Goncalo Pereira

(Notification and Reply: On the thirtieth day of the month of October in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, at the place now occupied by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and forces of Nova Spanha, at the command of Goncallo Pereira, captain-general of the fleet of the South Sea, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary, read and made known to him de verbo ad verbum, this reply as above written. He responds as follows to the same: "that the captain-general should well remember that, in the first letter in which this summons is mentioned, he asked only for the cessation of the work of erecting the wicker defenses, which request was granted immediately and the work ceased, although baskets cannot constitute war, and are rather for defense than offense. And on the following day, by a second letter which his Grace wrote, he again reiterated and requested that the baskets should be taken down, and that he should receive either yes or no as an answer, with which he would consider himself to have received a final answer. With the same letter he sent me word by the factor Andres de Mirandaola and Hernando Riquel, notary-in-chief of this camp, that if the baskets were not taken down by nightfall, he would consider war to have broken out between us. While I was engaged in framing an answer to this, and before the time-limit set by him had expired, he sent his galleys and small boats to attack the defenses and the people who were stationed on the shore. Then our soldiers, seeing that the Portuguese were attacking them and had begun hostilities, determined to complete their defenses, and fought with the Portuguese from about noon-time until sunset, without any cannon-shots being fired at the Portuguese from this camp. And on the morning of the following day, without any new action on our part, the said captain-general sent two galleys and a small boat to seize upon the other entrance to this harbor, and this order was executed. They have been and still are located there, toward the east; and they refuse to allow any person, or supplies, or anything else whatsoever, to come in or go out from this camp—a procedure for which I am at a loss to find the proper designation, unless it be war and the intention to starve us to death, which is not a usual action on the part of Christians. Consequently, he should not be astonished if this causes us to think that his actions do not correspond to his words, and to the offers made on his part; while, on the contrary, there is in truth all possible justification on our part, and we have offered assistance and favor, should they be necessary, against infidels, and in the interest of his Highness, the very illustrious and puissant King of Portugal. For I will carry out and fulfil that promise with the same willingness with which it is offered, in the consciousness of being therein of service to his Majesty. And it is but little relevant to say that, unless I go in person with all my camp, nothing can be effected; for either there or here, or any place whatsoever, I could be of little use, and would be but little missed; nor is it just, in view of the impossibility of my performing it without the express permission of his Majesty, to attempt to oblige and bind me to perform the same. And as for the rest, I confirm what I have already said, responded, requested, and protested against, in his Majesty's name, in previous replies and rejoinder; and if it be necessary, I again request, demand, and protest, as many times as I am by law obliged, and as may be befitting. As for the war, violence, and injuries which his Grace does, and tries to do me, I elect almighty God, who knows the whole truth and the hearts of men, as judge, and pray that He, out of the infinite pity and benignity of His heart, may aid and favor him who most truly and with least injury has tried and is trying to obtain peace from the opposite side, without Christian blood being shed, to His great displeasure and that of the kings our lords. Therefore I exculpate his Majesty, and myself in his royal name, as well as all those in his royal service at this camp, so that neither now nor at any subsequent time may blame or responsibility be charged upon or imputed to them." He signed the above with his name, and said that he gave it, and he did give it, as his answer. There were present, as witnesses, Captain Juan Maldonado de Berrocal; the ensign-general, Amador de Arriaran; the accountant, Andres Cauchela; the chief constable, Graviel de Ribera; and the notary-in-chief, Fernando Riquel—all of whom, together with me, the said Pero Bernaldez, signed the same. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Andres Cauchela, Amador de Arriaran, Graviel de Ribera, Fernando Riquel.

Pero Bernaldez

Sixth summons: In response to this fifth answer from the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Spanha. I admit briefly that in my first letter to him, I requested him to discontinue the defenses, and in the second, to destroy them—which his Grace refused to do, although it was a thing so just and so important to the lords of the land, as well as to my own advantage, for him not to employ hostilities against me, or give me occasion to accept the same; for it was but a slight cost or humiliation for a man who has so great a desire for peace as his Grace constantly says he has, to destroy the defenses, in which more hostility than friendship is displayed. I, on the other hand, had more than sufficient reason and justification for sending the galleys to take possession of the other entrance to this harbor, inasmuch as our respective courses of action were very unlike during the peace, as has been stated in other responses. Moreover, his Grace will not, in spite of all, deny that the galleys had not yet left this position when his people began to bombard me; and that those vessels had taken a very different route from that of going to cut off supplies. And as for his Grace's excusing himself and the rest of the company from engaging in the service of God, of his Majesty, and of the king our lord, as I have requested, more cogent reasons exist than that his presence is not very important in a case of so great urgency. Concerning his reiterated plea that he cannot violate his royal Majesty Don Felipe's instructions, I declare to him that since he entered here in violation of the same, and against the will of the king our lord, the latter will be well served by his Grace's going still farther, in his willingness to employ himself in his Majesty's service. And in all the rest, I take my stand upon what has already been said, and protest by what has already been protested. I order you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, to notify him thereof, and deliver into my hands such instrument or instruments as shall be necessary to me, drawn up in legal form. Made in this galley "San Francisco" on the first day of November in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. An erasure was made by me therein which shall not cause doubt, since it was made without intention to deceive.

Goncallo Pereira

(In the island and port of Cubu in the Filipinas, on the thirty-first day of the month of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, before the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his Majesty of the people and fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, and in the presence of me, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief and official notary, appeared Pero Bernaldez, notary-public, who declared that he belonged to the fleet of the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general, and read this response above-written. The said governor after hearing the same, said that, "as his Grace the said captain-general says, he had written in the first letter that the work on the wicker fortifications should cease; and that, with the intention of pleasing and satisfying him in all respects, he, the said governor, had ordered the work thereon to cease; and it would not have continued, had not his Grace ordered them to be bombarded with many pieces from four galleys and small boats—whereupon the soldiers seeing that they were being fired upon completed their defenses at the great risk of their own lives and persons. And on the following day, when the galleys and small boats went off to seize and blockade the other entrance to this harbor, the purpose of their expedition was shown clearly, and afterward put beyond the shadow of a doubt, by their own acts. And it is unjust that his Grace should prohibit the conveyance of provisions to this camp, for those therein are Christians, and vassals of his Majesty, King Don Felipe, our lord. This act, beside being disobedience to God our lord, will greatly displease the princes, our sovereigns. And so I beg and request of him, and, on behalf of God and of his Majesty, I summon him, to allow the unrestricted entrance to and passage from this camp of provisions, as should be done and permitted between Christians, and between vassals of princes so intimate and so closely related. By the copy of the clauses of his instructions sent to the captain-general, his [Legazpi's] entrance into these islands, is shown to have been by the orders of his Majesty and not against his royal will; and he declares that, in order to depart from the islands, the shortest way open to him is that which he has requested in his past replies. It is also evident that his Grace could very easily provide for this, especially now that additional ships have come to him aside from those of his fleet. In doing this he will greatly please God our lord and the kings our sovereigns, and extricate this whole camp, as well as his own fleet and person, from a bad predicament. The said captain-general must understand that he will therein particularly serve his own sovereign, for he will prevent the necessity of other soldiers and fleets being sent here to attack us. Wherefore again, I request, summon, and protest to him all that has been requested, summoned, and protested in the past response, and the answer thereto." And this he said he gave as his response, and he signed it with his name, in the presence, as witnesses, of Captain Andres de Ybarra, Captain Juan de Salzedo, Captain Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, and the accountant Andres Cauchela, who signed the same with me. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Andres Cauchela, Andres de Ybarra, Juan de Salzedo, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Pero Bernaldez.

Before me, Fernando Riquel)

Last summons: I conclude with this my last response, weary of so many papers containing so many irrelevancies on a thing so clear and evident; for though I admit the possibility of his Grace's having ordered the work to cease, as he affirms in his rejoinder, yet I declare it to be of no avail to give an order if the order be not carried out, or not obeyed. The work, on the contrary, was continued with greater haste and care for four hours after the time-limit which I had written to his Grace, saying that if the work were not destroyed I should consider myself as answered. I stated that oared boats would then be sent to frighten them, and prevent the execution of a work so unjust and of so ill a purpose, in addition to the many acts of injustice which have already been committed here in this land of the king our lord, greatly to his displeasure—and, as I believe, that of his Majesty, which is the same thing. On my complaining several times to his Grace, during the continuance of peace, and when I had so great a desire of serving him—as even now I feel no hesitation in doing—in regard to his erection within the aforesaid camp of many breastworks and fortifications, he replied, by letter, that it was the custom of camps and soldiers always to be thus throwing up fortifications. Nevertheless, he was erecting those defenses, not in his Majesty's demarcation, but thirty leagues within that of his Highness, and against one of his captains—one, too, who is so peaceably inclined as I have always been, until the moment when war was waged against me, and a considerable time after that, for which reason I am surprised at his acts. I then ordered the galleys to the other entrance of this harbor—the justest and most Christian means of acting, for it was my intention not to starve him to death, but to oblige him to cease from this injury to his Highness, and accept shelter in this fleet and make up for past privation. For what Friar Quapucho [i.e., fustian-clad] is so humble, so long-suffering, and so charitable to any one as I have been to a person who has not deserved it from his king and lord? The more ships that come to me to join this fleet, the better service will his Grace and company be able to enjoy therein, and they will experience much friendship and satisfaction therein—thus performing great service to God and to the kings, to whom we are all so closely bound, and for whom we ought to endure and surfer hardships with exceeding joy. And this the more, because his Grace neither possesses nor gives any just reason for being excused from so virtuous a work (in which he will always take personal part in company with me who follow and accompany him), or for being unwilling to concede what I have requested so many times, and now request again, much more earnestly, on behalf of God, of his Majesty, and of the king our lord. All that has happened or which may subsequently happen, therefore, I declare shall fall to his own responsibility; and I protest, by the protestations already made, and by all which may redound to the justice and right of the king our lord, and of the subsequent heirs of the kingdoms of Portugal. And you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, are directed to make the same known to him, and give and deliver to me such instrument or instruments as shall be required by me. In this galley "San Francisco," on the second day of the month of November, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Goncallo Pereira

(In the island and port of Cubu, on the first day of the month of November, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, in the presence of me, Christoval Ponze, scrivener of this camp of his Majesty, there appeared Pero Bernaldez, notary-public, who claimed to be of the royal fleet of Portugal, and read this answer from the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the said fleet, to the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his Majesty of the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, in his own person, in such wise as to be heard by him. He declared that he had already answered and replied to the said captain-general, on many distinct occasions, concerning the fact that his intention and will had not been nor is to injure the exalted and puissant king of Portugal, or anything belonging to him in any way; or to seize upon or take from him, or occupy this or any other land belonging to him. "I desire, as I have desired always, to depart from this land; and if up to the present moment this design has not found realization and I have not departed, it has been through lack of equipment and of ships, and not through any expectation of reenforcements of men and a fleet, as, on the contrary, he affirms." Wherefore he begged the said captain-general to sell him ships, in order that he might immediately depart; or else to suggest to him some other way by which he could leave, since he neither wishes nor desires any other consummation. As for the fortifications and defenses which his Grace mentions, they are for the purpose of defense against any one trying to do him violence or injury unjustly and unreasonably, until such time as he may be enabled to depart and leave this land free, as he has declared and promised he would do. Neither on his own part nor on that of anyone belonging to his camp has he desired to make war upon his Grace or on the members of his royal fleet; but rather to serve them in all possible ways, as he has offered in past summons and responses, to which he begs to refer, and on all of which he takes his stand anew. On the other hand, it is quite clear and evident that the captain-general is trying to do him violence and injury in wishing to carry him to India with him without consenting to any other means whatsoever; and in having begun and initiated war against him and blockaded him, by ordering the entrances and outward passages of this harbor blockaded, on account of which he is bound to make defense. And since the said captain-general wishes it so, and continues doing so great injury to God our lord, and to our sovereigns, by the war, and sheds Christian blood, unreasonably and without justification, all the blame and responsibility, and all the damages, losses and deaths resulting therefrom, shall be upon his shoulders. He protests again by all protested and demanded by him in his past replies, and by all which most devolves upon him in this case to protest, demand, and summon, as many times as is proper and to which he is by law obliged; and he thus challenges him as testimony, in the presence, as witnesses, of Captain Diego de Artieda and Captain Andres de Ybarra; the factor, Andres de Mirandaola; the treasurer, Guido de Levazaris; and the ensign-in-chief, Amador de Arriaran, all of whom signed here their names. Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, Diego de Artieda, Andres de Ybarra, Guido de Lavezaris, Andres de Mirandaola, Amador de Arriaran, Pero Bernaldez.

Before me, Christoval Ponze, notary)

(All the above papers, writings, replies, responses, and other documents above set forth, I, the said Fernando Riquel, took manu propria, as best I could, from the originals, writing them down de verbo ad verbum and letter for letter, at the request of the said governor Miguel Lopez de Lagazpi, who signed the same here with his name. And they are accurate and true, witnesses of the correction and comparison with the originals thereof being Miguel Lopez, Francisco de Cocar, and Juan de Gamboa y Lezcano, soldiers in this camp—in testimony whereof I have made my usual signature and rubric. Given at Cubu, the second day of the month of June in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine.

In testimony of the truth, Fernando Riquel)

(This copy was written on twenty-three sheets of paper, including the present, and bears the corrections, erasures, and interlineations following: [These follow, in the original document.] And note should be taken that the contract was corruptly and badly written for so it was in the original.)

(In the City of Mexico, on the twenty-third day of the month of December in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine, the presidents and auditors of the royal Audiencia of Nueva Spana said that, inasmuch as in a docket of letters and despatches from Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain in the islands of the West, which came addressed to this royal Audiencia, this relation was found therein of negotiations between the said governor and Goncalo Pereira, a Portuguese, captain of the most serene King of Portugal, regarding the summons repeatedly served, to the effect that the said Miguel Lopez should depart from the islands, region, and spot, where he was situated as is declared in the said relation, it is fitting that this docket be sent to his Majesty in his royal Council of the Indies. In order that entire faith may be given thereto, a judicial inquiry shall be received confirming the signature as that of the said Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and of the handwriting and signature of Hernando Riquel, his notary. Having been received as signed from the secretary of this royal Audiencia it shall be sent to his Majesty. And accordingly they ordered it, by decree, to be set down in writing.

Sancho Lopez de Agurto)

(Attestation: And then upon the said day, month, and year above specified for the said inquiry, there was received an oath in the name of God and the blessed Mary, and upon the sign of the cross +, in the form prescribed by law, from Sancho Lopez de Agurto, secretary of the royal Audiencia of this Nueva Spana, and he took the same in the presence of me, Juan Augustin de Contreras, notary of his Majesty and receiver of this royal Audiencia, under which he promised to tell the truth in this affair. On being interrogated by the aforesaid, and after having seen the writing contained in this other part, and the signatures thereof, where occur the names of Miguel Lopez and Fernando Riquel, he said that this witness knew the said Miguel Lopez and Fernando Riquel, whom many times he had seen write and sign their names; and that he knows that the said Miguel Lopez de Legaspi went as governor and general to the islands of the West, and took as his official notary the said Fernando Riquel, on the authority of the viceroy Don Luis de Velasco; and that the said signatures at the end of the said narration and writing, to wit, "Miguel Lopez" and "Fernando Riquel," together with the handwriting of the said narration are, of a truth so far as this witness knows, those of the parties aforesaid; and he says this without the slightest doubt, for, as already said, he has seen them write and sign their names, and he has written papers and signatures of theirs in his possession similar to those of the said narration, without the slightest variation. The said Hernando Riquel was held and considered as an upright man, and a lawyer of much veracity; and as such this witness held and still holds him. And he declares on the oath taken by him that his entire deposition is true, and he has affixed his signature to the same.

Sancho Lopez de Agurto

Before me, Johan Augustin, notary of his Majesty.)

[The sworn depositions of Juan Augustin de Contreras and of Alonso de Segura, made before Sancho Lopez de Agurto, follow. They are substantially the same as the above. The document continues:]

(I, the said Sancho Lopez de Agurto, notary of the chamber of the said royal Audiencia of Nueva Espana, who was present at the said inquiry made therein, affixed my seal in testimony of the truth. [119]

Sancho Lopez de Agurto)



Bibliographical Data

Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa

Resume of contemporaneous documents.—These documents, dated from 1522 to 1537, are briefly synopsized from Navarrete's Col. de viages, v, pp. 193-439. This editor obtained the material for his series from the archives of Sevilla, Madrid, and Simancas.

Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra

Resume of contemporaneous documents.—These documents are dated in 1527-28, and are published by Navarrete, ut supra, pp. 440-486.

Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos

Resume of contemporaneous documents.—These documents, also synopsized, for the period 1541-48, are obtained from Doc. ined., as follows: Ultramar, ii, part i, pp. 1-94; Amer. y Oceania, v, pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165.

Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi

Resume of contemporaneous documents.—These documents, covering the period 1559-69, are also synopsized from Doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, pp. 94-475, and iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463.

Warrant for establishment of Augustinian Mission (1564).—The original of this document was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico. The only publication of this Patente of which we are aware is that (in Latin) from which our translation is made, in a work by Elviro J. Perez, O.S.A.,—Catalogo bio-bibliografico de los religiosos agustinos (Manila, 1901), pp. xi-xiv. At present, we are unable to give further information concerning the document.

Possession of Cibabao (Feb. 15, 1565).—The original MS. (from a copy of which our translation is made) is conserved in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; pressmark, "Simancas—Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Islas Filipinas, anos 1537 a 1565; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1, 23." It has been published in Doc. ined. Ultramar, i i, pp. 351-355.

Proclamation regarding gold found in burial places (May 16, 1565).—The data for the preceding document apply to this one also—save that to pressmark should be added "ramo 25;" and that the pagination for this one in Doc. ined. is 355-357.

Letter to Felipe II (May 27, 1565).—The original MS. is also in Sevilla; pressmark, "Simancas—Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y gobierno de Filipinas; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1, 23." It was published, ut supra, pp. 357-359. There are two copies in the Archivo, one of which is incorrectly endorsed "1569." In such cases it should be remembered that despatches and other official documents were often sent in duplicate—sometimes in triplicate, or even quadruplicate,—and by different vessels, to ensure that at least one copy should reach its destination.

Letters to Felipe II (May 29, June 1, 1565).—The original MSS. (from copies of which our translations are made) are also in the Archivo de Indias; pressmark. "Patronato, Audiencia de Filipinas—Cartas de los gobernadores." More definite designation is not possible, as these MSS. were not in their regular place in the above patronato at the time when our transcripts were made. With the letter of June 1 we present a photographic reproduction of the signatures. Both of these documents were published in Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania, xiii, pp. 527-531.

Letter to the Audiencia of Mexico (May 28, 1565).—The original MS. is in the Archivo de Indias; pressmark, "Simancas—Filipinas; descub. descrip. y pob. Filipinas, anos 1537 a 1565; est. 1, caj. i, leg. 1, 24, no. 24." This letter was accompanied by a memorandum of supplies needed for the military post established in the Philippines by Legazpi; and with the above-named MS. is a list of this sort—which, however, must have been placed in this legajo by some error, as it mentions some articles that had been sent in the year 1570. But in another patronato—which has the same title as the above, but for the years 1566-68—in "est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2, 24," is a list of similar character, with the title, Memoria de los rescates y municiones que se pidieron a Nueva Espana, para enviar al campo de S.M. que reside en el puerto de Cubu. This document is undated; but internal evidence makes it probable that it is the list which was sent with this letter to the Audiencia, with which we have accordingly placed it, transferring the other list to a later date, 1571.

Legazpi's Relation (1565).—The original MS. is in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid; pressmark, "170-20-3a, caja no. 22." It has not, so far as is known, ever been published. Nothing indicates positively the name of the person to whom it was written; but we may reasonably conjecture, from the style of address, that it was probably sent to the president of the Audiencia of Mexico. As Legazpi's own account of his voyage and achievements, this document possesses special interest and value.

Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador de Valencia (1566).—This little pamphlet (Barcelona, Pau Cortey, 1566) is generally regarded as the first printed account of Legazpi's expedition. But one copy is known to exist—the one which was in Retana's collection, now the property of the Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas, Barcelona. For this reason, we present this document in both the Spanish text and English translation—the former being printed from an exact transcription made from the original document at Barcelona. The original is in two sheets (four pages) of quarto size, printed in type about the size of that used in this series; it is bound in red boards, and is in good condition.

Letters to Felipe II (July 12, 15, 23, 1567, and June 26, 1568).—The original MSS. of these four letters (from copies of which our translations are made) are in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; pressmark, "Simancas—Secular, Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y expedientes de gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el consejo. Anos de 1567 a 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6."

Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira (1568-69).—The originals of these documents are in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; pressmark, "Est. 1. caj. 1, leg. 2, 24, nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9." A MS. copied or compiled from these originals for use in the South American boundary negotiations at Paris in 1776, is in the Archivo general at Simancas; pressmark, "Leg. 7412, fol. 87 y 88;" from a copy of this MS. our translation is made.



NOTES

[1] This document is printed in both the original language and English translation.

[2] Navarrete says in a note that this must have been made about the time the Junta of Badajoz closed, in 1524.

[3] The hospital (and, later, military) order of St John of Jerusalem, was first established in that city in 1023, and received papal recognition in 1113. Its knights served with distinction in the crusades. From 1291 to 1523 the order had its seat in the island of Rhodes; but in 1530 that of Malte was ceded to it by the emperor Charles V. After the capture of Malta by the French, the order became small and insignificant. This order was known in the course of its history by various names, among them being the Order of Rhodes (Rodas).

Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, the commander of this expedition, was a native of Ciudad Real. He must not be confounded with the noted archbishop of Seville, of the same name, whose kinsman he was. The commander died at sea in July, 1526.

[4] This was a priest who accompanied the expedition. After passing the Strait of Magellan, the ship "Santiago," in which Areizaga sailed, was compelled by lack of supplies to direct its course toward the Spanish settlements on the west coast. This priest returned thence to Spain, where the historian Oviedo saw him; the latter compiles from Areizaga's narrative a long account of his adventures, and of Loaisa's voyage as far as the strait (see Oviedo's Hist. de Indias, lib. xx, cap. v-xiii).

[5] Hernan Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, was born in 1485, at Badajoz, Spain. When a mere boy, he resolved upon a military career, and in 1504 went to the West Indies, where he took part in various expeditions, and held some official posts of importance. During 1519-27, Cortes effected the conquest of Mexico and subjugation of its people. Returning to Spain in triumph (1528), he received from the emperor titles and lands, and was made captain-general of New Spain, an office which he held from 1530 to 1541. He sent Saavedra to search for Loaisa (1527); and in 1533 and, 1539 sent out expeditions of discovery—the latter, under Ulloa, ascending the western coast of America to thirty-two degrees north latitude. Cortes died at Seville, December 2, 1547.

[6] Andres de Urdaneta was born in 1498, at Villafranca de Guipuzcoa. He received a liberal education, but, his parents dying, he chose a military career; and he won distinction in the wars of Germany and Italy, attaining the rank of captain. Returning to Spain, he devoted himself to the study of mathematics and astronomy, and became proficient in navigation. Joining Loaisa's expedition, he remained in the Moluccas, contending with the Portuguese there, until 1535, when he went back to Spain. Going thence to Mexico (about 1540), he was offered command of the expedition then fitting out for the Moluccas, "but on terms which he could not accept." Villalobos was given command of the fleet in his stead, and Urdaneta later (1552) became a friar, entering the Augustinian order, in which he made his profession on March 20, 1553, in the City of Mexico. There he remained until the fleet of Legazpi departed (November 21, 1564) from La Navidad, Mexico, for the Philippine Islands; Urdaneta accompanied this expedition, with four other friars of his order. He was appointed prelate of those new lands, with the title of "protector of the Indians;" he also acted as pilot of the fleet. In the following year he was despatched to Spain, to give an account to the government of what Legazpi had accomplished. This mission fulfilled, he desired to return to the Philippines, but was dissuaded from this step by his friends; he came back to Mexico, where he died (June 3, 1568), aged seventy years. Urdaneta was endowed with a keen intellect, and held to his opinions and convictions with great tenacity. To his abilities and sagacity are ascribed much of Legazpi's success in the conquest of the Philippines. For sketches of his life, see Retana's edition of Martinez de Zuniga's Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1893), ii, appendix, pp. 621, 622; and Dic.-Encic. Hisp.-Amer.

[7] The "zebra" was the guanaco or South American camel (Auchenia). The feathers were those of the South American ostrich (Rhea rhea), also called "nandu" and "avestruz" by the natives, or possibly of the smaller species R. darwinii; both are found as far south as the Strait of Magellan.

[8] It was the custom of many of the writers of these early documents to give in dates only the last two or three figures of the year.

[9] His name was Alvaro de Loaisa.

[10] This was the flagship of Magalhaes, which remained at Tidore after the departure of the "Victoria." The "Trinidad" set out for Panama on April 6, 1522, but was compelled by sickness and unfavorable winds to return to the islands. She was then captured by the Portuguese; the ship was wrecked in a heavy storm at Ternate, and her crew detained as prisoners by the Portuguese. Hardships, disease, and shipwreck carried away all of them except four, who did not reach Spain until 1526.

[11] Sebastian Cabot (Caboto) was born about 1473—probably at Venice, although some claim Bristol, England, as his birthplace; he was the son of the noted explorer John Cabot, whom he accompanied on the famous voyage (1494) in which they discovered and explored the eastern coasts of Canada. A second voyage thither (1498), in which Sebastian was commander, proved a failure; and no more is heard of him until 1512, when he entered the service of Fernando V of Spain, who paid him a liberal salary. In 1515 he was a member of a commission charged with revising and correcting all the maps and charts used in Spanish navigation. About this time, he was preparing to make a voyage of discovery; but the project was defeated by Fernando's death (January 23, 1516). In the same year Cabot led an English expedition which coasted. Labrador and entered Hudson Strait; he then returned to Spain, and was appointed (February 5, 1518) royal pilot-major, an office of great importance and authority. He was one of the Spanish commissioners at Badajoz in 1524; and in 1526 commanded a Spanish expedition to the Moluccas, which sailed from Spain on April 3 of that year. Arriving at the River de la Plata, Cabot decided to explore that region instead of proceeding to the Moluccas—induced to take this step by a mutiny among his officers, sickness among his crews, and the loss of his flag-ship. Misfortunes followed him, and he returned to Spain in 1530. Upon the accession of Edward VI to the English throne, Cabot was induced to reenter the English service, which he did in 1548, receiving from Edward promotion and rewards. Nothing is heard of him after 1557; and no work of his is known to be extant save a map of the world, made in 1544. and preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. Regarding his life and achievements, see Nicholls's Sebastian Cabot (London, 1869); Henry Stevens's Sebastian Cabot (Boston, 1870); Harrisse's Jean et Sebastian Cabot (Paris, 1882); F. Tarducci's John and Sebastian Cabot (Brownson's translation, Detroit, 1893); Dawson's "Voyages of the Cabots," in Canad. Roy. Soc. Trans., 1894, pp. 51-112, 1896, pp. 3-30, 1897, pp. 139-268; Dionne's John and Sebastian Cabot (Quebec, 1898); Winship's Cabot Bibliography (London, 1900).

[12] Joao Serrao, one of Magalhaes's captains, was elected, after the latter's death, to the command of the fleet. On May 1, 1521, he was murdered by natives on the island of Cebu, having been treacherously abandoned there by his own companions.

[13] The "Santiago," in which was the priest Areizaga (see note 3).

[14] Saavedra died at sea in the month of December, 1529. See Navarrete's Col. de viages, v, p. 422.

[15] Lib. xx of Oviedo's Hist. de Indias is devoted to the relation of these early expeditions to the Philippines of Magalhaes, Loaisa, and Saavedra.

[16] Ruy Lopez de Villalobos is said to have been a man of letters, licentiate in law, and born of a distinguished family in Malaga; he was brother-in-law of Antonio de Mendoza, who (then viceroy of New Spain) appointed him commander of the expedition here described. Departing from Navidad, Mexico (November 1, 1542), he reached Mindanao on February 2 of the following year; he was the first to make explorations in that island. It was he who bestowed upon those islands the name Filipinas (Philippine), in honor of the crown-prince Don Felipe of Spain, afterward known as Felipe II; he conferred this appellation probably in 1543. The Portuguese, then established in the Moluccas, opposed any attempt of Spaniards to settle in the neighboring islands, and treated Villalobos as an enemy. After two years of hardships and struggles, he was obliged to place himself in their hands; and, departing for Spain in one of their ships, was seized by a malignant fever, which terminated his life at Amboina, on Good Friday, 1546. In his last hours he was spiritually assisted by St. Francis Xavier (styled "the Apostle of the Indies"). For biographical material regarding Villalobos, see Dic.-Encic. Hisp.-Amer., article: "Lopez de Villalobos;" Galvano's Discoveries of the World (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 231-238; and Buzeta and Bravo's Diccionario Filipinas; Retana's sketch, in his edition of Zuniga's Estadismo, ii, p. 593*.

[17] Pedro de Alvarado was, after Hernan Cortes, the most notable of the early Spanish conquerors of New Spain. He was born at Badajoz, about 1485, and came to America in 1510. He served with distinction in many wars and expeditions during the conquest, and received from Cortes various important commands. Among these was the post of governor and captain-general of Guatemala (1523); in the following year he founded the old city of Guatemala, which later was destroyed by the eruption of a volcano. In 1534 he planned to send an expedition to the Pacific islands; but news of the discovery of Peru and the conquests of Pizarro caused him to defer this enterprise, and he sent instead troops to Peru, fitted out through his extortions on the inhabitants of his province. Afterward he planned, with Mendoza, the expedition conducted by Villalobos, but never knew its outcome; he died on July 4, 1541, from wounds received while attacking an Indian village.

[18] Antonio de Mendoza belonged to a family of distinction, and was born at Granada, toward the close of the fifteenth century. He was the first viceroy of New Spain, being appointed April 17, 1535. He was beloved by the people for his good government; he made wise laws, opened and worked mines, coined money, founded a university and several colleges, and introduced printing into Mexico. He despatched two maritime expeditions of discovery—that of Villalobos, and another to California; and made explorations by land as far as New Mexico. In 1550 he was sent as viceroy to Peru, and administered that office until his death, which occurred July 21, 1552, at Lima.

[19] The title of Marquis del Valle de Oaxaca was conferred upon Hernan Cortes, July 6, 1529. He had taken great interest in the exploration of the Pacific Ocean and its coasts; and had spent on expeditions sent out with that object no less sum than three hundred thousand pesos (Helps's Life of Cortes, p. 282.)

[20] This compares favorably with the homestead law of the United States. The institution mentioned in the next sentence apparently was peculiar to Spanish colonial administration in America. Its origin was in the repartimiento, which at first (1497) meant a grant of lands in a conquered country; it was soon extended to include the natives dwelling thereon, who were compelled to till the land for the conqueror's benefit. In 1503 encomiendas were granted, composed of a certain number of natives, who were compelled to work. The word encomienda is a term belonging to the military orders (from the ranks of which came many officials appointed for the colonies), and corresponds to our word "commandery." It is defined by Helps (practically using the language of Solorzano, the eminent Spanish jurist), as "a right conceded by royal bounty, to well-deserving persons in the Indies, to receive and enjoy for themselves the tributes of the Indians who should be assigned to them, with a charge of providing for the good of those Indians in spiritual and temporal matters, and of inhabiting and defending the provinces where these encomiendas should be granted to them." Helps has done good service to historical students in recognizing the great importance, social and economic, of the encomienda system in the Spanish colonies, and its far-reaching results; and in embodying the fruits of his studies thereon in his Spanish Conquest in America (London, 1855-61), to which the reader is referred for full information on this subject; see especially vols. iii, iv.

[21] See the Treaty of Zaragoza, vol. i, p. 222.

[22] This was the dust or residue of the filings from the various assays and operations in the founding of metals, and was usually applied to the benefit of hospitals and houses of charity. It belonged to the king, and was placed under lock and key, one key in possession of the founder and the other of the king's factor.—Note by editor of Col. doc. ined.

[23] This name is variously spelled Labezaris, Labezares, Labezarii, Lavezarii, and in other ways. This man occupied an important place in Legazpi's expedition, and was later governor of the Philippine Islands. Several documents by him will appear in this series.

[24] A note by the editor of Doc. ined. says that the religious sent in this expedition were Fray Jeronimo de San Estevan, prior of the Augustinians; Fray Nicolas de Perea, Fray Alonso de Alvarado, and Fray Sebastian de Reina.

[25] A small vessel with lateen sails.

[26] This was the Portuguese governor of Ternate and the Moluccas. The correspondence may be found in the archives of Torre do Tombo.

[27] Apparently a reference to the islands Sarangani and Balut, off the southern point of Mindanao. Regarding Mazaua (Massava, Mazagua) Stanley cites—in First Voyage by Magellan (Hakluyt Society Publications, no. 52), p. 79—a note in Milan edition of Pigafetta's relation, locating Massaua between Mindanao and Samar. It is doubtless the Limasaua of the present day, off the south point of Leyte.

[28] A map by Nicolaus Visscher, entitled Indiae Orientalis nova descriptio (undated, but probably late in the seventeenth century) shows "Philippina al Tandaya," apparently, intended for the present Samar; but Legazpi's relation of 1565 (post) would indicate that Tandaya was the modern Leyte. Ortelius (1570) locates the Talao Islands about half-way from Mindanao to Gilolo they are apparently the Tulour or Salibabo Islands of today.

[29] The names in brackets are the modern appellations (see Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, pp. xvi, xvii).

[30] Antonio Galvano explains this by declaring that he had in 1538 (being then the Portuguese governor of the Moluccas) sent Francisco de Castro to convert the natives of the Philippines to the Catholic faith. On the island of Mindanao he was sponsor at the baptism of six kings, with their wives, children, and subjects. See Galvano's Tratado (Hakluyt Society reprint of Hakluyt's translation, Discoveries of the World, pp. 208, 233).

[31] See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. xvii.

[32] On old maps Abuyo; the aboriginal appellation of the island of Leyte (Retana-edition of Combes's Mindanao, p. 749).

[33] Probably the cannon belonging to Magalhaes's ship "Trinidad," which the Portuguese seized in October, 1522; they had built a fortified post on the island of Ternate in the preceding summer, their first settlement in the Moluccas. Ternate, Tidore, Mutir, and two others, are small islands lying along the western coast of Gilolo; on them cloves grew most abundantly when Europeans first discovered the Moluccas.

[34] Bisayas or Visayas is the present appellation of the islands which lie between Luzon and Mindanao.

[35] This document is printed in both the original text and English translation.

[36] Luis de Velasco succeeded Antonio de Mendoza as viceroy of New Spain, taking his office in November, 1550, and holding it until his death (July 31, 1564). He was of an illustrious family of Castile and had held several military appointments before he became viceroy. He exercised this latter office with great ability, and favored the Indians to such an extent that he was called "the father of the Indians." He died poor and in debt, and was buried with solemnity in the Dominican monastery at the City of Mexico.

[37] A small vessel used as a tender, to carry messages between larger vessels, etc.

[38] The Treaty of Zaragoza, q.v. vol. i, p. 222.

[39] This opinion is correct, referring as it does to the five islands lying along the coast of Gilolo.

[40] Miguel Lopez de Legazpi who, with Andres de Urdaneta, rediscovered and conquered the Philippine Islands, was born in Zubarraja in Guipuzcoa in the early part of the sixteenth century, of an old and noble family. He went to Mexico in 1545, where he became chief clerk of the cabildo of the City of Mexico. Being selected to take charge of the expedition of 1564, he succeeded by his great wisdom, patience, and forbearance, in gaining the good will of the natives. He founded Manila, where he died of apoplexy August 20, 1572. He was much lamented by all. He was succeeded as governor of the Philippines by Guido de Lavezaris.

[41] Navarrete says (Bibl. Marit., tomo ii, p. 492), that Legazpi was fifty-nine years old when the fleet set sail in 1564, which makes him six years older than the age given above. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, tomo ii, p. 116, note.

[42] The Ladrones or Marianas number in all sixteen islands, and are divided into two groups of five and eleven islands respectively. They extend north and south about nine hundred and fifty kilometers, lying between thirteen degrees and twenty-one degrees north latitude, and one hundred and forty-eight degrees and one hundred and forty-nine degrees forty minutes longitude east of Madrid. They are but thinly populated; their flora resembles that of the Philippines. The largest and most important of these islands, Guam, is now the property of the United States.

[43] Although this allusion cannot well be identified, it indicates some episode of the great eagerness and readiness for western discovery then prevalent in France. Cartier's explorations (1534-36, and 1540-43), and later those of Jean Allefonsce, had already been published to the world; and maps of the eastern coast of North America showed, as early as 1544, the great St. Lawrence River, which afforded an easy entrance to the interior, and might readily be supposed to form a waterway for passage to the "Western Sea"—especially as New France was then generally imagined to be a part of Asia; Japan and China being not very far west of the newly-discovered coast.

[44] These two vessels were rechristened "San Pedro" and "San Pablo" before actually sailing. The admiral of the fleet was to have been Juan de Carrion; but he was left behind because of his dissensions with Urdaneta, and Mateo del Saz fulfilled his duties.

[45] The Theatins were a religious congregation founded in Italy (1524) by Gaetano de Tiene and Giovanni Pietro Caraffa, archbishop of Theato (the modern Chieti)—who afterward became pontiff of Rome, under the title of Paul IV. Their object was to reform the disorders that had crept into the Roman church, and restore the zeal, self-sacrifice, and charity of apostolic days. They would neither own property nor ask alms, but worked at various trades and were thus maintained, with voluntary offerings from the faithful. During the next century they spread into other European countries (where they still have many houses), and undertook missions in Asia.

[46] The total cost of the preparation of Legazpi's fleet was 382,468 pesos, 7 tomines, 5 grains of common gold; and 27,400 pesos, 3 tomines, 1 grain of gold dust. These expenses cover the period from December 13, 1557, until March 2, 1565. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, no. 36, pp. 461-463.

The gold dust here mentioned (Spanish oro de minas) means gold in the form of "gravel" or small nuggets, obtained usually from placers, or the washings of river-sands. The "common" gold (oro comun) is refined gold, or bullion, ready for coinage.

[47] This vessel, after trying to find—or at least making such a claim—the fleet in Mindanao and other islands, returned to New Spain, anchoring at Puerto de la Navidad August 9, 1565. A relation by its captain Alonso de Arellano, gives an account of this voyage (published in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, no. 37, pp. 1-76). Testimony as to the truth of this relation is given under oath by its author, his pilot Lope Martin, and others. It is quite evident throughout that it was written with the hope of explaining satisfactorily the "San Lucas's " sudden disappearance and failure to rejoin the flagship. Accounts of islands passed by the vessel are given and the various and frequent mishaps of wind and wave detailed at length. On January 8 an island was reached where the people "were afraid of our ship and of us and our weapons. They are well proportioned, tall of stature, and bearded, their beards reaching to their waists. The men wear their hair long like women, neatly combed and tied behind in a knot. They are greedy, very treacherous, and thoroughly unprincipled.... They are Caribs, and, I understand, eat human flesh. They are warlike, as it seemed to us, for they were always prepared, and they must carry on war with other islands. Their weapons are spears pointed with fish bones, and masanas [a wooden weapon, generally edged with sharp flint, used by the early Mexican and Peruvian aborigines.].... They are much given to hurling stones from slings, and with very accurate aim. They are excellent swimmers and sailors. We called this island Nadadores [Swimmers], because they swam out to us when we were more than a league from the island." A mutiny sprang up after reaching the Philippines, but was checked. Arellano claims that he left the prescribed tokens of his visit in Mindanao. The patache reached Puerto de la Navidad on August 9, after its crew had suffered many hardships and much sickness. Legazpi, quite naturally, was much displeased at the evident desertion of the "San Lucas" and caused action to be taken against Arellano and Lope Martin, by Gabriel Diaz of the Mexican mint. This latter presented various petitions before the Audiencia of Mexico, detailing the charges and asking investigation. The charges were desertion,—"in which the loss he occasioned cannot be overestimated," because this vessel was intended for a close navigation of the islands and their rivers and estuaries, which the larger vessels could not attempt,—assuming to himself powers of jurisdiction that belonged to Legazpi as general of the expedition,—executing summary justice on two men (causing them to be thrown overboard),—cruelty, and "many other grave and serious offenses;" which "he had committed in company with the pilot and others." Diaz asked that Arellano be made to render an account to Legazpi and to serve for his pay, as he had served in the expedition but ten days. However just the demand for an investigation, it was never made, which was probably due to Arellano's influence with the court in Spain. The only notice that appeared to be taken of the petitions was a request from the Audiencia that Diaz show his authority to act in the case, which he had showed already in the petitions. The voyage of the "San Lucas" is called by the editor of Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, "one of the boldest registered in the history of navigation." See the above series, tomo ii, pp. 222, 223; and tomo iii, pp. v-xviii, and 1-76.

[48] See the notarial attestation of the taking of possession of Barbudos in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 76-79. This was apparently one of the Marshall Islands.

[49] On January 26, 1565, Legazpi in person took possession of the Ladrones, for the Spanish crown. This possession was made in the island of Guam, before Hernando Riquel, government notary, and with all the necessary formalities. The witnesses were "Fray Andres de Urdaneta, prior; the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sanz; the accountant, Andres Cauchela; the factor, Andres de Mirandaola; the chief ensign, Andres de Ybarra; Geronimo de Moncon, and many others." See the record of possession, Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 79-81.

[50] Cf. with this the thievishness, and dexterity therein, of the Huron Indians, in Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue), v, pp. 123, 241, 243, and elsewhere.

[51] This island is styled variously Guam, Goam, Guan, and Boan (see Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. 243). The United States government now uses it as a coaling station.

[52] From an official document drawn up by Hernando Riquel, it appears that the fleet reached the Philippines in very poor condition, due to insufficient and careless preparation. In response to a petition signed by the royal officials "Guido de la Vacares [Lavezaris], Andres Cauchela, and Andres de Mirandaola," that testimonies be received from certain officers and pilots of the fleet, in regard to its poor condition, Legazpi ordered such depositions to be taken, which was done on May 23, 1565. These testimonies show that the fleet left Puerto de la Navidad with insufficient crews, marine equipment, artillery, and food, in consequence of which great sufferings had been and were still being endured. It was testified "that the provisions of meat, lard, cheese, beans and peas, and fish lasted but a short time, because of putrefying and spoiling by reason of having been laid in many days before sailing." See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 305-318.

[53] The notarial testimony of this taking of possession will be given in this volume, p. 167.

[54] Probably the island of Leyte. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. 258.

[55] This ceremony of blood friendship will be explained in later documents. It was characteristic of Malayan peoples. The present Cabalian is in the extreme S.E. part of Leyte.

[56] Camiguin, north of Mindanao, and north by west from Butuan Bay.

[57] The testimonies of the "wrongs inflicted on the natives in certain of the Philippines, under cover of friendship and under pretext of a desire to trade," by Portuguese from the Moluccas, and the injuries resulting therefrom to the Spaniards, are recounted in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 284-305.

[58] Probably in pique because Urdaneta's advice to colonize New Guinea had been disregarded, and because these islands were, as Urdaneta declared, in Portugal's demarcation.

[59] The notarial memorandum of the finding of the Nino Jesus will be found in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 277-284. It gives Legazpi's testimony concerning the discovery, and his appointment of the date of finding as an annual religious holiday, as well as the testimonies of the finder, Juan de Camuz, and of Esteban Rodriguez, to whom Camuz first showed the image (which is described in detail). Pigafetta relates {First Voyage of Magellan, pp. 93, 94) that he gave an image of the Infant Jesus to the queen of Cebu, April 14, 1521—evidently the same as that found by Legazpi's men.

[60] On this day Legazpi took formal possession of the island of Cebu and adjacent islands for Spain. The testimony of Hernando Riquel, government notary, of this act appears in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 89, 90.

[61] This image is still preserved in the Augustinian convent at Cebu; a view of it is presented in this volume.

[62] The preceding relation says three hours.

[63] Probably the casava root.

[64] The native race inhabiting Guam is called Chamorro.

[65] This was the island of Negros (Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. 410).

[66] The pilot makes use of the familiar second person singular forms throughout this relation.

[67] His relation of this voyage, continued until a few days before his death), is preserved in the Archivo general de Indias, at Seville. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, p. 456.

[68] His full name. He was a brother of Captain Juan de la Isla. See Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, vol. ii, p. 458.

[69] The number in the printed document is one thousand three hundred and seventy. This must be an error for one thousand eight hundred and seventy, as so great a difference between the three maps would hardly be likely to occur.

[70] This relation may be considered as the continuation of that which records the voyage from New Spain, until the departure of die "San Pedro" from Cebu. Neither is signed, but the former seems to have been written by a military officer, as he speaks in one place of "the men of my company."

[71] Cf. the Chinese belief, and the reverence of the American Indian for his ancestors.

[72] Cf. the burial rites of North American tribes, as described in the Jesuit Relations (see Index, article: Indians).

[73] This chief's name is also spelled in this relation Mahomat.

[74] The fanega is a measure of capacity that was extensively used throughout Spain and the Spanish colonies, and in the Spanish-American republics; but it is now largely superseded by the measures of the metric system. Its value varied in different provinces or colonies. Its equivalents in United States (Winchester) bushels are as follows: Aragon, O.64021; Teruel (Aragon), I.23217; Castile, 1.59914; Asturias, 2.07358; Buenos Aires, 3.74988; Canary Islands, 1.77679 (struck), 2.5 (heaped). The fanega of Castile is equivalent to 5.63 decaliters. The name was also applied to the portion of ground which might be sown with a fanega of grain.

[75] A detailed relation of the voyage of the "San Geronimo" was written by Juan Martinez, a soldier, being dated Cebu, July 25, 1567. It is given in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, no. 47, pp. 371-475. From the very first the insubordination of the pilot Lope Martin was manifest, who said to the easy-going captain. "If you think you are going to take me to Cebu, you are very much mistaken; for as soon as he saw me there, the governor would hang me."

[76] In regard to this use of precious gums, see East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society Publications, no. 35), pp. 31, 230; in that text yncenso is incorrectly translated "wormwood."

[77] Document no. xli, pp. 244-276, tomo iii, consists of memoranda made by Hernando Riquel, notary of the expedition. These were drawn up by order of Legazpi, and relate to occurrences after the fleet reached Cabalian (March, 1565), until the resolution to colonize in Cebu. They are mainly concerned with negotiations with the natives, and are fully attested; but contain nothing additional to the matter in the relations.

[78] A tax paid to the monarch by those not belonging to the nobility.

[79] See note 18, ante, on repartimientos and encomiendas.

[80] Counselors of the provincial or other high official, whose advice was considered by him in all important affairs.

[81] Ours: a familiar term in use by members of a religious order, referring to their fellows therein.

[82] This island is called by the French pilot Pierres Plun, in his relation, Zibaban, Zibao, and Zibaba. La Concepcion calls it (Historia, vol. i, p. 331) Ybabao. The editor of Cartas de Indias conjectures this to be the island of Libagas (near Mindoro); but that would not agree with the statements made about it in various documents. Retana (Zuniga, vol. ii, p. 383*) says that Cibabao is Samar, which is, however, not an altogether satisfactory identification.

[83] This name is given at Arrezun in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar.

[84] In Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, this name it given as Francisco Escudero de la Portolla.

[85] In another document, dated February 20, 1565 (published in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, iii, pp. 81, 82), Legazpi personally verified the possession taken by Ybarra, Andres de Urdaneta being witness thereto. On that day Legaspi took possession not only of Cibabao but of the adjacent islands.

[86] In Col. doc. ined. Ultramar (p. 336), this name is given as "ypolito atanbor."

[87] Many of these names are signed with a rubrica or flourish, which, like the French paraphe, was customary as a protection against forgery.

[88] Apparently referring to the president of the Audiencia of New Spain, although the formal address is to that body as a whole.

[89] This list does not accompany the letter, either in the Sevilla archives or in Doc. ined; but see Bibliographical Data for this document, at end of this volume.

[90] The Spanish quintal varied in different provinces and colonies as follows (equivalents given in U.S. pounds): Aragon, 109.738476; Castile (and Chile), 101.6097; Asturias, 152.281185; Catalonia, 87.281; Valencia (old measure), 109.728476; Buenos Aires, 101.4178. This unit of weight has been generally replaced by those of the metric system.

[91] Evidently this word is used in its early sense, of one who practiced blood-letting, etc., as the barber often performed duties now strictly pertaining to the physician.

[92] The arroba was equal to four quintals.

[93] The braza was a measure of length, equivalent to 16.718 decimeters, or 1.82636 yards (U.S.) The name originated (like the French brasse) in the primitive use of the human arm as a measure of length. The braza (square) was used in the Philippines as a measure of surface, being equivalent to 36 Spanish, or 30.9168 English, square feet.

[94] A short dagger with a broad blade.

[95] In the relation published in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, pp. 265-277, where these transactions are recounted in greater detail, these names are spelled Camutrian (Camutuan, Camotuan), and Maletec, respectively.

[96] Apparently the same as the Massaua of earlier documents.

[97] In the relation cited above, note 92, the name of this island is spelled (p. 277) Camiguinin.

[98] The second ship of the fleet, "San Pablo." The "San Pedro" or flagship was spoken of as the capitana.

[99] A veil of thin gauze worn by the Moors. Evidently the term is used in this connection, as the Mohammedans of these islands were called Moros (Moors) by the Spaniards.

[100] Apparently referring to the island of Negros.

[101] The word is escaupiles, which was a species of ancient Mexican armor.

[102] An equestrian exercise with reed spears.

[103] The actual date of departure was the twenty-first.

[104] See note 43, ante, as to the cost of the fleet. The reference in the text is apparently to some Mexican mint or mine.

[105] This vessel was the "San Lucas," commanded by Alonso de Arellano; see account of its adventures in "Expedition of Legazpi."

[106] A reference to the relation sent to Felipe II by Legazpi—probably by the "San Pedro."

[107] A measure for grain containing one-third of a fanega.

[108] An error naturally made, in those early days of acquaintance with the Philippines, since the island of Mactan (Matan), where Magalhaes was slain, lies near the coast of Cebu. According to the U.S. Philippine Gazetteer (p. 69), the archipelago comprises twelve principal islands and three groups, with one thousand five hundred and eighty-three dependent islands.

[109] Apparently meaning the "San Pedro," which was despatched from Cebu by Legazpi on June 1, 1565. It reached Navidad on October 1, and probably arrived at Seville in May or June, 1566.

[110] The concha and blanca were ancient copper coins of the value of one-half and three maravedis, respectively. The coins above-mentioned evidently resembled these in size.

[111] The "San Geronimo."

[112] Throughout this document, the statements and comments of the notaries will be enclosed in parentheses, to enable the reader more easily to separate the various letters and writs from one another.

[113] The caracoa is a large canoe used by the Malayan peoples—"with two rows of oars, very light, and fitted with a European sail, its rigging of native manufacture" (Dic. Acad.). According to Retana (Zuniga, ii, p. 513*), the word caracoa is not to be found in Filipino dictionaries.

[114] Referring to the rule of Sebastiao, the infant king of Portugal, and of his grandmother Catarina, regent during his minority.

[115] Javelins: the Portuguese word is azagayas, with which cf. assagai, the name of a like weapon among the Kaffirs of Africa.

[116] This phrase (meaning "nothing paid") is no longer used in notarial documents. Sometimes when documents are legalized by the Mexican Legation at Washington, the fee is not paid there, but is to be paid at Mexico on presentation of the document there; the secretary of the Legation accordingly writes on it, No se pagaran derechos—perhaps a similar procedure to that noted in the text.—Arthur P. Cushing (consul for Mexico at Boston).

[117] This arose from the fact that the Portuguese navigated eastward from Europe to reach their oriental possessions, while the Spaniards voyaged westward. The reckoning of the Spaniards in the Philippines was thus a day behind that of the Portuguese. This error was corrected in 1844, at Manila and Macao respectively. See vol. i, note 2.

[118] Sevilla, one of the centers of Mahometan power in Spain, was besieged for more than two years (1246-48) by Fernando III of Castilla, who finally captured it. The expedition against Tunis here referred to was undertaken by Carlos I of Spain (1535). to restore Muley Hassan, the Mahometan king of Tunis, to his throne, whence he had been driven by Barbarossa, King of Algiers; the usurper was expelled, after a brief siege.

[119] This is followed by the certification of the copyist who transcribed this document for the South American boundary negotiations between Spain and Portugal in 1776, at Paris. It reads thus: "I, Don Juan Ignacio Cascos, revisor and expert in handwriting and old documents, and one of those appointed by the Royal and Supreme Council of Castilla, made the foregoing copy, and collated it with the original, which was written on twenty-four sheets of ordinary paper, and signed, each in his own hand, by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Fernando Riquel. Madrid, the twenty-sixth day of August in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six.

Juan Ignacio Pascos."

THE END