I fear I have dwelt too long upon this subject. Another presents itself to my mind, which I think is indeed great and important; I mean the education of our children and youth. Perhaps the minds even of infants may receive impressions, good or bad, at an earlier period than many imagine. It has been observed, that "education has a greater influence on manners, than human laws can have." Human laws excite fears and apprehensions, least crimes committed may be detected and punished: But a virtuous education is calculated to reach and influence the heart, and to prevent crimes. A very judicious writer, has quoted Plato, who in shewing what care for the security of States ought to be taken of the education of youth, speaks of it as almost sufficient to supply the place both of Legislation and Administration. Such an education, which leads the youth beyond mere outside shew, will impress their minds with a profound reverence of the Deity, universal benevolence, and a warm attachment and affection towards their country. It will excite in them a just regard to Divine Revelation, which informs them of the original character and dignity of Man; and it will inspire them with a sense of true honor, which consists in conforming as much as possible, their principles, habits, and manners to that original character. It will enlarge their powers of mind, and prompt them impartially to search for truth in the consideration of every subject that may employ their thoughts; and among other branches of knowledge, it will instruct them in the skill of political architecture and jurisprudence; and qualify them to discover any error, if there should be such, in the forms and administration of Governments, and point out the method of correcting them. But I need not press this subject, being persuaded, that this Legislature from the inclination of their minds, as well as in regard to the duty enjoined by the Constitution, will cherish "the interest of Literature, the Sciences and all their Seminaries."

Fellow-Citizens,

Legislation is within your department; yet the Constitution assigns a part to be taken by the Governor when Bills, and Resolves intended to operate as Laws, shall be presented to him, which is, merely to state objections if he has any, of which the Legislature will judge and finally determine. Let me in treat you to dispatch the weightier business, so early in the session, as to afford me opportunity to perform my duty, with due consideration and care.

I have communications to make, such as the state of the Treasury—of the military stores belonging to the Commonwealth, and others, which I will transmit to you by the Secretary.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1 Hancock died October 8, 1793, and Adams became Governor; he was thereafter elected to that office in the years 1794, 1795, and 1796.



PROCLAMATION.

FEBRUARY 19, 1794

[Independent Chronicle, March 6, 1794 , No. 3764 of the Leffingwell sale appears to have been a manuscript of this text.]

Commonwealth of Massachusetts [Seal]

BY HIS HONOR SAMUEL ADAMS, ESQ , LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC FASTING, HUMILIATION, AND PRAYER.

IT having been the invariable practice from time to time when our pious and renowned ancestors took possession of this land, at the approaching season of the year, to set apart a day publickly to acknowledge an entire dependence on the Father of all Mercies for every needful blessing, and to express sorrow and repenntace for the manifold transgressions of His Holy Laws: And the Practice being highly becoming all people, especially those who profess the Christian Religion:

I HAVE thought fit, by, and with the advice of the Council to appoint THURSDAY, the Seventeenth day of APRIL next, to be observed throughout this Commonwealth, as a day of PUBLIC FASTING, HUMILIATION and PRAYER; earnestly exhorting the Ministers of Religion to assemble with their respective Congregations on the same day—that deeply lamenting our ingratitude to our Heavenly Father, to whom we are under all possible obligations, and our many deviations from those right and safe Paths, into which, as our Supreme Governor, HE hath plainly directed us, we may with one heart and voice humbly implore His gracious and free pardon, thro' JESUS CHRIST, supplicating His Divine aid that we may become a reformed and happy people. At the same time humbly beseeching HIM, mercifully to regard our lives and health, so that no infectious and mortal distemper may prevail amongst us: To favour our land with the alternate benefits of rain and warmth of the Sun; and that our hopes of a plentiful harvest may not be disappointed by devouring insects, or any other calamity:—To prosper our trade and fishery, and the labor of our hands:—To protect our navigation from the rapacious hands of invaders and robbers on the seas, and graciously to open a door of deliverance to our fellow-citizens in cruel captivity in a land of Barbarians:—To continue and confirm our civil and religious liberties; and for that great purpose to bless and direct our great University, and all Seminaries and Schools of education:— To guide and succeed the Councils of our Federal Government, as well as those of the several States in the Union, that under their respective Constitutions they may be led to such decisions as will establish the liberty, peace, safety, and honor of our country:— To inspire our friends and allies, the Republic of France, with a spirit of wisdom and true religion, that relying on the strength of HIS Almighty Arm, they may still go on prosperously till their arduous conflict for a government of their own, founded on the just and equal rights of men, shall be finally crowned with success:—And above all, to cause the Religion of JESUS CHRIST, in its true spirit, to spread far and wide, till the whole earth shall be filled with HIS glory.

And I do earnestly commend that all unnecessary labor and recreation be suspended on said day.

GIVEN at the Council-Chamber, in Boston, the Nineteenth day of February in the year of our LORD, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-Four, and in the Eighteenth Year of the Independence of the United States of America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

By His Honor's command, with the advice and consent of the Council, JOHN AVERY, jun. Secry.

GOD save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

MAY 31, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, June 2, 1794; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library, and two manuscript texts (those sent to the Senate and House respectively) are in the Massachusetts Archives.]

FELLOW-CITIZENS!

While I attempt a short, but very respectful address to the two Branches of this new General Court, I cannot help expressing a great satisfaction in the continuance of the right which the citizens of the Commonwealth at large enjoy, of exercising their own sovereignty. In pursuance of the direction of our Constitution, which is expressive of their will, they have again in their anniversary meetings, made their free elections of such persons as they have judged meet to administer their public affairs. In this great transaction, they must surely have felt their own dignity; and however different their sentiments may have been with regard to the men of their choice, each elector having given his suffrage according to the dictates of his own conscience, must enjoy the consoling reflection of having honestly done his duty. Those in whom the people have placed their confidence, it is presumed will faithfully watch over, and guard their general interests, and take care that the liberties and the sovereignty of right belonging to this Commonwealth, shall suffer no diminution.

Fellow-Citizens!

We are met at a very critical period—The baneful influence of war in Europe, has already too far extended itself into this remote region. A war of Kings and Nobles, against the equal Rights of Men. Their first object was to controul the common right of all civil societies, by frustrating the attempt of a magnanimous nation, to establish a Constitution of government for themselves, according to their own mind: More lately the nefarious design has been to crush the new formed Republic in its infancy:—But the GOD of Armies, who favors the brave in a righteous cause, has hitherto appeared for its protection, and crowned the astonishing efforts of its defenders with astonishing victories.

Great Britain takes an active part with the mighty combination of Kings. Indeed it does not appear that she has yet made a demand on our confederate Republic to join the league. A demand which we are well informed she has made upon some of the neutral Republics of Europe. But, whilst we have preserved the most strict neutrality towards the belligerent powers of Europe, in observance of treaties made under the authority of the United States, which are the supreme law of the land, she, for the sake of aiding the cause in which she is so deeply engaged, has employed her naval force in committing depredations on our lawful and unprotected commerce. Thus in fact, she has commenced hostilities. The Federal Government, although very solicitous if possible, to prevent the calamities of war, have meditated measures preparatory for the event. The papers and communications which I have received on this subject, shall be laid before you.

It was a declared intention of the people of the United States, when they adopted our present constitution, "to form a more perfect union"—an important object indeed. The deliberate voice of the people is commonly the voice of reason—the voice of the people ought therefore to be attended to. Union, formed upon the genuine republican principles and views of our political institutions, by combining our strength, will have a powerful tendency in a time of war to reduce an unreasonable enemy to terms of Justice, and the re-establishment of tranquility; and in peace to secure the blessings of equal liberty to the present and future generations.

Fellow-Citizens!

It is my sincere and ardent wish, and I have a strong persuasion in my own mind, that wisdom and public spirit will guide you in all your deliberations and decisions. I will endeavor seasonably to dispatch such business as you shall lay before me during this session, and at all times, to support the true dignity of this Commonwealth in the station in which I have the honor of being placed, by a vigilant attention to its essential duties.

SAMUEL ADAMS.



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JUNE 4, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, June 5, 1794; a text is in the Massachusetts Archives.]

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

By an Act of the Legislature passed on the fourteenth of March, 1785, intitled "An Act1 providing a place of confinement for thieves, and other convicts to hard labor;" it is provided "that the Island within the harbor of Boston, commonly called Castle-Island, shall be a place for the reception, and secure confinement of all such persons as shall be sentenced for confinement and hard labor, for the term of their natural lives, or for any shorter space pursuant to the laws of the Commonwealth."

According to this, and subsequent laws, a great number of persons have been sentenced to confinement and hard labor; there are a number of them at this time under sentences, some for the term of their lives, and others for a shorter space of time.—There are particular regulations provided by the Legislature of the Commonwealth, and particular modes of discipline instituted for the government of such convicts.

This mode of punishment has been found by experience to be of great utility in the preservation of good order, and the producing of safety in the Commonwealth, and has a manifest tendency to render unnecessary those sanguinary punishments which are too frequently inflicted in other Governments.

The situation of our country now calls for fortifications on our seacoasts; and the President of the United States has communicated the Act of Congress for erecting forts in the harbor of Boston, which now lies before you. The fortification on Castle Island is very ancient, and has always been supported by this Government. It is a prison for certain purposes, by an act of the legislature of the Commonwealth, which puts it out of my power, if I was disposed to do it, to deliver the controul over to any other hands. Should that place, by act of the General Court, be given over to the controul of the military department of the general Government, the convicts under sentence, must be discharged, or another place of confinement be provided for them. No government can assign the execution of sentences passed by it to the officers of another government, because such officers would be under no obligation to execute the laws of a government of which they are totally independent, nor can they be held amenable to it for any excesses, or oppressions in their conduct. That fortification being thus appropriated by the Legislature, and yet being convenient as a place of defence, I submit it to you, gentlemen, to determine, whether it will not be for the interest of the Commonwealth in particular, and the United States in general, to have it repaired at the ex-pence of this government. The expence will not be great, and the utility, if not the indispensible necessity of holding it under the controul of this state, in the same manner, and for the same purposes for which it has been held for several years last past, is very obvious.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1 Chapter 32.



PROCLAMATION.

NOVEMBER 3, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, November 6, 1794.]

By Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY THE GOVERNOR.

A PROCLAMATION.

IT being provided by the Seventeenth Article of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce, now subsisting between the United States of America and the French Republic, "That no shelter or refuge shall be given in the ports of either of said nations to such as shall have made prize of the subjects, people or property of either of the parties; but if such shall come in, being forced by stress of weather, or the dangers of the sea, all proper measures shall be vigorously used, that they go out and retire from thence as soon as possible."1 And the Secretary of State for the Government of the said United States, having by his letter of the 10th of October last, informed me that "M. Fauchet, the Minister of the French Republic, near the United States, apprehends from circumstances which have been experienced that unless prompt and decisive measures are adopted in the several ports in regard to vessels hostile to the French Nation, and bringing in French prizes, the branch before recited, of the Treaty, will become null:" And the said Secretary having requested that measures may be taken to preserve that branch of the Treaty inviolate, by Vessels hostile to the French Nation receiving comfort in the out-ports of the Commonwealth:

I HAVE THEREFORE, in compliance, with the request of the Government of the United States, thought fit to issue this Proclamation, requiring all Officers, Civil and Military, within this Commonwealth, to take all legal and proper measures, and to use and practice all diligence, for the effectual support of the above recited Article in the said Treaty.

AND I do hereby enjoin it upon them to prevent any breach thereof, if such should be attempted in any, and especially those ports distant from the Capital, and immediately to give information of the same, with their proceedings thereon, to the Governor and Commander in Chief of the Commonwealth, that such further measures may be taken, if any shall be necessary, as may be suited to the faith of Nations, and the solemnity of National Treaties—And I have reason to expect that the good people of the Commonwealth will cheerfully afford their aid in support of the Laws of the land.

Given at Boston, in the said Commonwealth, the third day of November, in the Year of our Lord, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-four, and in the Nineteenth Year of the Independence of the United States of America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

Attest,

JOHN AVERY, jun. Sec'y.

1 The quotation is not exact, although substantially correct.



1795



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 16, 1795.

[Independent Chronicle, January 19, 1795; the copies sent to the two houses are in the Massachusetts Archives.]

I am happy, fellow citizens, to meet you in General Court assembled, on the day to which, according to your request, you have stood adjourned. By the Constitution, the Governor, with the advice of Council, during the session of the General Court, hath full authority to adjourn them to such times as the two branches may judge most convenient.

The people of this Commonwealth, in their declaration of rights, have recorded their own opinion, that the Legislature ought frequently to assemble for the redress of grievances, correcting, strengthening and confirming the Laws, and making new Laws, as the common good may require.—The Laws of the Commonwealth are intended to secure to each and all the Citizens, their own rights and liberties, and the property which they honestly possess. If there are any instances wherein the Laws in being, are inadequate to these great and capital ends, your eye will discern the evil, and your wisdom will provide a suitable remedy. It shall be my endeavour, as indeed it is my duty, carefully to revise and readily approve your Bills and Resolves, which may be calculated for the public good.

By the late returns of the votes for Representatives to serve the Commonwealth in Congress, there were several districts in which no choice had been effected. I immediately issued precepts according to law, requiring the several towns within those Districts to meet on a day now past, in order to complete their elections. I cannot but recommend to your consideration, whether it may not be necessary more effectually to guard the elections of public agents and officers against illegal practices. All elections ought to be free, and every qualified elector who feels his own independence as he ought, will act his part according to his best, and most enlightened judgment. Elections are the immediate acts of the people's sovereignty, in which no foreigners should be allowed to intermeddle. Upon free and unbiassed elections, the purity of the government, and consequently the safety and welfare of the citizens, may I not say altogether depend.

If we continue to be a happy people, that happiness must be assured by the enacting and executing of reasonable and wise laws, expressed in the plainest language, and by establishing such modes of education as tend to inculcate in the minds of youth, the feelings and habits of "piety, religion and morality," and to lead them to the knowledge and love of those truly Republican principles upon which our civil institutions are founded. We have solemnly engaged ourselves, fellow citizens, to support the Constitution of the United States, and the Constitution of this Commonwealth. This must be reconcileable in the mind of any man, who judiciously considers the sovereign rights of the one as limited to federal purposes, and the sovereign rights of the other, as acting upon and directing the internal concerns of our own Republic.

We have been under apprehensions of being made a party in the dissolating contest in Europe. Permit me just to observe, that the first and main principle which urged the Combined Powers to enter into the contest, is in my own opinion unsupportable by reason and nature, and in violation of the most essential right of nations and of men. The repeated acts of violence which have been committed on the property of American citizens, might in the opinion of some, have justified reprisals; but the policy of the Federal Government has directed to other measures. The wisdom of our own Councils, with the unexampled successes of our magnanimous Ally, the Republic of France, afford the strongest ground of hope, that under the continued smiles of Divine Providence, peace and tranquility, so interesting to a rising Republic, will in the end be firmly established.

The business of fortifying certain harbors within this Commonwealth, according to an act of Congress, was left unfinished in your last session. It is indeed probable, that the danger which produced that measure, has nearly subsided; but the law still exists, and in my opinion it cannot be carried into constitutional effect in this Commonwealth, without the aid of the Legislature of the same. I am led to this opinion by contemplating the first article of the Constitution of the United States, which establishes the powers of Congress and which particularly authorises them to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatever, over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the States, in which the same shall be for the erection of Forts Magazines, and other public buildings.

Those who wish to persuade the world to believe, that a free representative Republic cannot be supported, will no doubt make use of every art to injure, and by degrees to alter, and finally to eradicate the principles of our free Constitutions: But the virtuous and enlightened citizens of this Commonwealth, and of all united America, have understanding and firmness, sufficient to support those Constitutions of Civil Government which they have themselves formed, and which have done them so much honor in the estimation of the world.

It is with pain that I mention the insurrection which has lately taken place in a sister state.1 It was pointed more immediately at an act of the Federal Government. An act of that government, as well as of the governments in the Union, is constitutionally an act of the people, and our Constitutions provide a safe and easy method to redress any real grievances. No people can be more free under a Constitution established by their own voluntary compact, and exercised by men appointed by their own frequent suffrages. What excuse then can there be for forcible opposition to the laws? If any law shall prove oppressive in its operation, the future deliberations of a freely elective Representative, will afford a constitutional remedy. But the measures adopted by The President of the United States, supported by the virtue of citizens of every description, in that, and the adjacent states, have prevailed, and there is an end of the insurrection. Let the glory be given to Him, who alone governs all events, while we express the just feelings of respect and gratitude due to all those, whom He honours as instruments to carry into effect his gracious designs.

I congratulate you on the success which the forces of the United States, have lately had against the hostile Indians. It is my hearty wish that by the blessing of Heaven, an end may be put to this expensive war, by an agreement between the parties, upon the permanent principles of justice, honor, good neighborhood, & true friendship.

The Constitution of this Commonwealth, having provided that the General Court which shall be in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety five, shall issue precepts for collecting the sentiments of the people in regard to its revision.— And as this Court is within the year mentioned, you will be pleased to decide, whether it was intended by the people that this business should be done by the General Court which shall be elected within that year, or whether it is your duty to attend to it.

I will lay before you several papers transmitted to me by the Treasurer and other matters which may occur during the Session by subsequent messages.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1 The "whisky insurrection," in Pennsylvania.



TO JEREMY BELKNAP.

[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st ser., vol. iv., p. 83; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON, March 30, 1795.

SIR,

I received your note, stating what Dr. Kippis had asserted, respecting a recommendation of Dr. Franklin, minister from America in France, in the year 1779, to the American cruisers, to treat Capt. Cook, on his expected return from a voyage of discoveries, as a friend, and not an enemy; assuring them, that in so doing, they would obtain the approbation of Congress. But that the Doctor was mistaken, for that assembly, at least the greater part of them, instantly reversed the order of Dr. Franklin, and directed, that a special order should be taken, to seize Capt. Cook, if an opportunity for doing it occurred.

You request me to give you a certificate respecting the matter, and to express the years when I was in Congress.—I was a member from the first sitting of Congress, in the year 1774, until the Spring of the year 1781. It was my constant practice, once in twelve or fifteen months, to make a short visit to my constituents. In the year 1779, I was detained in Boston a much longer time than usual, by a fit of sickness; in which time, I constantly received from Mr. Lowell, and my other colleagues, information of the most material transactions of Congress. I do now declare to you, that I do not recollect, either while I was present in Congress, or from any of my colleagues, while I was absent, that the orders he (Dr. Franklin) had given to the American cruisers were instantly or ever reversed, or that it was directed by Congress, that a special order should be taken to seize Capt. Cook, if an opportunity for so doing it occurred.

It appears to me that Dr. Kippis must have been misinformed. I am, with respect, your friend and humble servant,



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JUNE 3, 1795.

[Independent Chronicle, June4, 1795; a text is in the Massachusetts Archives.]

FELLOW CITIZENS,

The honor which the people have again conferred on me, by a majority of their votes for a Governor of this respectable Commonwealth, while it excites the warm feelings of gratitude in my heart, it reminds me of the arduous task I am called to undertake, and the many attentions which are requisite for a performance of the great duties of the station. Having already been qualified agreeable to the Constitution and Laws, next to a dependence upon Him who is the Fountain of all Wisdom, I must rely upon your candor, and that of my Fellow Citizens at large.

The sovereignty of a nation, always of right, resides in the body of the People; and while they have delegated to their freely elected Legislative, the power of exercising that sovereignty in their behalf, the Executive department, as well as the Magistrates who are appointed to render the Constitution efficient by carrying the laws into effect, are no less important to the people. For what avails the making of good and wholesome laws, unless they are duly executed. As the happiness of civil society may in a great measure depend upon a wise and a consistent harmony between the various branches of the Government; a free communication may have a tendency to cultivate and extend the blessings of friendship and good humor. Indeed our constituents, under whose authority and for whose benefit we are to exercise the functions of our different departments, have a right to expect from us, as their public agents, to avow our principles and intentions, and make them acquainted with the true situation of their public affairs.

In the addresses from the Chair, while it was filled by Royal appointment, uniform attempts were made to strengthen the prerogatives of the Crown, and to bring the people obsequiously at the foot of the Throne, for privileges holden by sufferance: Surely it becomes us, in our happy state of Independence, to turn our attentive minds to the great objects of securing the equal rights of the citizens, and rendering those constitutions which they have voluntarily established, respectable and efficacious.

Our ancestors, when under the greatest hardships and perils, they opened to us the wilderness, they took possession of, and left for us an inheritance, one of the best countries under the sun. Amidst their toil, and fatigue they extended their views, and early laid the foundation of Civil Liberty. Although they had in prospect, the instruction of future youth in all literary science, they considered morality and real goodness of heart, as the great basis upon which the best interests of a nation could be safely laid. Under this idea, they also provided for the institutions of Public Worship, and the support of teachers in Piety, Religion and Morality. The great increase of our numbers & happiness, is a standing witness to the world, of the wisdom of their measures. Oppressed as they were by the supercilious haughtiness of royal prerogative, and considered as a contemptible people at a distance from the favors of the Crown, and the flattering smiles of courtiers, their perseverance has in effect raised us, by the blessing of Providence, to an exalted degree of prosperity and glory.

Fellow Citizens, we have a regular exercise of our Federal and State Governments; and we owe our unceasing gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, who safely carried us through our arduous struggle for freedom, for which other nations are now contending, at the expence of their blood and treasure. We cannot but rejoice that the principles for which we contended, and which are constitutionally established in United America, are irresistibly spreading themselves through two mighty nations in Europe. We are now able to embrace those powerful sister Republics; and what adds much to our joy on this occasion is, that those nations became allied to us in an hour, when we were engaged in our hard conflict with an oppressive tyranny.

We ardently wish that the nations of the earth may sheath the sword of war, and we as ardently pray, that the equal rights of men may go hand in hand with peace. If our Federal Government shall with magnanimity and firmness, support the principles of a free elective Representative Government, and our honour and faith with our allies, and yet maintain peace with all nations upon the principles of sound policy, and terms honourable and safe to our country, it will be an acknowledged approximation to that perfection in practical politics, which all people should most earnestly covet.

It is with satisfaction that I have observed the patriotic exertions of worthy citizens, to establish Academies in various parts of this Commonwealth. It discovers a zeal highly to be commended. But while it is acknowledged, that great advantages have been derived from these institutions, perhaps it may be justly apprehended, that multiplying them, may have a tendency to injure the ancient and beneficial mode of Education in Town Grammar Schools. The peculiar advantage of such schools is, that the poor and the rich may derive equal benefit from them; but none excepting the more wealthy, generally speaking, can avail themselves of the benefits of the Academies. Should these institutions detach the attention and influence of the wealthy, from the generous support of town Schools, is it not to be feared that useful learning, instruction and social feelings in the early parts of life, may cease to be so equally and universally disseminated, as it has heretofore been. I have thrown out these hints with a degree of diffidence in my own mind. You will take them into your candid consideration, if you shall think them worthy of it. In support of the public Schools, from whence have flowed so many great benefits, our University has from its infancy furnished them with well educated and fit persons to fill the places of Instructors; and they, in return, have yearly brought forward fit pupils for the further instruction of the University.—The University therefore claims a place among the first attentions of the public.

The citizens of the Commonwealth have lately had before them a question of the expediency of revising, at this period, the form of our present Constitution. The conduct of the citizens on this occasion, has given full proof, that an enlightened, free and virtuous people, can as a body, be the keepers of their own Liberties, and the guardians of their own rights. On which side soever the question may have been decided, I have the pleasure of being informed that it has been discussed with propriety, calmness and deliberation. If the event should be in favour of a Convention, a future revision may be made at such period as may be most fit and convenient, and there may be opportunity, in the mean time, for the citizens at their leisure, to make their own remarks upon the Constitution, in its operation, and thus prepare themselves for cool deliberation, at another revision. Should the determination be otherwise, I think it will clearly follow, that the citizens are happy under the present Constitution, and that they feel themselves well assured, that if there should be a future necessity for it, they can, in a peaceable and orderly manner, revise, alter and amend it at their pleasure.

A compleat, perfect and permanent system of jurisprudence, is one of the greatest blessings which our country can possess. To have justice administered promptly and without delay, is to gather the best fruits of a free and regular Government. Uncorrupted Juries are an effectual guard against the violations of our rights and property. Having an Executive annually elected, and the Legislative elected as often, the one branch of which is the grand inquest of the Commonwealth, and the other branch to be constituted a Court, as there may be occasion, to try and determine upon impeachments, we may be secured against impartiality in the fountain, and corruption in the streams of justice. The Legislative will examine all the machinery by which the Government acts: TOO frequent speculative experiments may tend to render the motions unsteady, and to annex insecurity to property. Where there are no radical defects, a long exercise of Judicial Authority, in any particular mode, brings the feelings of the people in unison with it, and fixes habits to which they have been accustomed.

While we expect from our Judges and Magistrates and other civil officers that justice be administered with alacrity and impartiality, should we not be careful that ample justice be done to them. The administration of justice should indeed be without oppressive or unnecessary expences on the people; but the Ministers of justice should have an equitable reward for their services. If therefore from accident or peculiar or temporary circumstances, the established rewards are inadequate, I doubt not but you will determine, that what is fit and proper, will be done. The Executive should be enabled to find men of superior knowledge and integrity, who may be inclined to fill the important places in the Civil Departments, as they shall become vacant. On such appointments, the dignity and just authority of the Government very materially depends.

The Legislative will no doubt continue to guard the public credit, by adequate provisions for discharging the interest and finally sinking the principal of our public debt. The sale of our vacant Lands, and the debts due to the Treasury, will contribute to ease the people from too great a burthen of direct taxes. The Treasurer's statements will ascertain the demands necessary for the ensuing year.

I must intreat you to give me opportunity to revise such Bills and Resolves as you may think proper to lay before me, to which I shall cheerfully attend, and do all within my power to dispatch the public business, and render the session agreeable to you, and beneficial to the Commonwealth.

Let us, Fellow Citizens, cultivate a due observance of the Laws which are constitutionally made by the authority of this Government, as well as those of the Federal Government, agreeable to the Constitution of the United States. Let us transmit our Liberties, our Equal Rights, our Laws and our free Republican Constitutions, with their various concomitant blessings, to those who are coming upon the stage of action, and hope in God, that they will be handed down, in purity and energy, to the latest posterity.

SAMUEL ADAMS.



ADDRESS

JULY 4, 1795.

[Independent Chronicle, July 6, 1795.]

FELLOW CITIZENS,

The Representatives of the people in the General Court assembled did solemnly Resolve, that an Edifice be erected upon this spot of ground for the purpose of holding the Public Council of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. By the request of their Agents and Commissioners, I do now lay the Corner Stone.

May the Superstructure be raised even to the top Stone without any untoward accident, and remain permanent as the everlasting mountains.—May the principles of our excellent Constitution, founded in nature and in the Rights of Man be ably defended here: And may the same principles be deeply engraven on the hearts of all citizens, and thereby fixed unimpaired and in full vigor till time shall be no more.



PROCLAMATION.

OCTOBER 14, 1795.

[Independent Chronicle, October 19, 1795.]

Published by Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

BY THE GOVERNOR.

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING AND PRAISE.

FORASMUCH as the occasional meeting of a People for the exercise of Piety and Devotion towards God, more especially of those who enjoy the Light of Divine Revelation, has a strong tendency to impress their minds with a sense of Dependence upon HIM and their Obligations to HIM.

I have thought fit, according to the ancient and laudable Practice of our renowned ancestors, to appoint a day of Public Thanksgiving to God, for the great benefits which HE has been pleased to bestow upon us, in the Year past. And I do by advice and consent of the Council, appoint THURSDAY the Nineteenth day of November next, to be observed as a DAY of PUBLIC THANKSGIVING and PRAISE throughout this Commonwealth: Calling upon the Ministers of the Gospel of all Denominations, with their respective Congregations to assemble on that Day to offer to God, their unfained Gratitude, for his great Goodness to the People of the United States in general, and of this Commonwealth in particular.

More especially in that he hath in his Good Providence united the several States under a National Compact formed by themselves, whereby they may defend themselves against external Enemies, and maintain Peace and Harmony with each other.

That internal tranquillity has been continued within this Commonwealth; and that the voice of Health is so generally heard in the habitations of the People.

That the Earth has yielded her increase, so that the labours of our industrious Husbandmen have been abundantly crowned with Plenty.

That our Fisheries have been so far prospered.—Our Trade notwithstanding obstructions it has met with, has yet been profitable to us, and the works of our Hands have been established.

That while other nations have been involved in War, attended with an uncommon profusion of Human Blood, we in the course of Divine Providence, have been preserved from so grievous a Calamity, and have enjoyed so great a measure of the Blessing of Peace.

And I do recommend that together with our Thanksgiving, humble Prayer may be offered to God, that we may be enabled, by the subsequent obedience of our Hearts and Manners, to testify the sincerity of our professions of Gratitude, in the sight of God and Man; and thus be prepared for the Reception of future Divine Blessings.

That GOD would be pleased to Guide and Direct the Administration of the Federal Government, and those of the several States, in Union, so that the whole People may continue to be safe and happy in the Constitutional enjoyment of their Rights, Liberties and Privileges, and our Governments be greatly respected at Home and Abroad.

And while we rejoice in the Blessing of Health bestowed upon us, we would sympathize with those of our Sister States, who are visited with a Contagious and Mortal Disease; and fervently supplicate the FATHER of Mercies that they may speedily be restored to a state of Health and Prosperity.

That HE would in HIS abundant Mercy regard our fellow Citizens and others, who are groaning under abject Slavery, in Algiers, and direct the most effectual measures for their speedy Relief.

That HE would graciously be pleased to put an end to all Tyranny and Usurpation, that the People who are under the Yoke of Oppression, may be made free; and that the Nations who are contending for freedom may still be secured by HIS Almighty Aid, and enabled under His influence to complete wise systems of Civil Government, founded in the equal Rights of Men and calculated to establish their permanent Security and Welfare.

And Finally, that the Peaceful and Glorious Reign of our Divine Redeemer may be known and enjoyed throughout the whole Family of Mankind.

And I do recommend to the People of this Commonwealth, to abstain from all such Labour and Recreation, as may not be consistent with the Solemnity of the said Day.

Given at the Council-Chamber, in Boston, the fourteenth Day of October in the Year of our LORD, One Thousand seven Hundred and Ninety-five, and in the Twentieth Year of the Independence of the United States of America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

True Copy—Attest,

JOHN AVERY, jun. Sec'ry.

God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts!



1796



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 19, 1796.

[Independent Chronicle, January 21, 1796, two texts are in the Massachusetts Archives.]

FELLOW CITIZENS,

I CANNOT but congratulate you upon the many blessings which the bountiful hand of Providence has bestowed upon us since your adjournment.

We with our Fellow Citizens at large have observed a day solemnly to recognize these blessings; and if sincere obedience to our gracious Benefactor, shall accompany the gratitude which we then professed, we may humbly rely upon him that he will continue his divine favors to the citizens at large, and direct the public councils of our Nation and Commonwealth to such measures as shall be productive of the safety and welfare of all.

In my former address to this General Court I mentioned the duty required by the Constitution, frequently to revise the laws, and amend such of them as may still be necessary to secure the lives, liberty and property of the citizens—The importance of civil commutative justice and the good policy of making adequate compensations to those who administer well —and the great advantages of cherishing the interests of literature and the sciences, and all seminaries of them among the body of the people. Upon these I shall not now enlarge.

Agriculture and Commerce mutually depend upon each other. As foreign markets are supplied from our fields, it is an object of importance, that the transportation of heavy articles, and means of communication from one part of the State to another, may be rendered as easy and cheap as the nature of the country will admit. By the spirit of enterprize, which so remarkably animates the citizens, countenanced by the Legislature, much has been done and is still doing in various parts of the Commonwealth.

The improvement of Arts and Manufactures is of interesting moment. The encouragement of such manufactures in particular, as will diminish the consumption of Foreign Articles and exhibit a real balance in our favor, is the common concern of the whole Union—Such encouragement as will spread the spirit of Industry individually through the body of the people, will tend to increase their happy feelings of Independence, and give them an exalted idea of the truly noble character of Free Citizens. Industry naturally leads to sobriety of sentiment, rectitude of manners, a due observance of wise and constitutional laws, and of course to public and private virtue.

Fellow Citizens,

IT is wisdom often to recur to first principles. The people of this Commonwealth, as well as those of the United States, have voluntarily formed such constitutions of government, as they have judged well adapted to secure their own political safety.—These Constitutions are founded upon the same principles; and they avow the great and fundamental political truth that all power is derived from the people. As these and all new forms of Government which recognize principles, never reduced to practice until the period of our illustrious Revolution must be in their nature experiments, the provision of a peaceable and constitutional remedy for such defects as experience may point out, is with great propriety established in our State and National Governments.—The citizens of this Commonwealth, have lately discovered their acquiescence under their Constitution as it now stands. But it still remains recorded in our declaration of rights, that the people alone have an incontestible, unalienable and indefeasible right to institute government; & to reform, alter, or totally change the same when their protection, safety, prosperity and happiness require it. And the Federal Constitution, according to the mode prescribed therein has already undergone such amendments in several parts of it, as from experience has been judged necessary.

The Government of the United States is entrusted solely with such powers as regard our safety as a nation; and all powers not given to Congress by the Constitution remain in the individual States and the people. In all good Governments the Legislative, Executive and Judiciary powers are confined within the limits of their respective Departments. If therefore it should be found that the Constitutional rights of our federal and local Governments should on either side be infringed, or that either of the Departments aforesaid should interfere with another, it will, if continued, essentially alter the Constitution, and may in time, I hope far distant, be productive of such convulsions as may shake the political ground upon which we now happily stand.

Under these impressions, I cannot forbear to mention to you a subject which has lately arrested the public attention and employed the pens of ingenious men of different sentiments concerning it. In discussing a subject so exceedingly momentous as a national Treaty, no personal attachment or prejudice, no private or selfish feelings, no arts of deception should be suffered to intermingle: Truth should be the object, and reason the guide.

By the Constitution of the United States, it is provided, that all Legislative powers therein granted, shall be vested in a Congress, to consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives. These several branches have, and exercise a positive negative upon each other: No Legislative act, therefore, can pass without their joint concurrence. But in another part of the Constitution, under the head of Executive, the President has the power with the advice and consent of the Senate, provided two thirds of the Senate present, concur, to make Treaties; and all Treaties which are made or shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be among the Supreme Laws of the Land: The Senate therefore partakes with the Executive, so far as to advise and consent; but the most popular branch of Congress has no concern therein. I do earnestly recommend to you to turn your attention to those parts of the Constitution, at least, which relate to the Legislative and Executive powers, and judge for yourself, whether they may not be construed to militate with each other and lead to an absurd conclusion—that there actually exists in the Government of the United States, two distinct and decisive Legislatives.

I am far from being desirous that unnecessary alterations of our Constitution, should be proposed: but it is of great consequence to the liberties of a nation, to review its civil Constitution and compare the practice of its administrators with the essential principles upon which it is founded. We, fellow-citizens, are under the strongest obligations, from the solemnity of our mutual compacts, and even our sacred oaths, with a watchful eye at every point to defend and support our Constitutions; and to strengthen the essential principles upon which they are founded, when it shall be needful, falls in my opinion within those solemn obligations.

I hope, fellow-citizens, that what I am now about to say will not be deemed improper.

I have been accustomed to speak my mind upon matters of great moment to our common country with freedom; and every citizen of the United States has the same right that I have. I may never hereafter have an opportunity of publicly expressing my opinion on the Treaty made with the Court of London: I am therefore constrained with all due respect to our Constituted Authority to declare, that the Treaty appears to me to be pregnant with evil. It controuls some of the powers specially vested in Congress for the security of the people; and I fear that it may restore to Great Britain such an influence over the Government and people of this country as may not be consistent with the general welfare. This subject however it is expected will come before the Congress whose immediate province it is to discuss it, and to determine, so far as it may be in their power, as they shall think, for the safety and welfare of the people.

I shall use my best endeavor to dispatch the business which you shall lay before me. And it is my cordial wish that all your decisions may tend to the prosperity of the Commonwealth, and afford to you the most agreeable reflections.

SAMUEL ADAMS.



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

MAY 31, 1796.

[Independent Chronicle, June 2, 1796; two texts are in the Massachusetts Archives.]

FELLOW CITIZENS,

It is not my intention to interrupt your business by a lengthy Address. I have requested a meeting with you at this time, principally with a view of familiarizing the several branches of government with each other, of cultivating harmony in sentiment upon constitutional principles, and cherishing that mutual friendship which always invites a free discussion in matters of important concern.

The Union of the States is not less important than that of the several departments of each of them. We have all of us recently laid ourselves under a sacred obligation to defend and support our Federal and State Constitutions: A principal object in the establishment of the former, as it is expressed in the preamble, was "to form a more perfect Union:" To preserve this Union entire, and transmit it unbroken to posterity, is the duty of the People of United America, and it is for their lasting interest, their public safety and welfare. Let us then be watchful for the preservation of the Union, attentive to the fundamental principles of our free Constitutions, and careful in the application of those principles in the formation of our laws, lest that great object which the people had in view in establishing the independence of our country, may be imperceptibly lost.

The Members of the General Court, coming from all parts of the Commonwealth, must be well acquainted with the local circumstances and wants of the citizens; to alleviate and provide for which, it is presumed you will diligently enquire into the state of the Commonwealth, and render such Legislative aid as may be found necessary, for the promoting of useful improvements, and the advancement of those kinds of industry among the people, which contribute to their individual happiness, as well as that of the public.—Honest industry, tends to the increase of sobriety, temperance and all the moral and political virtues—I trust also that you will attend to the general police of the Commonwealth, by revising and making such laws and ordinances, conformably to our Constitution, as in your wisdom you may think further necessary to secure as far as possible, the safety and prosperity of the people at large.

It is yours, Fellow Citizens, to legislate, and mine only to revise your bills, under limited and qualified powers; and I rejoice, that they are thus limited:— These are features which belong to a free government alone.

I do not, I ought not to forget that there are other important duties constitutionally attached to the Supreme Executive—I hope I shall be enabled within my department, with the continued advice of a wise and faithful Council, so to act my part, as that a future retrospect of my conduct may afford me consoling reflections; and that my administration may be satisfactory to reasonable and candid men, and finally meet with the approbation of God, the Judge of all.—May his wisdom preside in all our Councils and deliberations, and lead to such decisions as may be happily adapted to confirm and perpetuate the public liberty, and secure the private and personal rights of the citizens from suffering any injury.

I shall further communicate to you by subsequent message as occasion may offer.

SAMUEL ADAMS.



PROCLAMATION.

OCTOBER 6, 1796

[Independent Chronicle, October 17, 1796.]

Published by Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY THE GOVERNOR.

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING.

WHEREAS it has pleased God, the Father of all Mercies, to bestow upon us innumerable unmerited favours in the course of the year past; it highly becomes us duly to recollect his goodness, and in a public and solemn manner to express the greatful feelings of our hearts:

I have therefore thought fit, with the advice and consent of the Council, to appoint THURSDAY the 15th day of December next, to be observed as a Day of PUBLIC THANKSGIVING and PRAISE to our Divine BENEFACTOR throughout this Commonwealth—Calling upon the Ministers of the Gospel, with their respective Congregations, and the whole body of the People, religiously to observe the said Day by celebrating the Praises of that all-gracious Being, of whose Bounty we have experienced so large a share.

He hath prevented Epidemical Diseases from spreading, and afforded us a general state of Health. He hath regarded our Pastures and Fields with an Eye of the most indulgent Parent, and rewarded the Industry of our Husbandmen with a plentiful Harvest.

Notwithstanding the unreasonable obstructions to our trade on the seas, it has generally been prosperous and our fisheries successful.

Our civil Constitutions of Government, formed by ourselves, and administered by Men of our own free Election, are by His Grace continued to us. And we still enjoy the inestimable Blessings of the Gospel and right of worshipping God according to His own Institutions and the honest dictates of our Consciences.

And, together with our thanksgiving, earnest Supplication to God is hereby recommended for the forgiveness of our Sins which have rendered us unworthy of the least of his Mercies; and that by the sanctifying influence of his Spirit, our hearts and manners may be corrected, and we become a reformed and happy People—That he would direct and prosper the Administration of the Government of the United States, and of this and the other States in the Union. That he would still afford his Blessings on our Trade, Agriculture, Fisheries and all the labours of our hands. That he would smile upon our University, and all Seminaries of Learning—That Tyranny and Usurpation may everywhere come to an end—That the Nations who are contending for true liberty may still be succeeded by his Almighty aid—That every Nation and Society of Men may be inspired with the knowledge and feeling of their natural and just rights, and enabled to form such systems of Civil Government as shall be fully adopted to promote and establish their Social Security and Happiness—And, finally, that in the course of God's Holy Providence, the great Family of Mankind may bow to the sceptre of the Prince of Peace so that mutual Friendship and Harmony may universally prevail.

And I do recommend to the People of this Commonwealth to abstain from all such Labours and Recreations as may not be consistent with the Solemnity of the said Day.

Given at the Council Chamber in Boston, this sixth day of October, in the year of our Lord, one Thousand seven Hundred and Ninety-six, and in the twenty-first Year of the Independence of the United States of America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

Attest

JOHN AVERY, Sec'ry

GOD save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts!



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

NOVEMBER 17,1796.

[Independent Chronicle, November 21, 1796; two texts are in the Massachusetts Archives.]

You are sensible, Fellow Citizens, that the principal motive which induced your adjournment to the 16th current, was to transact the business prescribed by law, respecting the Electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States of America.

Not being able to determine in my own mind, whether you would probably be inclined to begin the business of a winter session at this season, or not, I did, by the advice of the Council, appoint a later day for a Public Thanksgiving, than has been usual; intending thereby, to afford you an opportunity to finish the business above mentioned, and, if you should then think it proper, keep the festival in your respective families. This matter, however, it becomes me to leave to your own discretion. Which ever, you may determine upon, while you continue this session, I will endeavour to finish the business which you may lay before me, with all convenient dispatch, always considering, that harmony and union among the several branches and governmental powers, consistent with their respective Constitutional rights and duties, to be essential to the security and welfare of our constituents at large.

SAMUEL ADAMS.



TO THE SENATE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

NOVEMBER 23, 1796.

[Independent Chronicle, November 28, 1796.]

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE,

HAVING had before me a Resolve of the 22d inst. providing for filling up any vacancies in the Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, which may be occasioned by death or resignation before the time of their meeting for the purpose of giving their suffrages, have prematurely approved the same; since which, having more fully considered the subject, I find a strong objection operating upon my mind, and I have erased my name: That the Electors chosen by the People and their Representatives for the great and important purpose of electing a President and Vice-President of the United States, should have the power of filling up vacancies in their own body, under any circumstances whatever, appears to be dangerous to the Liberties of the People, and ought not to form a precedent in a free government. If upon further deliberation you should be of my opinion, I shall be happy to concur with you, in a mode more consonant to the spirit of our government.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

NOVEMBER 24, 1796.

[Independent Chronicle, November 28, 1796 , a text is in the Massachusetts Archives, and a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

Gentlemen of the Senate,

and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.

BY a Message, which I yesterday laid before the Senate, I gave a full, free and candid account of my proceedings respecting a Resolve of the two Houses, for filling up vacancies which may possibly happen in the Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States.

My mode of conduct on this occasion, I know is, and I flatter myself, will be considered, to be as well the result of an ardent wish to preserve free, important and secure the Elections of those very important Officers, as a desire to dispatch the business at this juncture before the Legislature.—I wish to promote the true interest of my country—I have no other object in view; and therefore, it can be of no consequence to me, in what mode this question is discussed nor in what form your opinions shall be expressed. I am not, at present, for supporting the idea that after the Resolve had been signed by me, and delivered to the Secretary, that it was not a formal act of government. Be that as it may—the question is now properly before the General Court, and if the Resolve, to which I have made an objection, was, under all considerations an Act of the Government upon my signing the same, the only question now is whether it ought to be repealed, and another provision made for the same object?

My objection to the Resolve, or my reason why it should be repealed, (if it is one) is, that a delegation by the Legislature to the Electors appointed by the Citizens in their individual capacity for the Election of President and Vice President, to fill up vacancies in their own number, by death or resignation, is a dangerous power, and tends to the establishing a dangerous Precedent; but should my fellow citizens of the Senate and House, think differently from me, while I shall feel quite contented with your decision, I shall be happy, that I have candidly acknowledged an error in signing that Resolve, and yet done, with firmness, what has appeared to me as the true interest of the State of which I am a Member, and of a Nation of which I am a Citizen.

SAMUEL ADAMS.



1797



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 27, 1797.

[Independent Chronicle, January 30, 1797; a text is in the Massachusetts Archives].

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,

SINCE your last adjournment, the President of the United States has officially announced to the Legislature of the Union his determination to retire from the cares of public life.—When a citizen so distinguished by his country withdraws himself from the Councils of the Nation, and retires to peaceful repose, it must afford very pleasurable feelings in his own mind, to be conscious of the good will of the people towards him—how much more consoling must his feelings be, in reflecting that he has served them many years with purity of intention and disinterested zeal. We sincerely wish him tranquility in his retirement and strong consolation in the latter stage of life.

In pursuance of the provision in the Constitution, the people have recently exercised their own sovereign power in the election of another President. Elections to offices, even in the smallest Corporations, are and ought to be deemed highly important; of how much more importance is it, that elections to the highest offices in our extensive Republic, should be conducted in a manner and with a spirit becoming a free, virtuous and enlightened people, who justly estimate the value of their sacred rights. In the late elections, the people have turned their attention to several citizens, who have rendered eminent services to our federal Commonwealth in exalted stations. Upon which ever of the Candidates the lot may have fallen, the people have reason to expect, that his administration will be strictly conformable to the letter and true intent of the Constitution, that it may long continue to be the guarantee of our freely elective Republican Government.—On fair and uncontrouled elections, depend, under God, the whole superstructure of our government—should corruption ever insert itself in our elections, there would be great danger of corruption in our governments.—Although it is not long since the subject of elections was under the consideration of the Legislature, and a law passed for the purpose of further security to the people in the free exercise of this invaluable right; yet give me leave to suggest for your consideration, whether still further securities may not be provided, so that the rightful electors may not be frustrated in their honest intentions. That elections may not be contaminated by strangers, or unqualified persons, may it not be necessary that every man may be known, as far as possible, when he presents himself to give his vote; this may be more especially important in our seaports and other populous towns, in which many foreigners of all sorts frequently reside. I would be far from dictating to you, but I would submit to your judgment whether, considering the liberality of this country to foreigners, and the frequency of their naturalizations, it may not be eligible that such foreigners should be required when they offer their votes to the Selectmen of the towns, to produce authentic certificates from the Courts, by which they were endowed with so high a privilege, as a test of their citizenship. As Piety, Religion and Morality have a happy influence on the minds of men, in their public as well as private transactions, you will not think it unseasonable, although I have frequently done it, to bring to your remembrance the great importance of encouraging our University, town schools, and other seminaries of education, that our children and youth while they are engaged in the pursuit of useful science, may have their minds impressed with a strong sense of the duties they owe to their God, their instructors and each other, so that when they arrive to a state of manhood, and take a part in any public transactions, their hearts having been deeply impressed in the course of their education with the moral feelings—such feelings may continue and have their due weight through the whole of their future lives.

Permit me to call your attention to the subject of the Militia of the Commonwealth.—A well regulated militia "held in an exact subordination to the civil authority and governed by it," is the most safe de fence of a Republic.—In our Declaration of Rights, which expresses the sentiments of the people, the people have a right to keep and bear arms for the common defence. The more generally therefore they are called out to be disciplined, the stronger is our security. No man I should think, who possesses a true republican spirit, would decline to rank with his fellow-citizens, on the fancied idea of a superiority in circumstances: This might tend to introduce fatal distinctions in our country. We can all remember the time when our militia, far from being disciplined, as they are at present, kept a well appointed hostile army for a considerable time confined to the capital; and when they ventured out, indeed they took possession of the ground they aimed at, yet they ventured to their cost, and never forgot the battle of Bunker Hill. The same undisciplined militia under the command and good conduct of General Washington, continued that army confined in or near the capital, until they thought proper to change their position and retreated with haste to Halifax.—If the Militia of the Commonwealth can be made still more effective, I am confident that you will not delay a measure of so great magnitude. I beg leave to refer you to the seventeenth article in our Declaration of Rights, which respects the danger of standing armies in time of peace. I hope we shall ever have virtue enough to guard against their introduction.—But may we not hazard the safety of our Republic should we ever constitute, under the name of a select militia, a small body to be disciplined in a camp with all the pomp & splendor of a regular army? Would such an institution be likely to be much less dangerous to our free government and to the morals of our youth, than if they were actually enlisted for permanent service? And would they not as usual in standing armies feel a distinct interest from that of our fellow-citizens at large? The great principles of our present militia system are undoubtedly good, constituting one simple body, and embracing so great a proportion of the citizens as will prevent a separate interest among them, inconsistent with the welfare of the whole.—Those principles, however, I conceive should equally apply to all the active citizens, within the age prescribed by law.—All are deeply interested in the general security; and where there are no invidious exemptions, partial distinctions or privileged bands, every Man, it is presumed, would pride himself in the right of bearing arms, and affording his personal appearance in common with his fellow-citizens. If upon examination you shall find, that the duties incident to our present system bear harder on one class of citizens, than on another, you will undoubtedly endeavour, as far as possible, to equalize its burthens.

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,

I THINK it a duty incumbent upon me to acquaint you, and our fellow-citizens at large, that having arrived to a stage of life, marked in holy writ, and verified by constant experience, as a time of labour and sorrow; it is highly proper both upon my own account, as well as that of the public, to decline the future suffrages of my fellow-citizens for the office I have now the honor to sustain.1 I have had this in contemplation near a twelve month past. The infirmities of age render me an unfit person in my own opinion, and very probably in the opinion of others, to continue in this station; and I mention it now, that those of the electors who may probably be too warmly attached to me, may not nullify their own votes by giving them for me. I have always been convinced that many others might have been found to fill my place with greater advantage to the Commonwealth than is now or ever has been in my power.—In the Civil Department during the times of War and of Peace, I have served her in various stations to the best of my ability, and I hope with general approbation; and I can say with truth, that I have not enriched myself in her service.—My warmest thanks are justly due to my constituents for the confidence they have repeatedly placed in me.—When I shall be released from the burthens of my public station, I shall not forget my country.— Her welfare and happiness, her peace and prosperity, her liberty and independence will always have a great share in the best wishes of my heart.

I will endeavour to consider the business you may lay before me with fidelity and dispatch. SAMUEL ADAMS.2

1 In May, 1797, Adams was succeeded as governor by Increase Sumner.

2 There are in the Massachusetts Archives additional papers by Adams which have here been omitted, but certain of which may well be noted, as follows: 1782, October 15, statement as to funds for South Carolina and Georgia; 1790, May 28, letter accepting office of Lieutenant Governor; 1794, February 3, veto message; 1795, February 18, veto message; 1795, June 12, message on the resignation of Major General Lithgow; 1795, June 17, message upon the election of an additional major general; 1795, June 22, message as to suspicious vessel in Boston Harbor; 1796, February 2, message on petition of Willard Griffith; 1796, February 24, message as to suit on bond of S. Ely; 1796, February 27, message as to vacancies in excise offices; 1796, June I, message as to the Massachusetts-Connecticut boundary; 1796, June I, message as to troubles in Hancock County; 1796, November 22, message as to vacancies in Council; 1797, February 1, message on the militia system; 1797, February 13, message on the Nantucket Bank.

The Independent Chronicle contains the following papers which have not been used: 1794, June 27, proclamation upon rioting in Boston; 1795, June 21, proclamation as to the burning of the "Betsey"; 1795, June 26, proclamation offering a reward in connection with the "Betsey."

The Life of Samuel Adams, by W. V. Wells, vol. iii., pp. 379-381, contains the will of Samuel Adams, dated December 29, 1790, and also a number of letters printed only in part, which have not been used.

There have also been omitted a number of relatively unimportant papers, such as a brief committee report of November 30, 1785 (Manuscript Documents, 1785, Boston City Clerk's office); a brief letter to Elbridge Gerry, recommending Thomas Melville, February 20, 1789 (Emmet Papers, Lenox Library); a note of introduction to John Adams, June 18, 1782 (Washburn Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society); two letters to Thomas McKean, November 7, 1781, and June 7, 1782, and one to Woodbury Langdon, September 1, 1784 (Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania); a note of introduction to Richard Henry Lee, December 9, 1784 (Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society); and a brief note to Rochambeau, May, 17, 1794 (Library of Congress). A few original manuscripts, such as a letter of November 8, 1784, to John Avery and a letter of January 22, 1794, to George Clinton, have passed into private hands at auction sales. Certain manuscripts have been withheld by their owners; but in most instances the entire text of the same has been available, so that it is believed that all the important existing materials of Adams have been comprised in these volumes.



PROCLAMATION.

MARCH 20, 1797.

[Independent Chronicle, March 30, 1797; the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 365, 366.]

By Authority. Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY THE GOVERNOR,

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF SOLEMN FASTING AND PRAYER.

IT having been the invariable practice derived from the days of our renowned ancestors, at this season of the year to set apart a Day of Public Fasting and Prayer: And the practice appearing to be in itself productive, if well improved, of happy effects on the public mind—

I have therefore thought fit, by & with the advice and consent of the Council, to appoint Thursday, the FOURTH day of May next ensuing, to be observed and improved throughout this Commonwealth for the purpose of PUBLIC FASTING AND PRAYER: Earnestly recommending to the Ministers of the Gospel with their respective Congregations then to assemble together and seriously to consider, and with one united voice confess our past sins and transgressions, with holy resolutions, by the Grace of God, to turn our feet into the path of His Law— Humbly beseeching him to endue us with all the Christian Spirit of Piety, Benevolence and the Love of our Country; and that in all our public deliberations we may be possessed of a sacred regard to the fundamental principles of our free elective civil Constitutions—That we may be preserved from consuming Fires and all other desolating Judgments.

And as at this season the general business of the year commences, it seems highly proper humbly to implore the divine blessing on our Husbandry, Trade, and Fishery, and all the labour of our hands—On our University and Schools of Education—On the Administration of the Government of the United States and of this and the other States of the Union —On the foreign relations of the United States; and in a particular manner that all misunderstanding between them and a Sister Republic may be happily, so adjusted as to prevent an open Rupture, and establish Peace.

And as it is our duty to extend our wishes to the happiness of the great Family of Man, I concede we cannot better express ourselves than by humbly supplicating the Supreme Ruler of the World—That the rod of tyrants may be broken into pieces, and the oppressed made Free—That wars may cease in all the Earth, and that the confusions that are and have been among the Nations may be overruled for the promoting and speedily bringing on that holy and happy period, when the Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ may be everywhere established, and all the people willingly bow to the Sceptre of Him who is the Prince of Peace.

And I do hereby recommend that all unnecessary labour and recreation may be suspended on the said day.

Given at the Council Chamber in Boston, this 20th day of March, in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Ninety seven, and in the twenty first Year of the Independence of the United States of America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

Attest, JOHN AVERY, Secretary.

GOD SAVE THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS!



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]

BOSTON April 17th 1797

SIR

I am loth to trespass one moment upon your time, which at present must be very precious. But I am induced even to offer Mr Wyllys this recommendatory Letter to you. He is a native of our Commonwealth, and lately a traveller in Europe. Tho his travels have been merely on Mercantile Business, he appears to be very intelligent, observing, and impartial. He has seen Italy; and conversed among others with Genl Buonoparte and the Pope. He has visited a number of the Italian States, also Algiers and France.—I flatter myself you will be pleased with his conversation and hope you will find it usefull to you. This is the only motive for my addressing a Letter to you at this Time. I congratulate you as the first Citizen of the United States—I may add of the World. I am my dear Sir, notwithstanding I have been otherwise represented in party papers.

Your Old and unvaried Friend,



1801



TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

[MS., Library of Congress; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON, April 24th, 1801

MY VERY DEAR FRIEND

Your Letter of the 29th of March came duly to my hand. I sincerely congratulate our Country on the arrival of the day of Glory which has called you to the first office in the administration of our federal Government. Your warm feeling of friendship must certainly have carried you to a higher tone of expression than my utmost merits will bear. If I have at any time been avoided or frowned upon, your kind ejaculation in the language of the most perfect friend of Man, surpasses every injury. The Storm is now over, and we are in port, and I dare say, the ship will be rigged for her proper service; she must also be well man'd and very carefully officered. No man can be fit to sustain an office who cannot consent to the principles by which he must be governed. With you, I hope, we shall once more see harmony restored; but after so severe and long a storm, it will take a proportionate time to still the raging of the waves. The World has been governed by prejudice and passion, which never can be friendly to truth; and while you nobly resolve to retain the principles of candour and of justice, resulting from a free elective Representative Government, such as they have been taught to hate and despise; you must depend upon being hated yourself, because they hate your principles, not a man of them dare openly to despise you; your inaugural speech, to say nothing of your eminent services to the acceptance of our Country, will secure you from contempt. It may require some time before the great body of our fellow citizens will settle in harmony good humour and peace. When deep prejudices shall be removed in some, the self interestedness of others shall cease and many honest Men, whose minds for want of better information have been clouded, shall return to the use of their own understanding, the happy and wished for time will come. The Eyes of the people have too generally been fast closed from the view of their own happiness, such alass has been always the lot of Man! but Providence, who rules the World, seems now to be rapidly changing the sentiments of Mankind in Europe and America. May Heaven grant that the principles of Liberty and virtue, truth and justice may pervade the whole Earth. I have a small circle of intimate friends, among whom Doctr Charles Jarvis is one; he is a man of much information and great integrity. I heartily wish there may be an epistolary correspondence between him and you. I should have written this Letter before, had not my faithfull friend and amanuensis John Avery, who is your friend as well as mine, been occupied in the business of his office of Secretary of this Commonwealth, which he attends with great punctuality and integrity. It is not in my power my dear friend, to give you council; an Old Man is apt to flatter himself, that he stands upon an equal footing with younger Men; he indeed cannot help feeling that the powers of his Mind, as well as his body are weakened; but he relies upon his memory, and fondly wishes his young friends to think that he can instruct them by his Experience, when in all probability he has forgot every trace of it, that was worth his memory. Be assured, that my esteem for you is as cordial, if possible, as yours is to me. Though an Old Man cannot advise you, he can give you his Blessing. You have devoutly my Blessing and my Prayers.

My dear Mrs. Adams will not suffer me to close this Letter, till I let you know, that she recollects the pleasure and entertainment you afforded us, when you was about to embark for France, and hopes that your administration may be happy to yourself and prosperous to our Country.



TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

[MS., Library of Congress , a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON Novemr 18th 1801

MY DEAR FRIEND

Doctr Eustis will be so kind as to deliver you this Letter.—I am persuaded you will find him a man of a candid and fair Mind and liberal sentiments.

I congratulate you on the return of Peace. The War both in America and Europe was designed by Tyrant Kings to exterminate those rights and liberties which the Gracious Creator has granted to Man, and to sink the happiness resulting therefrom in ruin and oblivion.—Is there not, my friend, reason to believe, that the principles of Democratic Republicanism are already better understood than they were before; and that by the continued efforts of Men of Science and Virtue, they will extend more and more till the turbulent and destructive Spirit of War shall cease?—The proud oppressors over the Earth shall be totally broken down and those classes of Men who have hitherto been the victims of their rage and cruelty shall perpetually enjoy perfect Peace and Safety till time shall be no more.

I am

Your cordial friend



1802



TO THOMAS PAINE

[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol iii , pp 372, 373]

BOSTON, November 30, 1802.

SIR,—

I have frequently with pleasure reflected on your services to my native and your adopted country. Your Common Sense, and your Crisis, unquestionably awakened the public mind, and led the people loudly to call for a declaration of our national independence. I therefore esteemed you as a warm friend to the liberty and lasting welfare of the human race. But when I heard you had turned your mind to a defence of infidelity, I felt myself much astonished and more grieved, that you had attempted a measure so injurious to the feelings and so repugnant to the true interest of so great a part of the citizens of the United States. The people of New England, if you will allow me to use a Scripture phrase, are fast returning to their first love. Will you excite among them the spirit of angry controversy at a time when they are hastening to amity and peace? I am told that some of our newspapers have announced your intention to publish an additional pamphlet upon the principles of your Age of Reason. Do you think that your pen, or the pen of any other man, can unchristianize the mass of our citizens, or have you hopes of converting a few of them to assist you in so bad a cause? We ought to think ourselves happy in the enjoyment of opinion, without the danger of persecution by civil or ecclesiastical law. Our friend, the President of the United States, has been calumniated for his liberal sentiments by men who have attributed that liberality to a latent design to promote the cause of infidelity. This, and all other slanders, have been made without the least shadow of proof. Neither religion nor liberty can long subsist in the tumult of altercation, and amidst the noise and violence of faction. Felix qui cautus. Adieu.

THE END