"Item: on condition, that the chief who killed Pedro de Arana by treachery should not enjoy this peace and friendship, until he had appeared before the said governor to make his plea, and whose punishment the said governor said he reserved for himself." The said Tupas and chiefs declared that they accepted this condition; and that, if they could, they would bring this man to his lordship so that he might be punished.

"Item: on condition that, if the said Tupas and chiefs asked the said governor for the aid of his men against any Indians hostile to them, who were making or should make war upon them, the said governor was obliged to give them aid, protection, and reenforcement of men for it. Likewise if the said governor should request people from the said Indians, they would be obliged to volunteer to fight against his enemies. All the spoils taken when the said Spaniards and Indians were acting in concert should be divided into two equal parts, of which the said governor and his people were to have one part, and the said natives the other.

"Item: on condition that, if any Indian, a native of this island, should commit any crime or wrong against any Spaniard, or take anything pertaining to and connected with the Spaniards, the said chiefs would be obliged to arrest him and bring him as a prisoner to the governor, in order that he might be punished, and justice done. And if any Spaniard should do any wrong or damage to the natives, or take anything belonging to them, the said chiefs and natives were to notify the said governor, and show him the proofs thereof, so that he might punish the wrong, and execute justice according to law.

"Item: It is a condition that, if any slave or other person flee from the Spanish camp, and should go inland where the Indians live and inhabit, the said chiefs and natives be obliged to arrest him and bring him before the governor; likewise if any Indian, man or woman, free or slave, come to the Spanish camp from the Indians, that the said governor promises to send him back and surrender him—so that neither side defraud or hide anything from the other.

"Item: It is a condition that the said chiefs and natives shall be obliged, in selling to the Spaniards any or all provisions native to their land, and which they may wish to sell the latter, to demand only the just prices current among them, and those usually imposed by them, without advancing the price above its usual value. This price shall be fixed and understood, now and in future, and there shall be no change in it. Likewise the said governor shall fix moderate rates on the articles of barter brought from Spain for the natives. After these prices are fixed, neither side may advance them.

"Item: It is a condition that none of the said natives may, now or at any time, come into or enter the camp and settlement of the Spaniards with any weapons of any kind whatever, under penalty that the person entering with weapons shall be punished by the governor." In return for these conditions of peace, thus accepted by the natives, Legazpi promised that, for this first year, they need pay no tribute or other submission until after their harvests, "for the king of Castilla had no need of their possessions, nor wished more than that they recognize him as lord, since they were his and within his demarcation." In token of submission, Tupas and all the other chiefs present bent the knee before Legazpi, "offering themselves as vassals of his majesty," whom the governor ... received as such vassals of the crown of Castilla, and promised "to protect and defend as such." As a climax, presents of garments, mirrors, strings of beads, and pieces of blue glass were given to the various chiefs. Then Legazpi told them of the necessity of the king's having "a strong house, wherein could be kept and guarded the articles of barter and the merchandise brought thither, and his artillery and ammunition;" as well as a town-site for the soldiers. These the natives should assign, where it best pleased them, "because he wished it to be with the consent and choice of all of them; and although he had planned the house of his majesty on the point occupied at present by the camp, in order to be near the ships, he wished it to be with their universal consent." This place was granted by the natives, whereupon Legazpi proceeded to mark out land for the fort and Spanish town, assigning the limits by a line of trees. Ail outside this line "was to remain to the Indians, who could build their houses and till the fields." After ordering the natives "to go to the other side or the line which he had assigned to them, and the Spaniards ... within the line ... the governor passed from one part to the other, cut certain branches, and said that, in his majesty's name he took, and he did take; possession of that site, ... and in token of true possession he performed the said acts." Besides not being allowed to enter the Spanish town with arms, no native could come hither at night, unless by special permission. Legazpi promised that "if any wrong should be done them, or they should experience any violence from any one, he would defend and protect them as their own father and protector," and that all wrongs would be punished according to Castilian laws. In conclusion a collation was given to the natives, and Simaquio's wife and daughters were surrendered to him and the other hostages set free, "whereat they expressed great wonder and joy, because it is unusual among them to free prisoners without any ransom." "The next day ... the same chiefs returned ... and said that they had come to make merry with the governor. The latter gave them a good reception, and set before them a breakfast and some liquor, in which consists their way of making merry." They brought other chiefs who submitted to the Spaniards, and later still other chiefs came in. Trade began to flourish as the natives recovered from all fear and returned to their former haunts. Among other things the natives traded "a great quantity of palm wine, to which the Spaniards gave themselves with good appetite, saying that they did not miss the wine of Castilla. But because of the risk and trouble that might arise therefrom, the governor ordered that wine should not be brought or sold within the camp, and that the Spaniards should not buy it. He told Tupas and the chiefs that, as the Spaniards were not accustomed to this land, and were but recently come thither, it was not good for them to drink this wine, and that some of them had become sick. And he asked that Tupas neither consent to it, nor bring wine to the Spaniards." The traffic still went on nevertheless, "secretly and at night," and the Spaniards gave themselves up to it entirely, saying "that it was better than that of Castilla." Moreover, the women prostituted themselves freely throughout the camp, an evil which Legazpi, although he posted sentinels, was unable to stamp out. Finally he announced to the native chiefs that only men should do the trading in the camp; and if the women did any trading he would assign them a public place as a market, and the latter should enter none of the Spanish houses. The chiefs replied "that those who came to sell and trade were slaves and not married women, and that he should not concern himself about it nor take it ill, for such was their custom, and that married and honorable women did not go to the camp; although the contrary of this was seen and understood afterwards. For the Indians going outside the village, as they do continually, to trade beside the sea, many of the wives and daughters of the chiefs came to the camp along with the other women, and thus went through the camp, visiting with as much freedom and liberty as if all the men were their own brothers. Thus it was seen and discovered later that this is one of their customs, and is exercised with all strangers from the outside. The very first thing they do is to provide them with women, and these sell themselves for any gain, however slight" The natives are described as covetous and selfish, without neatness and not cleanly. "It has not been ascertained whether they have any idols. They revere their ancestors as gods, [71] and when they are ill or have any other necessity, they go to their graves with great lamentation and commendation, to beg their ancestors for health, protection, and aid; They make certain alms and invocations here. And in the same manner they invoke and call upon the Devil, and they declare that they cause him to appear in a hollow reed, and that there he talks with their priestesses. Their priests are, as a general rule, women, who thus make this invocation and talk with the Devil, and then give the latter's answer to the people—telling them what offerings of birds and other things they must make, according to the request and wish of the Devil. They sacrifice usually a hog and offer it to him, holding many other like superstitions in these invocations, in order that the Devil may come and talk to them in the reed: When any chief dies, they kill some of his slaves, a greater or less number according to his quality and his wealth. They are all buried in coffins made out of two boards, and they bury with them their finest clothes, porcelain ware, and gold jewels. Some are buried in the ground, and others of the chief men are placed in certain lofty houses." [72] Legazpi ordered that in future no slaves be killed at the death of their chiefs, an order which they promised to obey. The natives desired to procure iron in their trading, but Legazpi ordered that none be given them by anyone. However, the trade was continued secretly, the iron being concealed in clothing, even after some of the men had been punished. By various dealings with the natives Legazpi discovered that they were deceiving him in regard to other natives of Cebu and the island of Matan; they had said that these men would make peace and friendship, but they never appeared. The inhabitants of Matan had always been hostile to the Spaniards, "saying that they would kill us, or at least would drive us away by hunger." One day Tupas told the governor that "his wife and daughters would like to come to see him, because they had a great desire to know him. He replied that he would be very glad and that Tupas should bring them whenever he wished; accordingly, Tupas did so after a few days. Their manner of coming was such that the women came by themselves in procession, two and two, the chief one last of all. After this manner came the wife of Tupas with her arms on the shoulders of two principal women, with a procession of more than sixty women, all singing in a high voice. Most of them wore palm-leaf hats on their heads, and some of them garlands of various kinds of flowers; some were adorned with gold, and some with clasps on their legs, and wearing earrings and armlets, and gold rings on their hands and fingers. They were all clad in colored petticoats or skirts and shawls, some of them made of taffety." The usual good cheer followed, and presents were made to all the women. The same good treatment was accorded to the wives of other chiefs who visited the settlement in the same manner. Legazpi "after his arrival in these islands, tried always to put the minds of the natives at rest, not allowing them to receive any wrong or hurt, or permitting that anything belonging to them should be taken from them without being paid for ... principally in this island of Zubu, where he thought to live and dwell permanently among the natives." A few days after the coming of Tupas's wife and the other women, he sent his niece to Legazpi. She was the first native to receive baptism, "although the father prior made her wait some days, enforcing upon her mind what it meant to be a Christian, and what she must believe and observe after her baptism." She was named Isabel, and married Master Andrea, a Greek calker, a few days after. Her son, aged three, and two children, a boy and a girl, of seven and eight years respectively, also received baptism. Other Indians came, in imitation of Isabel, asking baptism; and seven or eight infants who died received the holy rite that ensured them entrance into heaven. After being two months in Cebu, Legazpi, although pushing the work on the fortifications as rapidly as possible, sent out, in order to keep his part of the treaty, contingents of men with the natives, at two different times, to aid the latter against their enemies. The weapons and warlike qualities of the Spaniards gained them great prestige and inspired great terror throughout all the islands. About this same time "seven or eight Moros, whose chief was called Magomat, [73] came in a canoe to the camp, declaring themselves to be natives of the island of Luzon; and asked the governor for permission to come to this village to trade with a prau which was stationed near this island. They said that if the Spaniards would trade with them, they would be very glad to have junks come from Luzon with much merchandise for the Spanish trade." They had learned of the Spanish settlement through a Moro who had been sent to Panay to buy rice for the fort, and that "they did no harm to anyone, and were possessed of a great quantity of silver and small coins; therefore they had come to find out our manner of trading." One of the Moros happening to sneeze while trading for pearls, said "that they could not buy; that that was their custom, and if they did, they would sin therein." Through these Moros the natives of Cebu learned to demand tostones [a small coin] in exchange for their articles of trade, which was a loss to the Spaniards; but the latter laid in a good supply of provisions, by the aid of these same Moros. By the latter, Legazpi sent word to the king of Luzon of his residence in the islands and his desire to meet him and "deliver the message he bore to him from his majesty; and requested that he send him for this, a trustworthy person, or allow him to send some Spaniards thither to treat with the same king." These Moros induced two small "junks from Venduro [Mindoro] which is an island near Luzon" to come to trade at Cebu, having told them of the good treatment afforded them. These latter carried "iron, tin, porcelain, shawls, light woolen cloth and taffety from China, perfumes, and other knick-knacks." The master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent with a body of men to obtain provisions among the neighboring islands, in the month of September of 1565. Guided by certain chiefs of Cebu, they visited an island to the west, inhabited by blacks who lived in a town called Tanay, stopping on the way at a village, hostile to Cebu, where they obtained some food. The people of Tanay fled at their approach, and the little food found there was sent to Legazpi; while the two leaders remained at the island some days in a fruitless endeavor to make peace and friendship with the natives. On All Saints' Day "about the hour of mass" some twenty houses were burned in the Spanish settlement, "among others that where the religious slept, and the hut where mass was said," and many goods were burned. "It could not be proved whether this fire was set, or happened through carelessness." It having been discovered that the inhabitants of Matan and Gavi who would not make peace with the Spaniards, but were friendly to the natives of Cebu, came freely to that island, and even entered the Spanish settlement, the master-of-camp and Goyti were despatched to Matan to receive the homage of the chiefs or to make war upon them. Warned by the natives of Cebu, those of Matan fled. The invaders burned their village, for which the natives threatened retaliation, saying they would burn the houses of the Spanish settlement. Meanwhile the food problem assumed threatening dimensions, and the men became discontented and began to grumble because they were not allowed to take anything from the natives without pay. "And although the governor and captains, the religious and other chief persons ... tried to encourage them with good words and promises," a mutiny was arranged among certain men, which, "if God in his infinite mercy had not caused it to be discovered, might have caused great loss and trouble." Certain of the petty officers (some of them foreigners), and some of the soldiers and servants, conspired to seize the "San Juan," and, making first a cruise through the islands, to seize "the junks of Borneo, Luzon, and Venduro, trading among these islands." Then they planned their course by way of the Strait of Magellan to New Spain, Guatemala, or Peru, or to Spain or France. If the weather were contrary then "they would go to Malaca, where the Portuguese would receive them with open arms ... because they had fled from this camp and settlement." All officers had been selected. The mutiny had every appearance of succeeding, for the master of the "San Pablo" had in his care all the artillery, powder, and ammunition aboard the ship. The twenty-seventh of November was set for their desertion, and to avoid pursuit the "San Pablo" and the frigates that had been built were to be sunk. The date, for some unknown reason, was postponed until the twenty-eighth. On that day the master of the "San Pablo" divulged the conspiracy to the master-of-camp, who immediately informed Legazpi. Pablos Hernandez, a native of Venice, the head of the conspiracy, fled, first making an ineffectual attempt to assume the ecclesiastical garb, in order that he might escape with his life. Finally "he determined to die as a Christian, in order that his soul might not be lost;" he gave himself up, and was hanged. The French pilot Pierres Plin, and a Greek were also hanged. The others were pardoned after being severely reprimanded. More than forty persons were implicated in this conspiracy. "The governor imposed only one order upon the foreigners, namely that none of them should speak any other language than Spanish." It was discovered that some of these men had conspired while at Puerto de la Navidad to make off with the "San Lucas," and that one night the sails had been lowered on the "San Pablo" under pretext that Legazpi's ship had done the same, the intention being to desert. Through the promptness of the master-of-camp, who threatened to hang the pilots if they lost sight of the "San Pedro," the conspiracy was foiled. The mutiny suppressed, attention was given to securing food. Five praus of natives set out for the province of Baybay, taking with them articles of barter—Legazpi preferring that natives should go on this errand, as he feared that the Spaniards would wrong the islanders. These men delayed, as well as those who went to Panay, and it was thought, purposely, believing that the Spaniards would be driven from the island by hunger. So great was the famine that cats and rats were eaten by some of the soldiers. Goyti was sent with a number of small boats and a detachment of one hundred men to the villages hostile to those of Cebu, with orders to buy food and try to procure peace and friendship with the natives. He sent back several boat-loads of food, and on his own coming announced peace with five villages. Finally the natives who had gone to Panay returned, after three months' absence, bringing many excuses and but little food. Meanwhile news came from Baybay, where many of the former inhabitants of Matan and Gavi had sought refuge, of hostile excursions against the town of Mandam, an ally and friend of the Spaniards. These people from Baybay carried their insolence so far as to say they would burn the Spanish settlement. Legazpi sent two chiefs to Baybay to demand the release of the prisoners taken at Mandam. The messengers were scoffed at, and the marauders returned to Mandam in greater force, where they committed many depredations and made many prisoners. Legazpi determined to teach these arrogant natives a lesson, and ordered the master-of-camp to go thither; but granted a few days' delay at the petition of the Cebu natives, who said that many of their men were at Baybay, as well as those despatched thither to secure food. During this delay the master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent to the islands where the latter had been shortly before, and where he had made peace with certain villages. This peace was confirmed and the inhabitants of fifteen or sixteen other villages "offered themselves as vassals of his majesty, some of whom gave millet and rice ... and others gave earrings of little weight ... and this was the first gold that was given in these islands to his majesty." All the natives of these islands have no idea of honor among themselves, always being ready to take advantage of each other's misfortunes—as was apparent by those of Cebu, who were friendly to the inhabitants of Mandam, robbing and sacking that town, when its people fled from the raiders of Baybay. The master-of-camp having returned from his expedition among the friendly villages, set out for Baybay, under guidance of Simaquio. This latter guided them, not to the chief city, where the prisoners from Mandam had been taken, but to the small and unimportant village of Caramucua, which was found deserted. At the town of Calabazan the Spaniards were duped by the few natives found there, who claimed to be natives of Cebu, and asked the invaders to wait two days and they would bring the chiefs of this town to make peace and friendship. The two days having elapsed, and no natives appearing, the Spaniards marched inland, being deserted by all the natives of Cebu, who said that "these were their friends, from which it was quite apparent that they were all hand in glove with one another." A three or four leagues' march resulted only in the killing of a few hogs, the firing of the native huts, and the capture and hanging of several natives. The only salutary result of the expedition was the return of a number of the inhabitants of Cebu who had migrated to Baybay because they did not wish to acknowledge the Spanish rule; asking pardon of Legazpi, these natives of Cebu were permitted to return, but the same favor was denied those from Matan and Gavi. Legazpi's policy was always to treat the people of Cebu with more than fairness, in order to retain their friendship, although he was fully aware of their duplicity toward him. Numerous expeditions in search of food were organized. The master-of-camp with seventy men, and accompanied by Juan de la Isla and the king's factor was despatched to the coasts of Butuan in search of sago, whence they returned after a long delay, and after they were half given up as lost; having failed to obtain provisions at Butuan, the commander of the expedition had gone on farther, over-staying his limit of forty days. On his return he brought more than one thousand fanegas [74] of rice. He brought cheering news of the friendliness of the natives, and of the taking possession in the king's name of "Vindanao [Mindanao], and the coast of Botuan, Negros, and Panay." Another expedition under command of Goyti was despatched to Negros with additional orders to procure news of the former expedition, but his quest was useless. Meanwhile a messenger brought word that the master-of-camp was going to Panay, and would return as soon as possible. Before the return of the master-of-camp, Goyti was sent on another expedition to the coasts of Cabalian and Abuyo, taking with him sixty men. He was successful, sending back several boat-loads of rice, and news that the people of these districts were friendly,—although not much confidence could be placed in their friendship, for only a league from Cabalian five of his men had been treacherously murdered, and another time two more had shared the same fate. The master-of-camp having returned meanwhile, Legazpi sent a reenforcement of thirty men to Goyti with orders to explore the strait between Abuyo and Tandaya. At the mouth of this strait, news was had of a Christian "named Juanes, who had lived with the Indians for more than twenty years, and had married the daughter of a chief, and that he was painted like the other natives." Although an effort was made to obtain definite news in regard to this man, it was unsuccessful; and Goyti, falling ill of fever, was obliged to return without ransoming him. He brought as captives two chiefs whom he caused to be seized. While the camp was weakened by the absence of so many men on these expeditions, the malcontents at the settlement took occasion to attempt another mutiny. The ringleader was a certain soldier named Carrion, who had been pardoned by Legazpi after being "condemned to death by the master-of-camp for a certain crime." He was exposed by a Frenchman, who, like Carrion, had been implicated in the previous mutiny. It was planned to get to the Moluccas, "where they would receive all courtesy." A boat was to be seized from certain Moros of Luzon, and other depredations, to ensure sufficient food, etc., were to be committed. Carrion and one other were hanged. The former "knew but little, but presumed to know it all, and talked too much, so that the majority of his acquaintances shunned his conversation." The master-of-camp was sent with a number of men to attempt the ransom of Juanes from the natives, with orders to stop on the way at Eleyti to ascertain the cause of the delay of a certain Pedro de Herrera who had been sent thither to obtain resin for pitching the ships. When this latter returned he bore a letter from the master-of-camp to the effect that Herrera had gone beyond his instructions. The latter was thereupon arrested and tried. This man brought news of three Spaniards who were held in the island of Tandaya who had been captured from a vessel within fourteen or fifteen months. Legazpi immediately sent this information to the master-of-camp, in order that he might ransom those men as well as Juanes, but the messengers failed to find that officer. Juanes proved to be not a Spaniard, but a Mexican Indian who had accompanied Villalobos. This Indian declared the three men to be of the same expedition, and Herrera had made a mistake in the time, which should be years, not months. The men despatched under Juan de la Isla to take the information of Herrera to the master-of-camp, fell in with the ship "San Geronimo," which had been sent from New Spain with aid to Legazpi. The ship itself arrived at Cebu on October 15, 1566, with a doleful story of "bad management, mutinies, want of harmony, deaths, hardships, and calamities." The captain, by name Pericon, was not a suitable officer for such a voyage, setting sail from "Acapulco with more haste and less prudence than was needful." A conspiracy to mutiny was formed under the leadership of the master, the pilot, Lope Martin—the pilot of the vessel that had deserted Legazpi—and others. After various insubordinations, of which the captain, in his blindness, took no notice, the latter and his son were murdered. Soon afterward the two chief conspirators quarreled; and the pilot, forestalling the intention of the master to arrest him, hanged the latter. Then the pilot resolved to return to Spain by the Strait of Magellan, promising to make rich men of all who would follow him, but intending to abandon on some island those who were not favorable to him. Under pretext of wintering at a small islet near the island of Barbudos, he contrived to have the greater part of the men disembark. The ecclesiastic Juan de Viveros, who accompanied the expedition, discovering the pilot's intention to abandon some of the party, remonstrated with the latter's chief adviser, saying that "it was inhuman, and he should take them to the Filipinas, and leave them where there were provisions," but to no purpose. Each man lost all confidence in his fellows, and certain of the men, forming a counter mutiny in the king's name, seized the vessel and set their course for the Philippines, abandoning Lope Martin and twenty-six men on this island. The leader of this second mutiny hanged two men who were concerned in the death of the captain. Finally, after many hardships, the Ladrones and later the Philippines were reached. The notary of the ship was tried and executed by Legazpi as an accomplice in the captain's death. The others concerned in the mutiny were all pardoned. This new contingent "made homage anew, and swore to obey his majesty and the governor in his royal name." [75] The master-of-camp having been sent about this time to Panay to collect the tributes of rice, returned on November 16, without having accomplished his object, and having been compelled to leave his vessel, the "San Juan," at Dapitan. He brought news that the Portuguese were coming to the island, sent thither by the viceroy of India "in search of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who had left Nueva Espana with four ships." One ship of the Portuguese fleet was encountered near Mindanao and four others about thirty leagues from Cebu, and two more at a distance of ten leagues out. On the following day the two Portuguese vessels last seen made their appearance, but almost immediately stood off again, and soon disappeared. The Spaniards began to fortify their settlement as strongly as possible, and the vessels were stationed in the best positions. Legazpi bade the Spaniards not to forget that they were Spaniards, and reminded them of the "reputation and valor of the Spanish people throughout the world." The natives in terror abandoned their houses, "removing their wives and children to the mountain, while some took them in canoes to other villages; and others took their children, wives, and possessions to our camp, placing them in the houses of soldiers who were their friends, saying they would die with us." On the nineteenth of November the two vessels reappeared; and Martin de Goyti was sent to talk to them, and if they "were in need of anything," to invite them to anchor in the port. The Portuguese said that they had become separated from the rest of their fleet by a storm. They were bound from India to the Moluccas, and thence to Amboina to take vengeance upon the natives for various depredations. After a mutual salute with the artillery, the Portuguese vessels withdrew. Each carried about thirty-five or forty Portuguese soldiers and crews of Indians from Malabar. Legazpi despatched the same captain with a letter to the Portuguese captain, Melo, expressing his regret that they had not stopped to accept his hospitality, because "at this port they would have been well received and aided with whatever was necessary for their voyage; for his majesty's command was that, wherever he should meet Portuguese, he should give them every protection and aid." He sent presents of food and wine, etc., to the Portuguese, who expressed their thanks verbally, saying "they had no paper or ink." They promised to do no wrong to the natives, at the request of Goyti, "because they were vassals of his majesty, and our friends." A comet seen next day "nearly above the town of Zebu," was taken by the soldiers as an omen of war and bloodshed. Affairs with the natives continued to improve steadily, and several chiefs came to offer themselves as vassals to the governor, promising to pay tribute. The Moro interpreter, his wife, and one child received baptism, a conversion that was of great moment because this Moro had much influence with the natives. The ship "San Geronimo" was judged totally unseaworthy; and, in a council called by Legazpi to consider the question, it was decided to take the ship to pieces, and to construct a smaller vessel from what could be saved of it. The carpenters and others having made an examination of the vessel announced that it was so rotten that no smaller vessel could be made from it. Legazpi ordered also a large frigate to be built, as there was a great necessity for it to bring provisions to the settlement. The deaths of the Mexican Indian and a sailor and the sickness of several others, were attributed to poison, and Legazpi called Tupas to strict account, telling him that his treatment of the Spaniards was the reverse of what was to be expected for such good treatment on their part. Finally it was discovered that a woman had poisoned wine that had been sold to these men. She was executed, after having made a full confession and embraced the Christian religion. In consequence a stringent order was issued by the governor that no one should buy the native wine. On the same night of the execution of this woman one of the chiefs implicated in the murder of Pedro de Arana was captured upon information furnished by Tupas; he was executed on the following day, in the place of the murder. Expeditions sent out to explore and gather provisions, learned of gold and mines. On March 5, 1567, the large frigate was completed and launched, and it was named "Espiritu Santo." An expedition was despatched to the island of Gigantes in search of pitch for the boats. [76] "What we call pitch in this region is a resin from which the natives make candles in order to use in their night-fishing, and is the same as the copal of Nueva Espana, or at the most differs from it very little in color, smell, and taste; but it is very scarce, and occurs in but few places, and is found with great trouble." None was found here, and a boat-load of rice was brought instead from Panay, On the anniversary of the finding of the child Jesus in Cebu, the twenty-eighth of April, one of the two boats that had been despatched to the coasts of Mindanao under command of the master-of-camp returned with news of his death from fever, and anger at an attempted mutiny. Two soldiers who were supposed to be ringleaders were sent back with the frigate and the "San Juan" was following as rapidly as possible. The attempted mutiny was due to the master-of-camp's prohibiting any trading or buying of cinnamon. Martin Hernandez, a Portuguese, was the leader and the mutiny was smothered by his hanging. Martin de Goyti was appointed to the vacant position of master-of-camp, "for he was entirely trustworthy, and had much experience in matters of war." Besides the master-of-camp, fifteen or sixteen others died, which the physician declared was the result of eating too much cinnamon. The new master-of-camp executed two soldiers and one sailor, who were found to be, after Hernandez, most concerned in the mutiny.

The "San Juan" was despatched to New Spain to carry despatches and to beg aid. At the same time, July 10, came two boats from the Moluccas with letters to Legazpi from the Portuguese commanders inviting the Spaniards to their islands. From these Portuguese it was learned that they proposed a speedy descent upon the settlement. The Spaniards were but ill prepared for such a thing. "All this risk and danger has been caused by the delay in receiving aid from that Nueva Espana. May God pardon whomsoever has been the cause of so great delay and so many hardships!" [77] (Tomo iii, no. xxxix, pp. 91-225). Cebu, circa 1566. A petition to the king bearing signatures of Martin de Goiti, Guido de Labezari, Andres Cauchela, Luis de la Haya, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Joan de la Isla, and Fernando Rriquel, sets forth the following requests: 1. That ecclesiastics be sent to Cebu, "for the preaching of the holy gospel and the conversion of the natives," as only three of those first sent remain, namely, Fray Diego, Fray Martin de Herrada, and Fray Pedro He Gamboa. 2. More men, and arms and ammunition for five or six hundred men, so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms. 3. That due rewards be granted Legazpi for his faithful service. 4. The confirmation and perpetuation of the appointments made by the viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Velasco, in the expedition of Legazpi. 5. That the king grant to all those of the expedition and their descendants forever exemption from pecho [78] and custom duty, as well as exemption from tax on ail merchandise that they might trade in these islands for the period of one hundred years. 6. That transferable repartimientos [79] be granted to the conquerors and new discoverers. 7. That the wives and children of the conquerors, whether in Spain or New Spain, be sustained from the royal estate until the repartimientos be made; and that in case of the death of any of those of the expedition this sustenance be continued. 8. That land be apportioned to them. 9. That the conquerors alone, outside of the king, be allowed to trade in the Philippines. 10. That the Moros, "because they try to prevent our trade with the natives, and preach to them the religion of Mahomet," may be enslaved and lose their property. 11. That the offices of the royal officials appointed by Velasco be granted for life, and to one heir after them, and that they be allowed to share in the repartimientos. 12. An increase of salary because of the high cost of living in these islands. The petitioners beg further: 1. That slave traffic be allowed, "that the Spaniards may make use of them, as do the chiefs and natives of these regions, both in mines and other works that offer themselves." 2. The remittance of the king's fifth of all gold and silver found for fifty years. 3. That the natives be distributed in encomiendas. Legazpi in a separate petition makes the following requests: That the Philippines be conquered, colonized, and placed under the dominion of the crown, in order that the gospel may be preached to more advantage and the tributes collected from the natives, who are "changeable, fickle, and of but little veracity." That religious of good life be sent who may serve as examples, and that they may "try to learn the language of this land, for thereby they will obtain good results." That certain Moros, who, under pretext of being traders, preach the Mahometan faith and hinder Spanish trade with the natives, be expelled from the islands, and that they be not allowed to marry or settle therein. That his office of governor and general be confirmed for life and extended to one heir, as promised by Velasco. That the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco be granted him from the royal estate, inasmuch as he has made the expedition without any personal aid from the king. That he and two heirs be allowed to hold all the forts established by him, with the salary agreed upon with Velasco, and that such holding and salary commence with the fort of Cebu. That the title of high constable, for himself and heirs, of all lands discovered and colonized by him, be confirmed. That he may have two of the Ladrone Islands, with the title of adelantado, provided he conquer and colonize them at his own cost; these islands will be of great service as a way-station between New Spain and the Philippines. That Felipe de Salcedo, his grandson, be granted the habit of the order of Santiago for his great services in the voyage to the Philippines, and his discovery of the return route to New Spain, for all of which he had received no financial aid from the crown. That the king favor Mateo del Saz, the master-of-camp, for his excellent services. (Tomo iii, no. xlv, pp. 319-329.)

Legazpi's son, Melchor, presented five petitions to the king, all growing out of the agreements made with the former by Luis de Velasco, and his subsequent services in the islands. The first petitioned in behalf of Legazpi: 1. That two of the Ladrones with title of adelantado, and a salary of two thousand ducats be granted him and his heirs, this concession to bear civil and criminal powers of jurisdiction, and the title of governor and captain-general of the Ladrones. 3 and 4. Exclusive right to choose men for the conquest, both in New Spain and the Philippines, or any other place, and the appointment of duties and officials; also the right to fit out ships in any port of the Indies, and authorization of agents. 5. That he be permitted to assign land to the colonists. 6 and 7. That he and his heirs be high constables of all these islands and that they hold all forts built therein. 8 and 9. To him, his sons, heirs, and successors forever, one-twelfth of all incomes from mines, gold and silver, precious stones, and fruits, in the Ladrones; and two fisheries, one of pearls and the other of fish, in the same islands. 10. That for ten years after any colony has been formed no import tax be paid on goods. 11. That only one-tenth of all gold, silver, gems, and pearls discovered for ten years after the first settlement be paid the king. 12. That Legazpi may appoint in his absence from the Philippines or Ladrones a lieutenant, who shall act in his name. 13. That for six years he may commission two vessels for navigation of the Indies, and that he may despatch them together or separately. 14. That fines be granted for the founding of churches and monasteries throughout the islands. 15. That the petition in regard to Felipe de Salcedo be granted. 16. That a dozen religious from each order go to the islands, and that their superior do not object to their going. 17. That no foreigners, especially Portuguese, be allowed in the islands, "because therefrom might follow great losses and troubles, as happened when Lope Martin was sent as pilot with Captain Pericon." 18. That no vessels be permitted to go to these islands from the Indies, or from any other land, "without the express consent and commission of the royal Audiencia or the viceroy" of the district from which the ship sails, and the king must be fully informed thereof. The cause of this clause was that ships were fitting out in Peru and other places for these islands. 19. That Moros be prohibited from trading in the islands. 20. "Because the conquest of the Ladrones is of slight moment, by reason of their inhabitants being poor and naked," and their best use is as a way-station from New Spain; and New Guinea on the other hand offers much profit in both temporal and religious matters, that their conquest be permitted to Legazpi. 21. That, in case of Legazpi's death before the conquest is effected, the petitioner, or Legazpi's heir and successor, or the person appointed by him, may complete it. This petition was vistoed in Madrid, March 2, 1569, although it had been presented a considerable time before that date. After waiting for two years in vain for an answer to this petition Melchor de Legazpi presented another petition asking: that efficient aid be sent his father; that he be confirmed in his title of governor and captain-general "with the salary that your highness is pleased to assign him, and with the other rewards contained in his [Legazpi's] petition, ... and that he be not abandoned to die in despair at seeing himself forsaken and forgotten by his king;" that he be granted the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco "in order that we might better prepare for the marriage of ... my sister, who is of marriageable age." The petition states that even had Legazpi's expedition proved a failure, the king should not permit want to come upon his children, since his substance had been expended in the royal service. In the third petition, Melchor de Legazpi requests that the office of accountant of the City of Mexico rendered vacant by the death of its incumbent, be bestowed upon him, in remembrance of his father's services. He says the family is "poverty-stricken and in debt," because of his father having spent all his possessions in the king's service. The fourth petition presents information concerning Legazpi's services. The fifth petition requests that certain persons be received by the court as witnesses, and give information regarding Legazpi. From the testimony of these persons it was shown that Legazpi was one of the oldest and most honored citizens of the City of Mexico; that he was a wealthy landholder of that city; and had lost his wealth through devotion to the king's service, without receiving any reward therefor. (Tomo iii, no. xlvi, pp. 330-370.)



Warrant of the Augustinian Authorities in Mexico Establishing the First Branch of Their Brotherhood in the Philippines—1564

Fray Pedro de Herrera, vicar-general of the Order of Hermits of our holy Father Augustine in the regions of the Indies, with Fray Diego de Vertavillo, provincial of the same order in this Nueva Espana, and Frays Antonio de Aguilar, Nicolas de Perea, Francisco de Villafuerte, and Juan de Medina, definitors [80]—to our very dear Brethren in Christ, Andres de Urdaneta, prior, Diego de Herrera, Andres de Aguirre, Lorenzo de San Esteban, Martin de Rada, priests, and Fray Diego de Torres, to you, all and singular, everlasting greeting in the Lord.

Very beloved sons: You are aware how Felipe, by the grace of God king of the Spains and the Indies, and our lord, has been greatly pleased with the news that some brethren of our order are to go with the expedition now being equipped by his very illustrious viceroy and captain-general, Don Luis de Velasco, in this Nueva Espana, which is to rail through the Western Sea of this kingdom toward the continent and certain of the islands that lie between the equator and the Arctic and Antarctic poles, and below the region of the torrid zone itself—to the end that according to right reason and the benign counsels of Christian piety, both at home and abroad as will best seem consonant with the purpose of his royal majesty, you may control the fleet and troops of the Spanish army. Especially too that the most brilliant light of faith may beam upon the populous races that dwell in that region of the world. Through the benignity of God most holy and supreme, and your preaching, there is hope that those benighted barbarians may cast aside the errors and more than Cimmerian darkness of idolatry for the splendor of the gospel; and that they who, so long unacquainted with gospel truth, have been groping in the gloom of Satanic bondage may now at last through the grace of Christ, the common savior of all men, gaze at the full light of truth in their knowledge of his name.

Wherefore, as it has seemed our filial and reasonable duty not to prove wanting in view of the favor and trust granted us by his royal majesty, whereby measures will be taken to add to the divine glory, our homage to the king, and the safety of many mortals,—therefore after long meditation on this matter and mature counsel, sure as we are of your piety, deep learning, charity, and merits, we have chosen you for this apostolic charge, the task (with the help of the Lord, to whom we commend you) of leading peoples to embrace the faith. In order that greater and richer merit may ensue from your obedience in undergoing these very great hardships, which you are ready to meet through your love of Christ—although we have ever found you willing and ready to comply with our mandates—yet now in virtue of die Holy Ghost we command you, the above-named brethren, to set out in this first voyage with the fleet which the illustrious and well-born knight Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and commander of the fleet, whom ours [81] style captain-general, is to conduct to the aforesaid lands. We exhort and pray you earnestly, as far as we may in the Lord, to be in all things as the good actor of God, as becometh the holy ones and ministers of God, in all virtues—especially humility, patience, and discipline.

Chiefly, however, we desire to have shine forth in your deeds that singular and renowned token of Christians which our Savior Christ, when on the point of offering up his most innocent life and his most holy blood—that thereby, in rescuing us from the deadliest of fates, he might ensure the freedom of mortals—commended repeatedly to his followers as a countersign, in these words: "By this shall all men know that you are my disciples, if you have love one for another." This is that priceless boon of charity which Paul styles "the bond of perfection," which we trust may not only shine forth from your midst—Whereby you should cling to Christ as a companion, and seek the possession of his spirit—but that the same affection of peace and love flow thence from you to all other men as from a clear fountain, to the end that those who have made profession of this soldiership in Christ may cling to one another in the mutual bond of charity, to the maintenance amidst the clash of arms of that "grace which," the Apostle affirms, "is above all sense." For peace, be it known, dwells even in the midst of affrays, and is to be commended by you all, to the best of your power, to the inhabitants of those regions—to whom you should, as the heralds and vanguard of true evangelical piety, appear as in search not of what is your own, but of what is Jesus Christ's. Moreover, we earnestly exhort your charity in the Lord, as far as lies in our power, to announce the all-holy gospel of Christ to all races, baptizing them that believe in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; training them in the holy Catholic faith, on the same lines on which the faithful are trained by our cherished mother the Church of Rome; shunning utterly therein all novelty of doctrine, which we desire shall in all things conform to the holy and ecumenical councils and doctors acknowledged by the same Church; teaching them especially that obedience which all Christians owe to die supreme Pontiff and the Church of Rome—which in truth is always the leader, head, and mistress of all other churches of the world—then to their lawful rulers and masters; teaching them at the same time to live under the yoke and discipline of Faith, Hope, and Charity, and to forget, moreover, their old-time superstitions and errors of the Devil. And that you may the more easily fulfil the duty of your apostleship, to which you have been called by the Lord, we declare and appoint all among you who are priests among the preachers and confessors of our order, granting to you whatever privileges have hitherto been granted or shall be granted by the supreme Pontiffs themselves, or their legates, to our order especially, as well as to other orders, hospitals, houses, congregations, or other persons whatsoever—the privileges whereof may be considered as common to us by reason of many apostolic grants, among others, especially, the grants made to us by Julius the Second, Leo the Tenth, Clemens the Seventh, and Paulus the Third. Moreover, we grant you especially all the authority hitherto given by Sixtus the Fourth, Nicholas the Fifth, Gregorius the Ninth, Leo the Tenth, Adrian the Sixth, Clemens the Seventh, Paulus the Third, and Paulus the Fourth, or which hereafter may be given by all other Pontiffs, to all brethren going to the countries of unbelievers, to preach the holy gospel of Christ—especially to Farther Tartary, China, and other regions of the earth wherein we know not whether up to these times has been preached the piety of the holy Catholic faith—among which indults of the Pontiffs, Adrian the Sixth granted and conveyed all his power of whatsoever kind that might seem of need in the conversion and maintenance of neo-Christians. By reason of our office we grant and convey to you this power as far as lies in us.

We grant you, moreover, the power to establish houses and monasteries of our order in whatever places it may seem expedient to you for the glory of God and the health of our neighbor, and all the privileges, especially those of Sixtus the Fourth, Julius the Second, and Leo the Tenth for the reception of novices to the habit of our order. Shunning, moreover, all novelty, you shall zealously bring them up in the same mode of life that you yourselves have learned from your mother, our order, under the rule of our holy Father Augustine, and the constitutions of the order.

Also, we grant you power to administer all the sacraments to commanders, soldiers, sutlers, traders, and others who go on this expedition, as well as to all other faithful in Christ, whom you may encounter wheresoever you go, in virtue of the grants made therefor to us by Adrian the Sixth, Paulus the Third, and all other supreme Pontiffs.

Also to the very venerable father Fray Andres de Urdaneta whom you all—each for himself, publicly and privately, at the same time when through our commission you were assembled in chapter—have chosen canonically as your prior and prelate for this expedition, we grant the fulness of all our authority in corporals as well as spirituals, as far as we have, it and are enabled, without reserving anything whatsoever to ourselves. And this authority we wish to terminate in the aforesaid father, whenever according to our instructions you shall choose another, and pass thence in its fulness to the newly-elect, and so on in succession for all time, until this grant of ours shall be recalled by ourselves or our chiefs.

In testimony and faith whereof, we have signed our names, with the titles of our office, to this our grant, whereto we have ordered the seals of our order to be appended.

Given in our convent of Culhuacan [Mexico], the fifth ides of February, in the year of our Redemption one thousand five, hundred and sixty-four.

Fray Pedro de Herrera, Vicar general. Fray Diego de Vertavillo, Provincial. Fray Antonio de Aguilar, Definitor. Fray Nicolas de Perea, Definitor. Fray Francisco de Villafuerte, Definitor. Fray Juan de Medina, Definitor.



Act of Taking Possession of Cibabao

On the flagship, on the fifteenth day of February, 1565, the royal fleet being anchored near a large island, which the natives indicated by signs to be called Cibabao, [82] the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando de Riquel, chief notary of the said fleet and government of the said islands, and declared: that whereas his lordship is sending his ensign-general, Andres de Ybarra, to make friends with an Indian, a native of this island, called Calayan, who declared himself a chief; and whereas it is fitting that possession be taken of the island in the name of his majesty; therefore he authorized fully the said Andres de Ybarra to take possession, in the name of his majesty, of the part and place where he went thus with the said Indian, and all the other districts subject and contiguous thereto. In affirmation of the above, he consented to the present ordinance before me, the said notary, and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, with their incidences and dependencies, annexes and rights, and he embossed the same in the form prescribed by law, and signed it with his name, the witnesses being the high constable Grabiel de Rribera, Amador de Arriaran [83] and Juan Pacheco, gentlemen of the governor, Miguel Lopez.

Given before me,

Fernando Riquel, chief notary.

And after the aforesaid, on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said ensign-general Andres de Ybarra, appeared before me, the said notary and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, being on the river Calayan to which the said chief thus named took him, having landed in a small inlet, at the edge of the water, and containing a small bay, and said that in the name of his majesty, by virtue of the power conferred on him by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general of the discovery of the islands of the West, he occupied and took possession and apprehended the tenure and true and actual possession or quasi-possession of this said land, and of all territory subject to it and contiguous to it. And in token of true possession, he passed from one end of that land to the other, cut branches of trees, plucked grass, threw stones, and performed such other acts and ceremonies as are usual in such cases—all of which took place quietly and peaceably, with common consent of those who were present, without the opposition of any one. And after the aforesaid act took place, the said Andres de Ybarra besought me, the said notary, to certify thereto, those present as witnesses being, father Fray Diego de Herrera, father Fray Pedro de Gamboa, the high constable Grabiel de Rribera and Francisco Scudero de la Portilla, [84] Pedro de Herrera, and many other soldiers. I, the said Fernando Rriquel, notary aforesaid, bear witness to the aforesaid, for it was done in my presence, and I was present at everything jointly with the said witnesses. In witness whereof I, Fernando Riquel, chief notary, affix here my signature and accustomed flourish, which in such documents is in token of truth. Collated with the original. [85]

Fernando Riquel, government notary.



Proclamation Regarding Treasure

Order to Make Declaration of the Gold Taken from the Burial-Places of the Indians

In the island of Cubu of the Western Islands, belonging to his majesty, on the sixteenth of May, one thousand five hundred and sixty-five, the most illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of the discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando Riquel, government notary of the said islands, and declared: that, inasmuch as he had been informed that many Spanish soldiers and sailors have opened many graves and burial-places of the native Indians in this island, wherein a quantity of gold and other jewels has been found; and inasmuch as those opening these graves and finding the said gold have not made a report thereof to his excellency nor to his majesty's officials, in order that his majesty may receive and take his royal fifths and rights; therefore he ordered, and did order, that proclamation should be made, in due form of law, that all who have opened any graves whence they have abstracted gold, jewels, and other valuables, and those who have in their possession gold and jewels of these islands, however they may have been obtained, shall appear and make full declaration regarding such things before his majesty's officials, in order that what is, in this regard, fitting to his majesty's service and the good security of his royal estate, may be provided—under penalty that whoever shall act contrary to this order shall, besides losing all the gold and other valuables thus obtained and abstracted, be proceeded against in due form of law.

Furthermore, he ordered that, from this time henceforth, no grave or burial-place be opened without the permission of his, excellency, in order that there might be present at this opening one of the king's officials, or myself, the above-mentioned notary, so that no fraud or deceit may occur, and so that an account and memorandum may be taken of everything—under penalty of five hundred pesos de minas and of returning all that was taken from such grave or burial-place, together with the fifth over and above this for his majesty's exchequer and treasury. This was his declaration and order, and he signed the same with his name,

Miguel Lopez

Proclamation: This said day, month, and year abovesaid, the contents of this edict were proclaimed in the form prescribed by law, by the voice of Pito Atambor, [86] in the presence of myself, the said notary, near the lodging of the said governor and general, and near the lodging of the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sas, many soldiers being present at each place. In affirmation of the above, Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Collated with the original,

Fernando Riquel, government notary.



Letters from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Other Officials to Felipe II of Spain—1565

To the Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

I gave an account to your majesty of my departure from Puerto de la Nabidad, which is located in Nueva Espana, with your royal fleet for the discovery of the Western Islands. Continuing my voyage until February thirteen of this present year, I arrived at one of the Filipinas Islands. Afterward I cruised among other islands of this archipelago, until I reached this island of Cubu, whence I despatched a vessel to Nueva Espana to discover the return route, and to give an account to your majesty of the incidents of our voyage until the departure of this vessel. The relation of the voyage is despatched together with this letter, as well as certain other information in regard to the change of feeling among the natives respecting the friendship and goodwill that they have been wont to exercise toward the vassals of your majesty, and the cause therefor; the possessions that have been taken in your majesty's name; and the routes of the pilots of this fleet. I beseech your majesty that you will have these examined, and provide whatever seems most fitting. I shall remain in my settlement in this island of Cubu until I receive the orders your majesty shall see fit to impose upon me, although I have but few people. I am writing also to the royal Audiencia of Nueva Espana to beg succor of both people and ammunition, in order that I may sustain myself until your majesty has seen all these records, the memorandum of the articles asked by the officials of your royal hacienda [treasury] residing here, and the general and individual communications of those who remain here, and until your majesty shall have provided and ordered what is most fitting, and have signified your royal pleasure. Since this undertaking is so vast, and of so great import in regard to the spiritual and temporal, and has ended so happily, and is so seasonable, I humbly beg your majesty to order that particular account be taken of it, and that you order the succor and provision petitioned and requested from these islands; and that you will give the matter into the charge of one who will provide and effect it with all care and diligence; for I trust, with the help of God, our Lord, that very great blessings in the service of God, our Lord, and of your majesty, will result, with the increase of your royal income and the universal good of your kingdoms and seigniories. I beseech your majesty that, yielding with your accustomed magnificence in showing favor to your servants who serve you in matters of great import, you will be pleased to order that the communications accompanying this letter be examined, and that you will grant me the favor that seems most fitting to your majesty, whose sacred royal Catholic majesty may our Lord have in his keeping, and give you increase of kingdoms and seigniories for many and felicitous years. From Cubu, May 37, 1565.

Your sacred royal majesty's faithful servant, who kisses your majesty's royal feet,

Miguel Lopez de Legazpi

[Endorsed: "To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty the king Don [Felipe] our lord.—To his majesty, May 27, 1565. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Cubu, May 27, 1565.—Seen and to be filed with the others."]

To the Sacred Catholic Majesty:

Because General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi is giving your majesty a full account of events throughout these districts, therefore we shall say only that we remain in your majesty's royal service in these Filipinas—in that part where the men of Magallanes were killed, called the island of Cubu—under the protection of God, our Lord, and awaiting that of your majesty; and we remain here with very great necessity.

We beseech your majesty to provide us aid with the despatch and diligence fitting, in order that your majesty's purpose to introduce the Christian religion into these districts, and to reduce these people, neglected for so many years, and who are in dire need of receiving the fruits of our holy Catholic faith, may be attained. We are of stout heart because of the many favors that our Lord has been pleased to bestow upon us hitherto; and for the future we trust that he will keep us in his holy service, and protect us in that of your majesty. The ship acting as flagship on the voyage hither from Nueva Spana is about to return to discover the return route to your majesty's kingdoms. The venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta sails in it. To him we refer in everything that has happened here, and we charge him with the relation of events in these districts, as one who has so well understood everything that has happened hereabout. Father Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Herrada and Fray Pedro de Gamboa, religious from whom we receive every good instruction and counsel, remain here.

We supplicate your majesty, with all humility, to exercise the accustomed favor to your majesty's faithful servants and vassals, in consideration of the faith, fidelity, and alacrity with which we have ever served your majesty. What is offered for your consideration by us and by this entire camp, as your servants, we make known to your majesty, which things your majesty will be pleased to provide.

In your majesty's name we have possessed and still possess, as protector and general, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, one for whom we give many thanks to our Lord, who has been pleased to provide us a so excellent protector, and one who with a so great desire watches over the service of your majesty—whose sacred Catholic royal person may our Lord have in his keeping, and augment with great kingdoms and seigniories; such is the wish of us the faithful servants of your majesty. The island of Cubu, May 29, 1565. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty's faithful servants, who kiss your majesty's royal feet with all humility: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Mateo del Saz, Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Rada, Martin de Goiti, Fray Pedro de Gamboa, Guido de Lavezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mirandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Luis de la Haya, Juan de la Isla, Gabriel de Rribera.

[Addressed: "To the Sacred Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from his camp in the islands of the West."]

[Endorsed: "To his majesty. xxixth of May, 1565. From Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and other persons, from Cubu, on xxixth of May, 1565. Seen, and to be added to the rest. 65."]

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

First and foremost in this present letter, we inform your majesty, with the loyalty and fidelity which we always display, of our great need of help, which your majesty must condescend to have sent us speedily, considering that we have so great need of it in order to attain what is so much desired by us in the service of God, our Lord, and in that of your majesty.

The great service which the venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta has rendered to God, our Lord, and to your majesty is worthy of great praise and many thanks; for he instructed us in all things, both spiritual and temporal, during the whole voyage, and because no other except him sailed in the fleet who did instruct us. Therefore, all of us, your majesty's faithful servants—both the officials of the camp and all your vassals generally—humbly beseech and beg your majesty to consider his great services and merits; and as soon as he has given your majesty an account of all that has happened in these regions hitherto, to order and command him to return, in order to prosecute this undertaking, which is of so great import to the service of God, our Lord, and to that of your majesty—inasmuch as it is fitting for the future, as he is one who has so well understood everything that is occurring in all places, and as therein he may attain the result desired by your majesty in everything. This we hope to achieve, with all confidence and alacrity, through divine favor and the protection of your majesty. Therefore we beseech your majesty to grant us this favor, and succor us with father Fray Hurdaneta's presence, because he is very necessary to us, and will gather much fruit in both spiritual and temporal affairs; and for all the aforesaid matters, and for our consolation and aid, we are sure of this gratification, which your majesty will be pleased to grant us fully, as is your majesty's wonted custom to so faithful servants and vassals. May our Lord watch over the sacred Catholic royal person of your majesty; and may he augment you with great kingdoms and seigniories, as is desired by us, your majesty's faithful servants and subjects. From the island of Cubu, the first of June, the year MDLXV. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty's faithful servants and subjects, who with all humility kiss your majesty's royal feet: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [87] Mateo Delsaz, Martin de Goiti, Guido de Lauezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mjrandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Luis de la Hava, Fernando Riquel, government notary; Amador de Arriaron, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan de la Ysla, Jeronimo de Moncon, Hernando Lopez, Don Pedro de Herrera, Francisco de Leon, Marcos de Herrera, Pedro de Herrera, Juan Pacheco Maldonado, Diego Lopez Pilo, Christobal de Angulo, Luis Antonio Banuelos, Garcia de Padilla, Martin de Larrea, Lloreynte Machado, Lope Rodriguez, Garcia Ramyrez, Francisco Escudero de la Porlilla, Rodrigo de Ribera, Pablos Ernandes, Francisco Lopez, corporal, Bartolome Rodriguez, Diego Fernandez de Montemayor, Antonio Flores, Julio Garcia, Anton Aluarez Degrado, Francisco de Herrera, Ernando de Monrrey.

[Addressed: "To the Sacred-Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from the general and his camp in the Western Islands."]

[Endorsed: "+ To his majesty. Seen. From the island of Cubu from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and others. June first, 1565."]



A Letter from the Royal Officials of the Filipinas Accompanied by a Memorandum of the Necessary Things to Be Sent to the Colony

Most powerful sirs:

As your highness [88] must have already learned through the despatch carried as from us by the bachelor Mynes [Martinez], we set sail for these Western Islands on the twentieth of November, MDLXIIII. In compliance with your highness's command, we shall relate what occurs in those islands with all faithfulness and diligence.

Since your highness will find an account of the voyage made by us, in the relation given by the pilots who come with the fleet, we shall say no more about it, except by way of reference. We shall only relate the events which concern the service of God, our Lord, the service of his majesty, and the increase which his royal exchequer can derive from these regions.

We reached these Felipinas on the thirteenth of February, MD[L]XV. From the day of our arrival here until now we have found not a friend or a people who submits to his majesty. The reason for this was disclosed to us after we had sailed about in this archipelago for two months, namely, that the Portuguese who are in the Malucos came to an island called Bohol, where we remained thirty-seven days, and there committed the following mischief: after they had made peace with the natives and given them to understand that they came to trade with them, they called together one day as many natives as they could; and while the latter, thinking themselves safe, were trading with them, the Portuguese gave a war-signal and killed five hundred people, capturing six hundred more whom they took to Maluco as slaves. This has caused us great anxiety, because the natives, having received such cruel treatment, were so frightened that whenever they saw a sail they ran to the mountains; and, if any of them remained, it was to tell us that they desired none of our friendship. Thus from the day we arrived until now, we have suffered much hardship. We stopped at an island where Magallanes's men were killed, and there the people received us somewhat peacefully; but the following day, after they had placed in safety their wives and children, they said that they did not wish to give us in exchange for our goods anything of what we had asked, namely, their provisions. As we have just said, they declared that not only they would not give us anything, but that they were willing to fight us. Thus we were forced to accept the challenge. We landed our men and disposed the artillery of the ships, which were close to the houses of the town, so that the firing of the artillery from the said ships and the arquebuses on land drove the enemy away; but we were unable to capture any of them, because they had their fleet ready for the sea.

They abandoned their houses, and we found in them nothing except an image of the child Jesus, and two culverins, one of iron and one of bronze, which can be of no service to us; it is believed that they were brought here at the time of Magallanes. We rejoiced, as all Christians ought in like case; for we saw that the Lord had been pleased to place us under his protection and grant us prosperity and favor. We beseech him to guide us in his service and to preserve us in that of his majesty.

As far as we have seen, in all the places to which we have thus far come, we think that his majesty could turn them into great kingdoms and seigniories, if your highness send us the supply of men, arms, ammunition, and artillery; for in our present condition we need everything, and find ourselves in the midst of many and warlike peoples—who, on account of the Portuguese, have declared war against us throughout the whole of the archipelago.

The memorial of things which this camp needs accompanies this letter. [89] Your highness will order that they be supplied with great speed and diligence, for without them we shall incur great peril, and the camp will have no means of support; but with them we shall attain what his majesty desires.

As your highness probably knows, we brought no brands for the royal fifths of his majesty, so that some articles of gold which were found in the graves of these heathens have not been marked. In respect to this and all other articles which were found and delivered to us, we have done our duty. The general ordered that the persons who found anything should deposit all such articles until your highness shall command otherwise. We beg your highness to order that the right measures be taken in this case; also in regard to the fifths, and the procedure which must be adopted in these regions in all matters pertaining to the service of his majesty and other duties. A general edict was published that any person obtaining gold, pearls, jewels, and precious stones, should lose all, unless they are registered in the register of his majesty, for lack of the said brands with which to mark the fifths. We notify the officials residing in that city [Mexico], so that in case anything should appear that is not noted in the register, they shall take the necessary steps in regard to it.

The specimens of gold, cinnamon, and wax were found in a port called Butuan, where we, the treasurer, and the factor, went by order of the general to investigate a certain report which we had heard concerning things to be found in the island of Beguendanao [Mindanao]. We found the aforesaid port, and in it two Moro junks which were trading there. According to orders received, we made peace with the lord of the said port, and gave him the message and the present which the general sent him. We gave him to understand that with his pleasure we were going to trade in his land, and that we would favor and protect him in everything in the name of his majesty. He answered us through the Moros, who served as interpreters, that he was pleased with our offers. We learned that the Moros felt very uneasy about the embassy, and we think that they influenced the said ruler and the natives by their vile designs. We were obliged to trade with them because they gave no opportunity to the natives to trade with us. The said Moros demanded in exchange for their goods nothing but testones, and it was agreed that for each weight of gold six of silver should be given. At this rate we bartered for the specimens of gold, wax, and cinnamon, which we send to his majesty and to your highness. The money belonged to some deceased persons, a memorandum of which we send to the officials of the royal exchequer.

We beseech his majesty, and your highness in his royal name, that, inasmuch as the said Moros and others take all the gold, pearls, jewels, precious stones and other things of which we have no information,—thus injuring the natives, both by giving us no opportunity to plant our holy faith among them, and by taking the said gold, they should, if they continue the said trade, lose their property and be made slaves, for they preach the doctrine of Mahomet. This matter, as well as the necessary supplies to be sent for our aid, your highness will order to be looked after with great diligence; because all that we ask for in the memorandum is of great necessity in our present critical condition. May your highness add and send whatever may seem best to you, so that we may be able to accomplish in these regions what his majesty desires. There is great need of the Christian religion among these natives, as well as of the men and other things asked in the memorandum. May our Lord keep the most powerful persons of your highnesses, and cause you to prosper with large kingdoms and seigniories.

From Cubu, May xxviii, in the year MDLXV.

Most powerful sirs, we are the faithful servants of your highnesses, who very humbly kiss your most powerful feet.

Guido de Labecares Andres Cauchela Andres de Mirandaola



Memorandum of the Supplies and Munitions Asked to Be Sent from Nueva Espana to His Majesty's Camp at the Port of Cubu

Memorandum of things—not only articles of barter, but arms and military supplies—which are necessary, to be provided immediately from Nueva Espana in the first vessels sailing from the said Nueva Espana to these Felipinas Islands; of which the following articles must be speedily furnished:

Articles

First: twelve pieces of heavy artillery, and among them culverins and reenforced cannon and swivel-guns for the fortress which is to be built, xii

Fifty more bronze bersos [small culverins], of the sort brought from Espana with double chambers, 1

Twenty falcons with double chambers, xx

A dozen new scaling ladders, xii

Balls for the artillery and the molds for making them,

Two hundred quintals [90] of powder cc

Fifty quintals of fuses, l

Two hundred quintals of lead, cc

Fifty quintals of saltpetre, l

Thirty quintals of rock sulphur, xxx

Three hundred arquebuses (not of the worthless supply there in Mexico); and with them some with flints, all with horn powder-flasks (large or small) together with their molds and gear, which are to be in good condition, ccc

One hundred corselets with their fittings, c

Two hundred morions and helmets, cc

Fifty coats-of-mail, of rather heavy mail, 1

One hundred tapir hides, c

One hundred white blankets for light and serviceable body armor, c

Three hundred pikes with their iron points, ccc

Fifty cavalry lances, 1

Fifty good broadswords, of which there is great need, 1

Twelve foreign cannoniers, for those whom we brought with us are of little account, xii

Three hundred well-disposed soldiers who are to remain here, (a third or half of them to be sailors), ccc

A dozen carpenters to build the vessels which must be built here, xii

Two smiths, with their forges and tools, ii

Four pairs of bellows with their tubes, iiii

Twelve negroes for these forges, and among them four sawyers, xii

An artificer or two to make arquebuses and locks for them, ii

Two other locksmiths, ii

Fifty quintals of tow, 1

A surgeon and a physician, with their drugs; and two other barbers, [91] because only one remains here, iiii

Three hundred good shields, ccc

Two hundred quintals of wrought iron plates, not as it comes from the mine, cc

Thirty quintals of the finest steel, xxx

One hundred tanned cow-hides, c

Three hundred pickaxes, ccc

Two hundred iron shovels, cc

A royal ropemaker, who is in Mexico,

One hundred Venetian sail-cloths, c

Ten quintals of sailmakers' twine, x

Two bales of paper, ii

Four balances divided into three parts, iiii

Six weights for large balances, vi

Fifty horn lanterns, 1

Two hundred fanegas of salt, cc

Two hundred casks of wine, cc

One hundred casks of vinegar, c

Two hundred casks of oil, cc

Five hundred arrobas [92] of sugar, d

One dozen barrels of raisins and almonds, since by not having brought them the men have suffered great-privations, xii

Ten large hogsheads of flour, x

Blankets for the men,

Shirts in quantity,

Doublets in quantity,

Breeches of woolen cloth and linen in quantity,

Hempen sandals in quantity,

Cowhide shoes in quantity,

Hats,

All in quantity for military supplies.

For barter, the following:

Two bolts of Valencian scarlet cloth, with odds and ends, ii

Item seven bolts of Toledo scarlet cloth, vii

Six cases of headdresses, vi

A great quantity of beads, blue, green, and yellow; ten breadths of each sort, xxx

Two pieces of crimson velvet, ii

Three dozen colored hats, xxxvi

One case of large gilded coins for the coast of China, i

Two bales and two boxes of linens, iiii

Two quintals of Muzavetas, ii

Four pounds of fine coral of all sorts, iiii

Three quintals of glass, (one blue), iii

One thousand bundles of glass beads—green and yellow, m

Five hundred dozen hawks' bells, d

Coins and small bars of fine silver for trade in China,

Six large caldrons of pitch, vi

Two large caldrons, such as are used for bucking linen; but they must be large and very strong, because they are to be used in making saltpetre, ii

One thousand sailneedles, m

Two hundred hogsheads hooped with hoops of iron, cc

Two saddles with long stirrups, with colored velvet trimmings, and all rivets, bits, and stirrup-irons to be gilded, ii

Two cavalry saddles with colored trimmings, all to be of good quality, ii

Six gilt swords with daggers of good quality which are for the S.S. on the coast of China and for those in the islands of Japan, vi

All of the aforesaid goods should be sent as soon as possible, on the first ships that sail, for all these things are very necessary, that we may maintain ourselves in these parts.

List of articles needed by the said fleet for the oared vessels which are to be built here for his majesty. The list follows:

First: four hawsers, of one hundred and twenty brazas [93] each; each five quintals, xx quintals

Two large cables, of eighty brazas each; each one to weigh six quintals, xii quintals

Six hawsers, of one hundred and thirty brazas each; each to weigh three quintals, xviii quintals

Two large cables additional, of one hundred and twenty brazas each; each to weigh ten quintals, xx quintals

Item common sails for rigging, thirty quintals, xxx quintals

We need one hundred quintals of cordage of all sorts, c quintals

Two grapnels, each to weight four quintals, viii quintals

Four anchors, to weigh five quintals apiece, xx quintals

Six grapnels, to weigh three quintals apiece; five or six more, each to weigh from five to six arrobas, xxxiii arrobas [sic]

Four grapnels, three arrobas each, xii arrobas

Twelve French saws, xii

Four frame-saws, iiii

Six hand-saws, vi

Two grindstones, ii

Five hundred pieces of cloths from Teguintepeq for sails, d

One hundred quintals of tar, c

Fifty quintals of pitch, l

For sallotes ropes which are necessary, four pieces of one hundred and fifty brazas each, to weigh three quintals apiece, xii quintals

Four hawsers of one hundred brazas each, to weigh four quintals apiece, xvi

Two workmen, oar makers, to make oars from the wood hereabout, ii

Two hundred pulleys; with both eyes and sheaves, cc

One hundred quintals of grease, c

Two hundred sheep-skins with the wool on, cc

All this cordage to be agave and hemp.

Also two anvils of two arrobas each, ii

Also two small ones from six to seven pounds, ii

One anvil, i

Two screws for filing, ii

A half-dozen boys for ironworking, vi

Three or four bellows-pipes for forges, iiii

One hundred heavy coats of mail, c

The powder and fuse which have been asked for,

Likewise three or four pairs more of bellows are asked for, iiii

Twelve more negroes, xii

Two hundred more iron axes shod in Mexico, cc

Two hundred mattocks, cc

One hundred more pieces of Tequantepeque [Tehuantepec] and Venetian canvas, c

One pair of large fishing-nets which may come in the hogsheads mentioned above, ii

Ear-rings, glassware, and fine coral,

The coins and bars of silver, just as they have been asked for,

The caldrons of pitch, because those that were made in Mexico were worthless,

One dozen caldrons with three compartments, xii

Four syringes, and the cupping glasses and the lancets which are likewise ordered,

Sail-needles with large eyes,

Workmen who understand how to build vessels,

Six cables for the flagship, of fourteen or sixteen quintals each

The steel that is asked for. [Certain shapes and sizes of steel spikes are specified, with drawings to illustrate; five, thirty, forty, and fifty respectively, of the various kinds are asked for.]

[Endorsed: "List of articles which are required for his majesty's camp situated in the port of Cubu of the West."]



Relation of the Voyage to the Philippine Islands, By Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1565

Illustrious Sire:

I wrote to your excellency from Puerto de la Navidad giving as full an account as possible up to that port. Now I shall do the same, for I consider it a debt justly due, and I shall always consider it so whenever the opportunity presents itself. I am enjoying good health, thanks be to our Lord; and the same can be said of the whole camp, a thing which ought not to be looked upon as of little importance. May our Lord grant to your excellency the good health that I wish.

On Tuesday, November 21, three hours before dawn, I set sail with the fleet that was at Puerto de la Navidad. For five days the fleet sailed southwest, but on the sixth we directed our course westward until we reached the ninth degree. We sailed on in this latitude in search of the island of Los Reyes, in order that we might go from that point to the Felippinas. A week after we had taken this course, we awoke one morning and missed the patache "San Lucas," with Captain Don Alonso de Arellano in command. There had been no stormy weather to make it lose sight of us; nor could it have been Don Alonso's fault, for he was a gallant man, as he showed. It is believed that it was due to the malice or intent of the pilot. And as he had already been informed about the expedition that we were making, and the course we were to sail, and as he was fully instructed as to what he must do in case he should lose sight of us (as actually happened), and whither he must proceed to await us, we expected all the time that we would find the vessel in some of these islands. But up to this time we have heard nothing of it, which gives me not a little uneasiness. After the fleet had sailed for fifty days in the same course between nine and ten degrees, a degree more or less, we reached land, which proved to be an island inhabited by poor and naked fishermen. This island was about four leagues in circumference, and had a population of about two hundred men. That same day we sailed between two other small islands, which were uninhabited and surrounded by many reefs, which proved very troublesome to us for five or six days. At the end of that time we decided that the fleet should continue its course along the thirteenth degree of latitude, so that we might strike a better land of the Filipinas, which the pilots were finding already, and should not strike Vindanao. We followed our course in this latitude, and on Monday, January 21, we came in sight of land, which afterward proved to be one of the Ladrones Islands, called Gua. We directed our bows to that island, but we were no more than two leagues from it when fifty or sixty praus under sail surrounded the fleet. These praus were furnished with lateen sails of palm mats and were as light as the wind; this is a kind of boat that sails with remarkable speed, either with the wind or at random. In each canoe were from six to eight Indians, altogether naked, covering not even the privy parts, which men are wont to cover. They laughed aloud, and each of them made signs inviting us to his own town (for they were from different villages) and promising to give us food there. At break of day we coasted the island and the next morning we cast anchor in a very good port. The day had scarcely begun when a great number of those praus appeared about us. There were so many of them, who came to trade with us, that some of our men who counted them affirm that there were more than four or five hundred of them around the ships. All that they had to sell us were articles of food, namely, potatoes, rice, yams, cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane, excellent bananas, and several other kinds of fruit. They also brought ginger, which grows in this island in so great quantity that it is a thing to wonder over; and they do not till or cultivate it, but it comes up and grows of itself in the open fields, just as any other herb. The natives shouted at us, each one inviting us to buy of him. The men of the fleet began to give them the face-cards from old playing cards, and to put bits of woolen cloth and other objects around their necks and on their heads. The Indians seeing this asked for these articles, and adorned themselves therewith as they had seen our men do. In these transactions many ridiculous things happened, and many jests were played. Afterward our men began to give them nails, which the Indians liked so well that they desired nothing else after that. They