevalent in the country, they neither use nor value. Sugar exists in great abundance. Wax, drugs, and cotton are super-abundant in the islands, whither the Chinese go to obtain them by barter. And thus, to make a long matter short, the commerce with that land must be carried on with silver, which they value above all other things; and I am uncertain whether your Majesty will consent to this on account of having to send it to a foreign kingdom. I beg your Majesty to consider all these matters, to inform me concerning them, and to give explicit orders to the person in charge here so that no mistakes may be made.

The management of affairs here is attended with great difficulty, especially concerning the people who shall go; for it is almost necessary to force them to go. Also with regard to the ships, which are taken wherever they can be found. Usually they are miserable little vessels, which draw but little water, and cost almost as much in employing them as a ship of six hundred toneladas—necessitating, as they do, pilot, master, mate, and sailors. Nor is it possible to get along with less, especially for the different watches, for otherwise the vessels could not possibly be navigated. And, inasmuch as it does not appear that the merchants are inclined to buy and fit out ships with a cargo, I am not sure, if this business is to go on at your Majesty's expense, whether it would not be wise to have two ships of about five hundred toneladas constructed; and to arrange that one of them should not return the same year it went, in order to have time to collect thoroughly all the articles of barter; but that it should return the following year, and another ship then set forth from here. In this way, and in accordance with this plan, after the first expedition a ship would sail from there every year, while another would depart hence every year. One of them alone would be sufficient to contain the people going to those islands, and keep business progressing and increasing there, since there is no regular expedition.

These ships bear one hundred and thirty-six marcos of gold for your Majesty and some few gold jewels and other things, as your Majesty will order confirmed by this memorandum which the general sends. Likewise they carry almost two hundred and eighty quintals of cinnamon, besides some belonging also to individuals, which I have not seized from them, but have paid them a moderate price for it, of which a previous account has been given to your Majesty. Since your Majesty has not had any answer sent me regarding it, I gather that your Majesty does not desire that this should be done. Likewise I infer the same with regard to other things to which your Majesty has had no answer made me. And besides all this, the ships carry silks of different colors (both damasks and satins), cloth-stuffs, a little gold, and a lot of cotton mantles, both white and colored; a quantity of wax, glazed earthenware; and other knick-knacks such as fans, parasols, desks, and numberless other little manufactured articles. On account of its being an initial attempt, and because the merchants' interest in this commerce has not been roused or acquired, the matter of import and export duty, as I have written your Majesty, has not yet been settled upon. For the future, however, I will see that they make payment like the rest.