I take Notice that the Committee of Congress propose that the Govts of the ten new States to be formd shall be in Republican form & shall admit no Person to be a Citizen who holds any hereditary Title. I hope Congress will not fail to make this an indispensible Condition.

Your Letter of the 2d relating to Colo Gridleys Affair came to hand. I am obligd to you for the Care you have taken.

Believe me to be yr sincere & affectionate Friend,

1 Cf. J. F. Jameson, Essays in Constitutional History, pp. 32 et seq.



TO NOAH WEBSTER.

[MS., Ford Collection, Lenox Library; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library,]

BOSTON April 30th 1784

SIR

I was favord with your Letter of 24th March, but by a Multiplicity of Affairs, which, as it happened I was at that Time engaged in, I was prevented returning an Answer so speedily as you desired. For this Reason I afterwards thought an Answer would be of no Importance. Decency alone should, however, have induced me to have acknowledgd the Favor. I hope you will excuse the Omission.

Some time in the Month of September last, a Gentleman in Connecticutt requested me to give him my Opinion of a Subject, perhaps too much altercated in that State as well as this, The Commutation of half Pay granted by Congress to the Officers of the late Army for Life for full Pay during the Term of five years. I did not hesitate to say in Return, that in my Opinion Congress was, in the Nature of their Appointment, the sole Judge of the necessary Means of supporting the late Army raised for the Defence of our Common Rights against the Invasions of Great Britain; and if, upon their own deliberate Councils & the repeated Representations of the Commander in Chiefe of the Army, they judgd that the Grant of half Pay for Life was a Measure absolutely necessary for the Support of a disciplined Army for the Purpose before mentiond, they had an undoubted Right to make it; and as it was made in behalf of the United States by their Representative authorizd to do it, each State was bound in Justice & Honor to comply with it, even tho it should seem to any to have been an ill judgd Measure; because States & Individual Persons are equally bound to fulfill their Obligations, and it is given as Characteristick of an honest Man, that "though he sweareth (or promiseth) to his own hurt he changeth not." I moreover acquainted him, that although I was never pleasd with the Idea of half Pay for Life, for Reasons which appeard satisfactory to myself, some of which I freely explaind to him, yet I had always thought, that as the Opportunities of the Officers of the Army of acquiring moderate Fortunes or making such Provision for their Families as Men generally wish to make, were not equal to those of their Fellow Citizens at home, it would be but just & reasonable, that an adequate Compensation should be made to them at, or as soon as conveniently might be after, the End of the War; and that he might therefore conclude, that the Commutation, if it be an adequate Compensation had fully coincided with my Ideas of Justice & Policy.

Nothing was mentiond in his Letter to me, of the Nature or the Proceedings of County Conventions, & therefore I made no Observation upon them. I hope it will not be in the Power of any designing Men, by imposing upon credulous tho' well meaning Persons long to keep this Country, who may be happy if they will, long in a State of Discord & Animosity. We may see, from the present State of Great Britain, how rapidly such a Spirit will drive a Nation to destruction. It is prudent for the People to keep a watchful Eye over the Conduct of all those who are entrusted with Publick Affairs. Such Attention is the Peoples great Security.1 But there is Decency & Respect due to Constitutional Authority, and those Men, who under any Pretence or by any Means whatever, would lessen the Weight of Government lawfully exercised, must be Enemies to our happy Revolution & the Common Liberty. County Conventions & popular Committees servd an excellent Purpose when they were first in Practice. No one therefore needs to regret the Share he may then have had in them. But I candidly own it is my Opinion, with Deferrence to the Opinions of other Men, that as we now have constitutional & regular Governments and all our Men in Authority depend upon the annual & free Elections of the People, we are safe without them. To say the least, they are become useless. Bodies of Men, under any Denomination whatever, who convene themselves for the Purpose of deliberating upon & adopting Measures which are cognizable by Legislatures only will, if continued, bring Legislatures to Contempt & Dissolution. If the publick Affairs are illy conducted, if dishonest or incapable Men have crept unawares into Government, it is happy for us, that under our American Constitutions the Remedy is at hand, & in the Power of the great Body of the People. Due Circumspection & Wisdom at the next Elections will set all right, without the Aid of any self Created Conventions or Societies of Men whatever.2 While we retain those simple Democracies in all our Towns which are the Basis of our State Constitutions, and make a good Use of them, it appears to me we cannot be enslaved or materially injured. It must however be confessd, that Imperfection attends all human affairs.

I am

Sir

your very humble Servant

1 At this point the draft included the words: "for the wisest & best of Men are liable to Error & Misconduct."

2 At this point the draft included the words "The whole People will not probably mistake their own true Interests, nor err in their Judgment of the Men to whom they may safely commit the Care of them."



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS, Adams Papers, Quincy]

BOSTON June 20 1784

DEAR SIR

The Hurry of the General Court which is now sitting prevents my writing a Letter at this Time.

Your amiable Lady who with her Daughter embarks this day will, I hope, deliver you this Note, which is only to express a fervent Wish that they may be favord in their Passage & shortly have a joyful Meeting with you.

It is a long time since I receivd a Letter from you.

Adieu—Believe me

Your affectionate friend

& humble servt



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers,1 Quincy.]

BOSTON 2d Decr 1784.

MY DEAR SIR

I received several of your Letters with Pleasure, particularly that of May, which I will answer at a Time of more Leisure. Captn Dashwood of this Town is going to London, to sollicit Payment of the British Crown, for Goods taken from him when the Troops left the Town, not as forfeited, but under the Apprehension that they would be of Use to our Army, & with an Express Promise that they should be paid for. It appears to me to be among the bona Fide Debts mention'd in the Treaty, and if there may be on the Part of the Crown itself a Failure of a Compliance with a positive stipulated Article, it will be difficult for the Governments in America to prevail with their Citizens to think it reasonable that they should pay the just Debts owing from them to British Subjects. Dashwood has my Promise to write to you again on the Subject & I must fulfill it. It is with reluctance that I give you this repeated Trouble, especially as I know you must be press'd with Affairs of greater National Importance. You are best able to say whether you can afford him Aid or not. I have ventured to assure him, that if it be in your Power consistantly to interpose your Influence, you will undoubtedly be disposd to do it. What aggravates the Misfortune of this Citizen if he should not obtain Justice in England is that his British Crediter now demands the Payment of his Debt with Interest, & tho' this Sum is very small in Comparison with the Value of the Goods taken from him, the Payment, as he says & I suppose truly, will compleatly ruin him.

your affectionate

1 Although the copy actually transmitted, no part of this letter is in the autograph of Adams except the subscription and signature.



TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 214-217.]

BOSTON Decr 23 1784

MY DEAR SIR

I congratulate our Country on the Choice Congress has lately made of a President. He who fills that Chair is the most respected Citizen, and while he performs his Duty well, he adorns the most dignified Station in our Confederated Republick.

You observe in your Letter to me, that "at this Moment, Moderation, Wisdom, Firmness & Attention are the Principles proper for our Adoption." I agree with you, and devoutly wish that every Man who has a Share in the Administration of publick Affairs may possess a large Portion of those & other great Qualities. They are in a particular Manner necessary to him who presides in the important Councils of the American Amphyction.

Congress has need to watch, lest the Commonwealth suffer Harm. I doubt not they will be assiduous in their Labours for the publick Wellfare; and I pray God they may be His honord Instruments in exalting to the highest Pitch of human Happiness that People, who have testified to the oppressed World, that by Patience, Fortitude & Perseverance the iron Rod can be wrested from the Arm of a Tyrant, and that all Nations may be free, if they will magnanimously contend for their Liberty.

By Gods Blessing on the Councils & the Arms of our Country, we are now rank'd with Nations. May He keep us from exulting beyond Measure! Great Pains are yet to be taken & much Wisdom is requisite that we may stand as a Nation in a respectable Character. Better it would have been for us to have fallen in our highly famed Struggle for our Rights, or even to have remaind in our ignoble State of Bondage hoping for better Times, than now to become a contemptible Nation. The World have given us an exalted Character, & thus have laid on us a heavy Tax! They have raised Expectations from us! HOW shall we meet those Expectations? They have attributed to us Wisdom! HOW shall we confirm them in their Opinion of us? Inexperiencd as we are in the Refinements of Nations, Can we expect to shine in the World as able Politicians? Shall we then be hacknied in the Path of Deception because some others famed for their Dexterity in Politicks have long trod that Path & thought they have gaind Advantage by it? Or, because it is said All Nations are selfinterested & that No Friendship in Treaties and National Transactions is almost as proverbial as No Friendship in Trade, shall we depart from that excellent Rule of Equity, the Observance of which should be characteristick of all Nations especially Republicks, as it is of all good Men, to do to others as we would have them do to us? Could we be indued thus to prostitute ourselves, HOW should we appear in the Eyes of the Virtuous & Wise? Should there be found a Citizen of the United States so unprincipled as to ask, What will become of us if we do not follow the corrupt Maxims of the World? I should tell him, that the Strength of a Republick is consolidated by its Virtues, & that Righteousness will exalt a Nation.

Was it true as some affirm, that the old World is absorbd in all kinds of Vice, unhumanizd & enslavd, it would indeed be a melancholly Subject to contemplate, and I should think that common Prudence would dictate to a Nation situated as we are, to have as little to do with them as possible. Such indiscriminate Censure, however, may spring from Ignorance of the World or unreasonable Prejudice. Nations as well as Individuals have different Characters. We should not forget the Friendship & Kindness of One because we have experiencd the Injustice & Cruelty of Another. But the Inconstancy of Friendship & even Infidelity has been seen often enough among Individuals to lead wise men to suppose it may happen in any Case & to exercise a kind of Circumspection, different from base Suspicion, consistent with the generous Sentiments of Friendship and, considering the Weakness of the human Mind, a necessary Guard.

Does not the true Policy, the Honor & Safety of our Country greatly depend upon a National Character consisting, among other Particulars, in Simplicity & Candor in all her Publick Transactions; shewing herself in reality friendly to those to whom she professes to be a Friend—A constant Regard to mutual Benefit in Commercial Treaties; suspecting the Honesty of those who will not deal with her on equitable Principles, & guarding her Trade against their selfish Designs by wise Commercial Laws—An exact & punctilious Fullfillment of Obligations on her Part to be performd by Virtue of all Treaties— and, An unalterable Determination to discharge her National Debts with all possible Speed.—If, my honord Friend, the leading Men in the United States would by Precept & Example disseminate thro' the lower Classes of People the Principles of Piety to God, Love to our Country & universal Benevolence, should we not secure the Favor of Heaven & the Honor & Esteem of the wise and virtuous Part of the World.

Great Britain, tho' she has concluded a Treaty of Peace with us, appears to be not a cordial Friend. She cannot forget her unparralled Injustice towards us & naturally supposes there can be no Forgiveness on our Part. She seems to have meant Nothing more than a Truce. A sensible Gentleman very lately from Canada informs me, that General Haldiman who is going to England, has orderd those Posts to be reinforcd, which by Treaty were to be deliverd to us. Encroachments are made, as I apprehend, on our Eastern Territories. Our Fishery may, under some frivolous Pretence be next interrupted. Should we not guard ourselves against British Intrigues & Factions. Her Emissaries, under the Guise of Merchants, Repenting Refugees, Schoolmasters, and other Characters, unless Care is taken, may effect another & fatal Revolution. The Commonwealth of England lasted twelve years, and then the exiled King was restored with all the Rage & Madness of Royalty!—A Caution to the Citizens of the United States zealously to counteract the Hopes our Enemies entertain of "Discord, Disunion, & Apathy on our Part," to watch over the publick Liberty & Safety with a jealous Eye, and to practice the moral and political Virtues upon which the very Existence of a Commonwealth depends.

Mrs. Adams desires me to present her respectful Compliments to you & your Connections. I am with great Esteem Your affectionate Friend



1785



TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lenox Library.]

BOSTON March 24 17851

MY HONORD FRIEND

Could I be perswaded to believe that by your long Silence you would intimate to me a Desire on your Part to put an End to our Epistolary Correspondence, you should never again be troubled with my Letters. But as I am not disposd to entertain unfavorable Thoughts of one whom I have valued as an unchanging Friend, I will now sollicit you in Behalf of two Persons both of whom I believe you will recollect, and whose Services to the United States, in their different Way, have in my Opinion been meritorious.

Mr Kirkland has for many years been a Missionary to the Indians of the six Nations under the Society in Scotland for promoting Christian Knowledge. He was recognizd by Congress & in 1779 was appointed by that Body to be Chaplain at Fort Stanwix; for this Cause that Charitable Society forbore to continue his usual Stipend. He had Influence sufficient to keep the Indians steadily attachd to the United States during the War, and you will judge Sir, of the Policy of engaging so useful a Man in the same Mission under Congress, lest another should be employed by that Society under the Pretext of promoting Christian knowledge among the Indians, [who] may be secretly instructed to instill into their Minds Prejudices in favor of Great Britain and dangerous to our Interest. Mr Kirkland is or soon will be in New York to state his Case to Congress.

Colo John Allan left a valueable Estate and powerful family Connections in Hallifax in the Beginning of the late War & took a decided Part with the United States. He had the Happiness of your Friendship when Congress sat in Baltimore; and was there appointed Superintendant of the Indians in the Eastern Department. I do not fear I shall dishonor myself by assuring you, that in my Opinion he has been a faithful & successful Servant of the Publick. He is gone to Congress to settle his Affairs. If it shall appear to you that I have not mistaken his true Character, your Sense of Justice will prevent the Necessity of any Sollicitation in his Behalf from, My dear Sir,

your unfeigned

& affectionate friend,

1 A letter by Adams to Elbridge Gerry, dated February 24, 1785, is in Magazine of American History, vol. xii., pp. 177, 178.



TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lenox Library]

BOSTON April 14 1785

MY DEAR SIR

Give me Leave to introduce to you Mr Graham1 the Bearer of this Letter & his Lady, Mrs Macauley Graham, who have honord this Town & highly gratified the virtuous Citizens by a residence of some Months past. We sometimes meet with genuine republican Sentiments in Persons born under Monarchy. It is truly mortifying when one meets with the reverse Character. I firmly believe that the benevolent Creator designd the republican Form of Government for Man. Will you venture so far as to say that all other Institutions that we know of are unnatural & tend more or less to distress human Societies? Will the Lion ever associate with the Lamb or the Leopard with the Kid till our favorite principles shall be universally establishd? I am with Truth & sincerity,

your affectiont friend,

1 On the same date Adams wrote to Washington, introducing Graham; a manuscript is in the Lenox Library and also in the Library of Congress.



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]

BOSTON July 2 1785

DEAR SIR

I cannot omit the Opportunity of writing by Monsr de la Etombe who is going to France & will take the Care of this Letter. You must not expect it to be a long one. There are many Things which I wish to say to you, but the Tremor of my Hand is so increasd that I am put to Difficulty to guide my Pen.

Our Merchants are complaining bitterly that Great Britain is ruining their Trade, and there is great Reason to complain; but I think much greater, to complain of too many of the Citizens thro' the Common wealth who are imitating the Britons in every idle Amusement & expensive Foppery which it is in their Power to invent for the Destruction of a young Country. Can our People expect to indulge themselves in the unbounded Use of every unmeaning & fantastick Extravagance because they would follow the Lead of Europeans, & not spend all their Money? You would be surprizd to see the Equipage, the Furniture & expensive Living of too many, the Pride & Vanity of Dress which pervades thro every Class, confounding every Distinction between the Poor & the Rich and evincing the Want both of Example & AEconomy.

Before this reaches you, you will have heard of the Change in our chiefe Magistrate. I confess it is what I have long wishd for. Our new Governor1 has issued his Proclamation for the Encouragement of Piety Virtue Education & Manners and for the Suppressing of Vice. This with the good Example of a first Magistrate & others may perhaps restore our Virtue.

Monsieur le Etomb's true Decency of Manners has done honor to your Letter of Recommendation.

Mrs A joins in sincere Respects to your Lady & Family.

Adieu my dear sir

1 James Bowdoin, who had succeeded John Hancock.



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft, dated 1784, is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON 16th Augt 1785

MY DEAR SIR

The Governour of this Commonwealth will transmit to you Copies of Letters which lately passed between him and Capt Stanhope Commander of the British Ship of War Mercury. This is the same Person, as I am told, who, when a Prisoner here in the early time of the War, was not too delicate in Point of Honor to break his Parole. The Governor however had treated him from the Time of his Arrival with the Civilities and Respect due to a Foreigner in his Station, without personal or national Distinction. The occasion of this Epistolary Correspondence which the Governor was necessarily carried into by the Petulance of Stanhope, was a Fricas which happened on the Evening of the 31st Ulto, between the [latter] and a young Sailor who alledges that he and a Number of American Prisoners on board the Mercury had been flogged by Stanhopes order for refusing to do the Duty of Seamen. The Altercation caused the People near to collect, and the Captain, either really or pretending to be, apprehensive of Danger, hast'ned away, a Number following excited by common Curiosity, till his Fears were quieted in the House of one of his Friends and the Scene ended. This gave rise to Stanhopes Letter the following Day. Whatever his Opinion might be of his own Importance, the Governor considerd him entitled only to the Common Protection of the Law, nor could he see any Obstacle in the Captains Way to obtain legal Satisfaction if he had receivd Injury, which required the extraordinary Interposition of Government; for Stanhope was the same Day abroad in the Town without the least Molestation or appearing to be apprehensive of any Affront. Perhaps this Gentleman's Ideas of Propriety of Conduct in the Governor might have led him to expect he would take the Part of a Grand Juryman or a Justice of the Peace, to enquire into Misdemeanours, or decide on little Controversies which frequently happen among Persons who know not how to keep upon Terms with each other.

I should not have troubled you with this Detail, had it not seemed to me somewhat necessary. You know it was formerly usual for such kind of Men as Stanhope appears to be, to fly to their Ships from pretended Danger, and by false representations impose on their too credulous Government. Adieu my friend, & believe me

Yours



TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[Historical Magazine, 2d ser., vol. i., pp. 167, 168.]

BOSTON Decr. 17, 1785.

MY DEAR SIR.

It gave much Pleasure to find that your Countrymen had again honour'd you with their Confidence in Congress. My most earnest wish is, that the Seats in that Sacred Hall may ever be filled with Men of true Wisdom. This Wish, I know, cannot be gratified when the United States shall become debased in Principles and Manners. HOW much then depends upon the Exertions of the present members to perpetuate the Honour and Happiness of our Country by guarding its Virtue!

I beg leave once more to trespass upon your Time by calling your attention to my Friend Captn Landais. You and I patronized him when he first came into this Country: and I have never for a Moment repented of the small share I had in his Promotion in the American Navy, although he has met with the Fate which sometimes has been the Lot of honest Men, through the errors, to say the least, of Courts. He had long suffered as other virtuous Men had, by a Faction on the other side of the Atlantick, which found means to extend itself to this Country, and as you well remember, to the very Doors of Congress!—But enough of this—Your kind Assistance was greatly beneficial to him in his late Application to Congress, and he and I gratefully acknowledged it. But he remains still embarrassed, and as I conceive, not without Reason—His Pay as Commander of the Alliance is offered to him in a Certificate. But what is such a Piece of Paper worth. If it be said, all our brave Sea Officers & Men are thus to be paid, should it not be remembered, that those who continued in the service to the end of the War are allowed a Gratuity. This Allowance was Established several years after he left the Service, and cannot include him, nor does he desire it—But he was broke by a Court Martial—True. And if a private Gentleman discharges his domestick servant even for a Fault, does he not in Justice pay him his due wages? And are not States bound by the Rules of Justice? Captain Landais has been obliged to pay an interest on money he has borrowed for his support and other necessary expenses, more than the Value of his Pay, and the want of his just Dues has kept him out of Business—He also suffers by a short Allowance of Interest on the Gratuity granted to him for an important service. Congress ordered 12,000 Livres to be paid him for that service, in France. The Payment there would have been and it was intended to be an advantage to him. It was paid to him in America, and not till the last year—Should not the interest on that sum have commenced in 1777 when the service was performed instead of 79 as it is now settled? But his greatest Grievance, in which indeed he is a sufferer in common with others is the Detention of Prize Money —You recollect this mysterious Business and how often we were written to, and very pressingly by my worthy Friend your Brother. We have been lately told that Capt. Paul Jones has received a large sum on that account. This Jones Captn. Landais looks upon as his inveterate Enemy & he has not the least Confidence in him—If you think as I do that he has a Right to authentick copies of Letters written by Jones to Congress or any of the Boards on an affair so interesting to him, on his proper application, your Advice to him on this as well as his other concerns will add to the obligations I am already under to you.

Will you be so kind as to transmit me the names of the present Members of Congress and the States they severally represent,—

I am

Your affectionate Friend1

1A letter by Adams to Rufus King, dated January 30, 1786, is in Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, vol. i., pp. 153, 154.



1786



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a text is in John Adams, Works, vol. ix., p. 547.]

BOSTON April 13 1786

DEAR SIR

Doctor Gordon is to deliver you this Letter. He is going to the Land of his Nativity, wishing for the best Happiness of his own Country & ours and hoping that mutual Affection will be at length restored, as the only Means of the prosperity of both. As he determines to spend the Remainder of his Days in the Country where he was born, what rational Man who considers the Ties of human Nature will wonder, if "Esto perpetua" is his most ardent Prayer for her! But the Attachments he has made here, his private Friendships and the Part he has taken in our publick Cause afford Reason to believe that his second Wish is for us. I am affraid however, that the Doctor builds too much upon the Hopes of the Return of mutual Affection; for Can this exist without Forgivness of Injury, and Can his Country ever cordially forgive ours whom she intended to injure so greatly? Her very Disappointment will perpetually irritate her own Feelings and in Spite of Reason or Religion prevent her conceiving a Sentiment of Friendship for us. And besides, she will never believe that there is a Possibility that we can forgive her. We must therefore be content, at least for a great While to come, to live with her as a prudent Man will with one who indeed has professd a Friendship for him, but whose Sincerity he has Reason vehemently to suspect; guarding against Injury from him by making it his Interest to do as little as possible. This is an arduous Task our Country has committed to you. Trade is a Matter I have had so little to do with, that it is not in my Power to aid you in this more than in any one thing else. May He who has endued you with a Strength of Understanding which your Country confides in afford you all that Light which is necessary for so great an Undertaking!

The Child whom I led by the Hand with a particular Design, I find is now become a promising youth. He brought me one of your Letters—God bless the Lad! If I was instrumental at that Time of enkindling the Sparks of Patriotism in his tender Heart, it will add to my Consolation in the latest Hour.— Adieu my Friend. Mrs Adams desires your Lady & Family may be assured of her cordial Esteem & Love.

Believe that I am very affectionately

Your Friend

& humble Servant



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy , a draft, dated July 20, is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library]

BOSTON July 21 1786

MY DEAR SIR

There are two great Objects which I think should engage the Attention of Patriots here, & which appear to me to involve every thing else—to preserve entire our political Liberties, & to support our National Faith. To effect either of these Capital Ends, we must counterwork the Designs of Great Britain, who to say the least does not appear to be our most cordial Friend, by her Emissaries amongst us, to ruin both. The internal Enemies of this Country ridiculed our early Ideas of Opposition, embarrassd our Measures through the whole Conflict and prolonged the War. They had nearly broke up our Army in 1782, and they are now practicing the same Arts, by influencing many weak Men to withhold the necessary Aid of Taxes, to destroy the publick Faith. I should therefore think it very impolitick to increase their Number by admitting the Tory Refugees without Discrimination. Jonathan Philanthrop whom you well knew, with many others took a very active Part, & they were very successful in promoting the Designs of the British Government before the War , There are some among them who would be the fittest Instruments to be employed by that Court in tearing up, or rather undermining the Foundations of our newly erected Fabrick.—If you ask, What has thrown me into this Fit of Zeal against the Refugees? I answer, they already have or soon will in my opinion form a dangerous Faction. But I will be more explicit in my next.

This Letter I commit to the care of Mr Benj Austin junr whose Father and Connexions you are not unacquainted with. Adieu & believe me

your affectionate Friend



1787



TO RICHARD HENRY LEE

[MS , Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society, a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library , a text is in W. V Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. in , pp. 251-253]

BOSTON Decr 3d 1787

MY DEAR SIR

I am to acknowledge your several Favours of the 5th and 27 of October, the one by the Post and the other by our worthy Friend Mr Gerry. The Session of our General Court which lasted six Weeks, and my Station there requiring my punctual & constant Attendance, prevented my considering the new Constitution as it is already called, so closely as was necessary for me before I should venture an Opinion. I confess, as I enter the Building I stumble at the Threshold. I meet with a National Government, instead of a Federal Union of Sovereign States. I am not able to conceive why the Wisdom of the Convention led them to give the Preference to the former before the latter. If the several States in the Union are to become one entire Nation, under one Legislature, the Powers of which shall extend to every Subject of Legislation, and its Laws be supreme & controul the whole, the Idea of Sovereignty in these States must be lost. Indeed I think, upon such a Supposition, those Sovereignties ought to be eradicated from the Mind; for they would be Imperia in Imperio justly deemd a Solecism in Politicks, & they would be highly dangerous, and destructive of the Peace Union and Safety of the Nation. And can this National Legislature be competent to make Laws for the free internal Government of one People, living in Climates so remote and whose "Habits & particular Interests" are and probably always will be so different. Is it to be expected that General Laws can be adapted to the Feelings of the more Eastern and the more Southern Parts of so extensive a Nation? It appears to me difficult if practicable. Hence then may we not look for Discontent, Mistrust, Disaffection to Government and frequent Insurrections, which will require standing Armies to suppress them in one Place & another where they may happen to arise. Or if Laws could be made, adapted to the local Habits, Feelings, Views & Interests of those distant Parts, would they not cause Jealousies of Partiality in Government which would excite Envy and other malignant Passions productive of Wars and fighting. But should we continue distinct sovereign States, confederated for the Purposes of mutual Safety and Happiness, each contributing to the federal Head such a Part of its Sovereignty as would render the Government fully adequate to those Purposes and no more, the People would govern themselves more easily, the Laws of each State being well adapted to its own Genius & Circumstances, and the Liberties of the United States would be more secure than they can be, as I humbly conceive, under the proposed new Constitution. You are sensible, Sir, that the Seeds of Aristocracy began to spring even before the Conclusion of our Struggle for the natural Rights of Men, Seeds which like a Canker Worm lie at the Root of free Governments. So great is the Wickedness of some Men, & the stupid Servility of others, that one would be almost inclined to conclude that Communities cannot be free. The few haughty Families, think They must govern. The Body of the People tamely consent & submit to be their Slaves. This unravels the Mystery of Millions being enslaved by the few! But I must desist—My weak hand prevents my proceeding further at present. I will send you my poor Opinion of the political Structure at another Time. In the Interim oblige me with your Letters; & present mine and Mrs A's best Regards to your Lady & Family, Colo Francis, Mr A. L. if with you, & other Friends, & be assured that I am

very affectionately yours

As I thought it a Piece of Justice I have venturd to say that I had often heard from the best Patriots from Virginia that Mr G Mason was an early active & able Advocate for the Liberties of America.



1789



TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in the Samuel ,Adams Papers, Lenox Library]

BOSTON April 22d, 1789.

MY DEAR FRIEND

You must not expect lengthy Letters from me for a Reason which I have heretofore given you. Possibly, however, I may trouble you with more frequent Letters. I hope the federal Congress is vested with Powers adequate to all the great purposes of the federal Union; and if they have such adequate Powers, no true and understanding Federalist would consent that they should be trusted with more—for more would discover the Folly of the People in their wanton Grant of Power, because it might, and considering the Disposition of the human Mind, without Doubt would be wantonly [exercised to] their Injury and Ruin. The Powers vested in Government by the People, the only just Source of such Powers, ought to be critically defined and well understood; lest by a Misconstruction of ambiguous Expressions, and by interested Judges too, more Power might be assumed by the Government than the People ever intended they should possess. Few men are contented with less Power than they have a Right to exercise, the Ambition of the human Heart grasps at more. This is evinced by the Experience of all Ages.

Will you give me Leave to mention to you the Name of Leonard Jarvis, Esqr; a Gentleman to whose agreable Acquaintance, tho he is a native of this Town, I introduced myself by the Request of our worthy Friend General Whipple now deceased. Mr. Jarvis is a very sensible Republican, and an honest Man. He holds the Place of Comptroller General in this Commonwealth. I believe Mr. Dalton can shew you a Specimen of his Industry and Accuracy in Business. It is not by his Solicitation, or even knowledge that I write this. I am induced to it, because I think that good Men living at a Distance from the Seat of the federal Government, and capable of serving the United States should be made known.

Adieu my dear Sir.



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 284, 285; the text is also in the pamphlet Resolutions of the General Court (Boston, 1789), p. 7.]

May 27, 1789.1

MR. PRESIDENT,—

I have been politely notified by a joint committee of the two branches of the General Court that, having examined the returns of the votes for a Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth, it appears that a majority of the electors have seen fit to give me their suffrages.

I am impressed with a warm sense of the honor done me, and it is a pleasing reflection, in my own mind, that I have this testimonial of the confidence of my countrymen, without my solicitation or interference in any manner to obtain it.

I rejoice in the freedom of our elections; and it affords me particular satisfaction to be invited to take a share in government by citizens possessed of the most lively feelings of natural and civil liberty, and enlightened with the knowledge and true ends of civil government, who, in conjunction with their sister States, have gloriously contended for the rights of mankind, and given the world another lesson, drawn from experience, that all countries may be free, since it has pleased the righteous Governor of the universe to smile upon their virtuous exertions, and crown them with independence and liberty.

If it be not improper on this occasion, may I beg leave to express a devout and fervent wish that gracious Heaven may guide the public councils of the great confederated commonwealth, and the several free and independent republics which compose it, so that the people may be highly respected and prosperous in their affairs abroad, and enjoy at home that tranquillity which results from a well-grounded confidence that their personal and domestic rights are secure.

I feel, sir, a diffidence of my own abilities, and am anxious but in certain events they may be found inadequate to the importance of the duties I may be called to perform; but relying on the aid of Divine grace, and hoping for the justice, candor, and liberal sentiments of the General Court and of my fellow-citizens at large, I venture to accept the trust, and am now ready to be qualified in the mode prescribed by the Constitution.

1 Upon taking the oath as Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts.



TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society.]

BOSTON July 14th, 1789

DEAR SIR

I have not lately received a Line from you, and am ready to impute it to the Multiplicity of Affairs in which your Mind is employed. You must not expect that I shall be even with you upon the epistolary Score, for the Reason which I have heretofore given you. I wish to know from you the State of federal Affairs as often as your Leisure may admit.1 We organize our State Governments, and I heartily wish that their Authority and Dignity may be preserved within their several Jurisdictions, as far as may be consistent with the Purposes for which the federal Government is designed. They are in my opinion petit Politicians who would wish to lessen the due Weight of the State Governments; for I think the federal must depend upon the Influence of these to carry their Laws into Effect; and while those Laws have for their sole Object the promoting the purposes of the federal Union, there is Reason to expect they will have the due Support of the State Authorities. Places are now become the Object of Multitudes; I mentioned to you in a former Letter the name of Leonard Jarvis, Esqr whom I hope you will not forget. Israel Keith, Esqr wishes to have the Place of Marshall within this District. He is a Gentleman of the Law, and was during the War Aid de Camp to General Heath, who I understand has recommended him to the President. You will gratify the wishes of Mr Keith as far as shall consist with your own Ideas of Propriety; and be assured, that I am sincerely

Your Friend,

P. S. I have been informed that Mr Edward Church a Native of this Town, but now an Inhabitant of Georgia is in the City of New York. I take him to have been a steady Friend to the Liberties of our Country, and a man of Sense and Integrity. If it will not weary you with Applications I will beg your Notice of him, and after your own Inquiries afford him your Influence, if you shall think it proper, in promoting him to a suitable Employment under Congress in the State of Georgia. This I mention without his Sollicitation, or even Knowledge.

1 Lee was at this time in the United States Senate.



TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library]

BOSTON Augt 22 1789

MY DEAR SIR

I wrote to you hastily two days ago, & as hastily venturd an Opinion concerning the Right of Congress to controul a Light-house erected on Land belonging to this sovereign & independent State for its own Use & at its own Expence. I say sovereign & independent, because I think the State retains all the Rights of Sovereignty which it has not expressly parted with to the Congress of the United States—a federal Power instituted solely for the Support of the federal Union.

The Sovereignty of the State extends over every part of its Territory. The federal Constitution expresses the same Idea in Sec. 8, Art. 1. A Power is therein given to Congress "to exercise like Authority," that is to exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, "over all places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature in which the same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, and other needful Buildings," among which Light-houses may be included. Is it not the plain Conclusion from this Clause in the Compact, that Congress have not the Right to exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, nor even to purchase or controul any part of the Territory within a State for the Erection of needful Buildings unless it has the Consent of its Legislature. If there are any such Buildings already erected, which operate to the General Welfare of the U S, and Congress by Virtue of the Power vested in them have taken from a State for the general Use, the necessary Means of supporting such Buildings it appears to be reasonable & just that the U S should maintain them; but I think that it follows not from hence, that Congress have a right to exercise any Authority over those buildings even to make Appointments of officers for the immediate Care of them or furnishing them with necessary Supplies. I wish to have your Opinion if you can find Leisure.

I hope Congress, before they adjourn, will take into very serious Consideration the necessary Amendments of the Constitution. Those whom I call the best—the most judicious & disinterested Federalists, who wish for the perpetual Union, Liberty & Happiness of the States & their respective Citizens, many of them if not all are anxiously expecting them. They wish to see a Line drawn as clearly as may be, between the federal Powers vested in Congress and the distinct Sovereignty of the several States upon which the private & personal Rights of the Citizens depend. Without such Distinction there will be Danger of the Constitution issuing imperceptibly and gradually into a consolidated Government over all the States; which, altho it may be wished for by some was reprobated in the Idea by the highest Advocates for the Constitution as it stood without Amendmts. I am fully persuaded that the population of the U S livg in different Climates, of different Education and Manners, and possest of different Habits & feelings under one consolidated Governt can not long remain free, or indeed remain under any kind of Governt but despotism.

You will not forget our old Friend Devens, and if you please mention him to Mr R H Lee.

Adieu my dear Friend and believe me to be sincerely your,

P. S. The joint regards of Mrs A & myself to Mrs Gerry.



TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON August 24th 1789.

MY DEAR SIR

Your very acceptable Letter of the 8th Current came to me by the Post. You flatter me very much when you tell me that any sentiment of mine can please you. I have always been apprehensive that through the weakness of the human Mind often discovered even in the wisest and best of Men, or the perverseness of the interested, and designing, in as well as out of Government; Misconstructions would be given to the federal constitution, which would disappoint the Views, and expectations of the honest among those who acceded to it, and hazard the Liberty, Independence and Happiness of the People. I was particularly affraid that unless great care should be taken to prevent it, the Constitution in the Administration of it would gradually, but swiftly and imperceptably run into a consolidated Government pervading and legislating through all the States, not for federal purposes only as it professes, but in all cases whatsoever: such a Government would soon totally annihilate the Sovereignty of the several States so necessary to the Support of the confederated Commonwealth, and sink both in despotism. I know these have been called vulgar opinions, and prejudices: be it so—I think it is Lord Shaftsbury who tells us, that it is folly to despise the opinions of the Vulgar; this Aphorism, if indeed it is his, I eagerly catched from a Nobleman many years ago, whose writings on some accounts, I never much admired. Should a strong Federalist as some call themselves see what has now dropt from my Pen, he would say that I am an Antifed, an Amendment Monger &c; those are truly vulgar terms, invented and used by some whose feelings would be sorely wounded to be ranked among such kind of Men, and invented and used for the mean purpose of deceiving, and entrapping others whom they call the Vulgar; but in this "enlightned" Age one should think there was no such Vulgar to be thus amused, and ensnared. I mean, my friend, to let you know how deeply, I am impressed with a sense of the Importance of Amendments; that the good People may clearly see the distinction, for there is a distinction, between the federal Powers vested in Congress, and the sovereign Authority belonging to the several States, which is the Palladium of the private, and personal rights of the Citizens. I freely protest to you that I earnestly wish some Amendments may be judiciously, and deliberately made without partial or local considerations—that there may be no uncomfortable Jarrings among the several Powers; that the whole People may in every State contemplate their own safety on solid grounds, and the Union of the States be perpetual. I hope that you have recovered your health, so valuable to our Country. Your Letter requires a further Consideration. I will at present only express my astonishment at the strange and absurd Opinion of our former republican Connecticut friend. Tempora mutantur, et hic mutatur in illis.

Your friend,



TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society, a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON Augt 29th. 1789.

MY DEAR SIR

The Power of removing federal Officers at the Pleasure of the President is to be found the Constitution or it is not. If it is, What Need was there of an Act or Decision of Congress to authorize it? But if it is not, could Congress give so important a Power? What have the United States been contending for? Liberty. This is the great Object of their State Governments, and has not the federal Constitution the same Object in View? If therefore a Doubt arises respecting the Exercise of any Power, no Construction, I conceive, should militate with the main Design, or Object of the Charter. If there is a total Silence in the Constitution, is it not natural to conclude that an Officer holding during Pleasure is removable by the same Power which appointed him, whether vested in a single Person, or a joint Number? I am sensible, it is said, that a single Person, being amenable for his Exercise of Power will use the utmost Circumspection. This may be true, but may not this Idea be carried too far in Practice? May not some Powers vested in a single Man give him such Weight and Influence as to render any Restraint from his feeling himself amenable of little, or no Effect. If this Power lodged in the Discretion of a single Person will afford a greater Security against Corruption because of his Amenability, why should not the Power of appointing as well as removing Officers be given to him? In the one Case the gracious Hand may be held forth, in the other, the threatning Rod; and both may be used for improper Purposes. In England, "the King can do no wrong" is a Maxim. His Ministers are made accountable for him; and how often have corrupt Ministers and Councellors been brought to the Block for Follies and Crimes committed by their Royal Masters who can do no Wrong? And it may also be asked, how often such Ministers and Councellors have found Means to get themselves screened from Punishment through the Influence of their Masters, by procuring Parliamentary Sanctions to such Crimes and Follies? But in the Removal of Officers the President has not a Constitutional Council. He must therefore be solely accountable. I need not tell you who have known so thoroughly the Sentiments of my Heart, that I have always had a very high Esteem for the late Commander in Chief of our Armies; and I now most sincerely believe that while President Washington continues in the Chair he will be able to give to all good Men a satisfactory Reason for every Instance of his public Conduct. I feel myself constrained contrary to my usual Manner to make Professions of Sincerity on this Occasion because Dr Gordon in his History of the Revolution, among many other Anecdotes innocent and triffling enough, has gravely said, that I was concerned in an Attempt to remove General Washington from Command; and mentions an anonymous Letter written to your late Governor Henry which I affirm I never saw nor heard of till I lately met with it in reading the History1—This is a Digression to which a Man of my years is liable. Who will succeed the present President for it is the Lot of Man to die? Perhaps the next and the next may inherit his Virtues. But my Friend, I fear the Time will come, when a Bribe shall remove the most excellent Man from Office for the Purpose of making Room for the worst. It will be called an Error in Judgment. The Bribe will be concealed. It may however be vehemently suspected & who, in Times of great Degeneracy will venture to search out and detect the corrupt Practices of great Men? Unless a sufficient Check is provided and clearly ascertained for every Power given, will not the Constitution and the Liberties of the Citizens for want of such Checks be finally subverted.

A Gentleman of this Place who has suffered much for his Attachment to our Cause I conceive has Documents in his Hands which would be of Importance in the Settlement of the Eastern Boundary of the United States which appears to have been encroached upon by the British. I wrote so long ago as last April to Mr Dalton respecting this Gentleman; but have never received an Answer. He I suppose is able to give you an Account of Mr Boyd the Name of the Gentleman referred to. I wish you would converse with Mr Dalton upon the Subject. The Vice President however is probably able, and undoubtedly disposed to give you the fullest Account. I am sincerely yours

P. S. Pray write to me and let me know the State of your Health, & pay my affectionate Regards to your Brother the Doctor.

1 William Gordon, History of the American Revolution, (3rd Amer. edit.) vol. ii., p. 306.



1790



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

MAY 28, 1790.1

[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. in., pp. 288, 289; a text is in the Massachusetts Archives.]

MR. PRESIDENT,—

Having been regularly informed that a majority of the late electors in the several towns and districts within this Commonwealth have honored me with their suffrages for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, I now present myself before the two branches of the General Court to be qualified as the Constitution directs. I do the more readily obey this repeated call, because I cannot help flattering myself that it has proceeded from a persuasion in the minds of my fellow-citizens of the attachment of my heart to their rights and liberties, and my earnest desires that they may be perpetuated. My fellow-citizens may be assured that I feel that attachment and the strength of those desires. The first of my wishes, as they respect this life, is for our country; and the best of my feeble abilities shall be ever employed for her prosperity.

I shall presently be called upon by you, sir, as it is enjoined by the Constitution, to make a declaration upon oath (and shall do it with cheerfulness, because the injunction accords with my own judgment and conscience) that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts is, and of right ought to be, a free, sovereign, and independent State. I shall also be called upon to make another declaration, with the same solemnity, to support the Constitution of the United States. I see the consistency of this, for it cannot have been intended but that these Constitutions should mutually aid and support each other. It is my humble opinion that, while the Commonwealth of Massachusetts maintains her own just authority, weight, and dignity, she will be among the firmest pillars of the Federal Union.

May the administration of the Federal government, and those of the several States in the Union, be guided by the unerring finger of Heaven! Each of them and all of them united will then, if the people are wise, be as prosperous as the wisdom of human institutions and the circumstances of human society will admit.

1 Upon taking office as Lieutenant-Governor, to which office he was also elected in 1791 and 1792.



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.1]

BOSTON Septemr 2d 1790

SR

I have not written a single line to any friend in, or out of Congress during the late session, having been prevented by my old nervous disorder, and am now dictating this to a confidential friend, whom you well know.

Capn Nathaniel Byfield Lyde who commanded the Ship in which your Lady sailed to England has informed me that a number of Vessells are to be built, and employed to guard the coast for a preventing of breaches of the act of trade; and he requests me to ask the favour of you to mention his Name to the President of the United States for a command. I now gratify his request, which is my apology.

I hope you, and your connections are in good health, and spirits. Mrs Adams joins me in due Regards to yourself, and Lady.

I am, dear sir, with much Esteem, and respect, Your affectionate friend,

1 The body of this letter, like several in the later years, was not in the autograph of Adams.



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; the text is in John Adams, Works, vol. vi., pp. 412-414, W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 300-302; cf. Department of State, Bureau of Rolls and Library, Bulletin No. 8, p. 15.]

BOSTON Octr 4th 1790

DEAR SIR

With pleasure I received your Letter of Septr 12th; and as our good friend, to whom I dictated our last is yet in Town, I have requested of him a second favour.

You ask what the World is about to become? and, Is the Millenium commencing? I have not studied the Prophesies, and cannot even conjecture. The Golden Age so finely pictured by Poets, I believe has never yet existed; but in their own imaginations. In the earliest periods, when for the honor of human nature, one should have thought, that man had not learnt to be cruel; what Scenes of horror have been exhibited in families of some of the best instructors in Piety and morals! Even the heart of our first father was grievously wounded at the sight of the murder of one of his Sons, perpetrated by the hand of the other. Has Mankind since seen the happy Age? No, my friend. The same Tragedys have been acted on the Theatre of the World, the same Arts of tormenting have been studied, and practiced to this day; and true religion, and reason united have never succeeded to establish the permanent foundations of political freedom, and happiness in the most enlightened Countries on the Earth. After a compliment to Boston Town meetings, and our Harvard College as having "set the universe in Motion"; you tell me Every Thing will be pulled down; I think with you, "So much seems certain," but what say you, will be built up? Hay, wood and stubble, may probably be the materials, till Men shall be yet more enlightened, and more friendly to each other. "Are there any Principles of Political Architecture?" Undoubtedly. "What are they?" Philosophers ancient, and modern, have laid down different plans, and all have thought themselves, masters of the true Principles. Their Disciples have followed them, probably with a blind prejudice, which is always an Enemy to truth, and have thereby added fresh fuel to the fire of Contention, and increased the political disorder. Kings have been deposed by aspiring Nobles, whose pride could not brook restraint. These have waged everlasting War, against the common rights of Men. The Love of Liberty is interwoven in the soul of Man, and can never be totally extinguished; and there are certain periods when human patience can no longer endure indignity, and oppression. The spark of liberty then kindles into a flame; when the injured people attentive to the feelings of their just rights magnanimously contend for their compleat restoration. But such contests have too often ended in nothing more than "a change of Impostures, and impositions". The Patriots of Rome put an End to the Life of Caesar; and Rome submitted to a Race of Tyrants in his stead. Were the People of England free, after they had obliged King John to concede to them their ancient rights, and Libertys, and promise to govern them according to the Old Law of the Land? Were they free, after they had wantonly deposed their Henrys, Edwards, and Richards to gratify family pride? Or, after they had brought their first Charles to the block, and banished his family? They were not. The Nation was then governed by Kings, Lords, and Commons, and its Libertys were lost by a strife among three Powers, soberly intended to check each other, and keep the scales even. But while we daily see the violence of the human passions controuling the Laws of Reason and religion, and stifling the very feelings of humanity; can we wonder, that in such tumults little or no regard is had to Political Checks and Ballances? And such tumults have always happened within as well as without doors. The best formed constitutions that have yet been contrived by the wit of Man have, and will come to an End—because "the Kingdoms of the Earth have not been governed by Reason." The Pride of Kings, of Nobles, and leaders of the People who have all governed in their turns, have disadjusted the delicate frame, and thrown all into confusion. What then is to be done?—Let Divines, and Philosophers, Statesmen and Patriots unite their endeavours to renovate the Age, by impressing the Minds of Men with the importance of educating their little boys, and girls—of inculcating in the Minds of youth the fear, and Love of the Deity, and universal Phylanthropy; and in subordination to these great principles, the Love of their Country—of instructing them in the Art of self government, without which they never can act a wise part in the Government of Societys great, or small—in short of leading them in the Study, and Practice of the exalted Virtues of the Christian system, which will happily tend to subdue the turbulent passions of Men, and introduce that Golden Age beautifully described in figurative language; when the Wolf shall dwell with the Lamb, and the Leopard lie down with the Kid—the Cow, and the bear shall feed; their young ones shall lie down together, and the Lyon shall eat straw like the Ox—none shall then hurt, or destroy; for the Earth shall be full of the Knowledge of the Lord. When this Millenium shall commence, if there shall be any need of Civil Government, indulge me in the fancy that it will be in the republican form, or something better.

I thank you for your Countenance to our friend Lyde. Mrs Adams tells me to remember her to yourself, Lady, and connections; And be assured that I am sincerely

your friend,



TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; the text with variations is in John Adams, Works, vol. vi., pp. 420-426, W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 308-314; cf. Department of State, Bureau of Rolls and Library, Bulletin No. 8, p. 16. Certain texts give the date as November 20.]

BOSTON Novemr 25th 1790

MY DEAR SIR

I lately received your Letter of the 18th of October.—The Sentiment, and observations contained in it demand my attention.

A Republic, you tell me, is a Government in which "the People have an essential share in the sovereignty;" Is not the whole sovereignty, my friend, essentially in the People? Is not Government designed for the Welfare and happiness of all the People? and is it not the uncontroulable essential right of the People to amend, and alter, or annul their Constitution, and frame a new one, whenever they shall think it will better promote their own welfare, and happiness to do it? That the Sovereignty resides in the People is a political doctrine which I have never heard an American Politician seriously deny. The Constitutions of the American States reserve to the People the exercise of the rights of Sovereignty; by the annual, or biennial elections of their Governours, Senators, & Representatives; and by empowering their own Representatives to impeach the greatest officers of the State, before the Senators who are also chosen by themselves.

We the people is the stile of the federal Constitution. They adopted it; and conformably to it, they delegate the exercise of the Powers of Government to particular persons, who, after short intervals resign their Powers to the People, and they will re-elect them, or appoint others, as1 they think fit.

The American Legislatures are nicely balanced: They consist of two branches, each having a check upon the determinations of the other: they sit in different chambers, and probably often reason differently in their respective chambers, on the same question— if they disagree in their decisions, by a conference their reasons, and Arguments are mutually communicated to each other: Candid explanations tend to bring them to agreement; and then according to the Massachusetts constitution, the matter is laid before the first Magistrate for his revision. He states objections, if he has any, with his Reasons, and returns them to the Legislators, who by larger Majorities ultimately decide. Here is a mixture of three Powers founded in the Nature of Man; calculated to call forth the rational Faculties in the great points of Legislation, into exertion; to cultivate mutual Friendship, and good humour; and finally to enable them to decide, not by the impulse of passion, or party prejudice, but the calm Voice of Reason, which is the Voice of God:—In this mixture you may see your "natural, and actual Aristocracy among mankind," operating among the several Powers in Legislation, and producing the most happy Effects. But the Son of an excellent Man may never inherit the great qualities of his father; this is common observation, and there are many instances of its truth: Should we not therefore conclude that hereditary Nobility is a solecism in Government? Their Lordships Sons, or Grandsons may be destitute of the faintest feelings of honor, or honesty; and yet retain an essential share in the Government by right of inheritance from Ancestors, who may have been the Minions of ministers—the favourites of Mistresses, or Men of real, and distinguished Merit. The same may be said of hereditary Kings; Their Successors may also become so degenerated, and corrupt, as to have neither inclination, nor capacity to know the extent, and Limits of their own Powers, nor consequently those of others. Such kind of Political Beings, Nobles, or Kings, possessing hereditary right to essential shares in an equipoized Government are very unfit persons to hold the scales; Having no just conception of the Principles of the Government, nor of the part which they, and their copartners bear in the administration; they run a wild career, destroy the checks, and ballances, by interfering in each others departments, till the Nation is involved in confusion, and reduced to the danger, at least, of Bloodshed to remove a Tyranny, which may ensue. Much safer is it, and much more does it tend to promote the Welfare and happiness of Society to fill up the offices of Government after the mode prescribed in the American Constitution, by frequent Elections of the People. They may indeed be deceived in their choice; they sometimes are; but the Evil is not incurable; the Remedy is always near; they will feel their mistakes, and correct them.

I am very willing to agree with you in thinking, that improvement in Knowledge, and Benevolence receive much assistance from the principles, and Systems of good Government: But is it not as true that without knowledge, and benevolence Men would neither have been capable or disposed to search for the principles, or form the System—Should we not, my friend, bear a gratefull remembrance of our pious and benevolent Ancestors, who early laid plans of Education; by which means Wisdom, Knowledge, and Virtue have been generally diffused among the body of the people, and they have been enabled to form and establish a civil constitution calculated for the preservation of their rights, and liberties. This Constitution was evidently founded in the expectation of the further progress, and "extraordinary degrees" of virtue. It injoyns the encouragement of all Seminaries of Literature, which are the nurseries of Virtue depending upon these for the support of Government, rather than Titles, Splendor, or Force. Mr Hume may call this a "Chimerical Project." I am far from thinking the People can be deceived by urging upon them a dependance on the more general prevalence of Knowledge, and Virtue: It is one of the most essential means of further, and still further improvements in Society, and of correcting, and amending moral sentiments, and habits, and political institutions; till "by human means" directed by divine influence, Men shall be prepared for that "happy, and holy State" when the Messiah is to reign.

"It is a fixed Principle that all good Government is, and must be Republican." You have my hearty concurrence; and I believe we are well enough acquainted with each others Ideas to understand what we respectively mean when we "use the Word with approbation." The Body of the People in this Country are not so ignorant as those of England were in the Time of the Interregnum Parliament. They are better educated: they will not easily be prevailed upon to believe that a Republican is "as unamiable as a Witch, a Blasphemer, a Rebel, or a Tyrant." They are charmed with their forms of Government, in which is admitted a mixture of Powers to check the human passions, and controul them from rushing into exorbitances. So well assured are they, that their liberties are best secured, by their own frequent, and free Election of fit persons to be the essential sharers in the administration of their Government, and that this form of Government is truly Republic, that the body of the People will not be perswaded nor compelled to "renounce, detest, and execrate the very Word Republican as the English do." Their Education has "confirmed them in the opinion of the necessity of preserving, and strengthening the Dykes against the Ocean, its Tydes, and Storms," and I think they have made more safe, and more durable Dykes, than the English have done.

We agree in the Utility of universal Education, but "will nations agree in it as fully, and extensively as we do"? Why should they not? It would not be fair to conclude, that because they have not yet been disposed to agree in it, they never will. It is allowed, that the present age is more enlightened than former ones. Freedom of enquiry is certainly more encouraged: The feelings of humanity have softned the heart: The true principles of civil, and religious Liberty are better understood: Tyranny in all its shapes, is more detested, and bigotry, if not still blind, must be mortified to see that she is despised. Such an age may afford at least a flattering Expectation that Nations, as well as individuals, will view the utility of universal Education in so strong a light as to induce sufficient national Patronage, and Support. Future Ages will probably be more enlightned than this.

The Love of Liberty is interwoven in the Soul of Man. "So it is in that of a Wolf;" However irrational, ungenerous, and unsocial the love of liberty may be in a rude Savage, he is capable of being enlightned by Experience, Reflection, Education, and civil, and Political Institutions. But the Nature of the Wolf is, and ever will be confined to running in the forest to satisfy his hunger, and his brutal appetites; the Dog is inclined in a more easy way to seek his living, and fattens his sides with what comes from his masters kitchen. The Comparison of La Fontaine is in my opinion ungenerous, unnatural, and unjust.

Among the Numbers of Men, my friend, are to be found not only those who have "preferred ease, slumber, and good chear to liberty"; but others, who have eagerly sought after Thrones, and Sceptres, hereditary shares in Sovereignty Riches, and Splendor, Titles, Stars, Garters, Crosses, Eagles, and many other childish play things, at the expence of real Nobility, without one thought, or care for the liberty, and happiness of the rest of Mankind. "The People, who have no property feel the Power of governing by a majority; and even attack those who have property." "The injured Men of Property recur to finess, trick, and Stratagem," to outwit them: True; These may proceed from a Lust of domination in some of both parties. Be this as it may; It has been known, that such deceitful tricks have been practiced by some of the rich upon their unsuspecting fellow Citizens; to turn the determination of Questions, so as to answer their own selfish purposes. To plunder or filch the rights of Men are crimes equally immoral, and nefarious; though committed in a different manner: Neither of them is confined to the Rich, or the Poor; they are too common among both. The Lords as well as the commons of Great Brittain by continued large majorities endeavoured by Finess, Tricks, and Stratagems, as well as threats to prevail on the American Colonies to surrender their Liberty and Property to their disposal. These failing, they attempted to plunder our rights by force of Arms. We feared their Arts more than their Arms. Did the Members of that hereditary House of Lords, who constituted those repeated majorities, then possess the spirit of Nobility? Not so, I think: That Spirit resided in the illustrious Minorities in both Houses. But "by Nobles" who have prevented "one hideous Despotism as horrid as that of Turkey from falling to the lot of every Nation of Europe"; you mean not peculiarly an hereditary Nobility, or any particular Modification, but "the natural, and actual Aristocracy among Mankind;" The existence of which, I am not disposed to deny. Where is this Aristocracy to be found? Among Men of all Ranks and Conditions. The Cottager may beget a wise Son; the Noble, a Fool: The one is capable of great Improvement—the other not. Education is within the Power of Men, and Societys of Men. Wise, and judicious Modes of Education, patronized, and supported by communities, will draw together the Sons of the rich, and the poor, among whom it makes no distinction; it will cultivate the natural Genius, elevate the Soul, excite laudable Emulation to excel in Knowledge, Piety, and Benevolence, and finally it will reward its Patrons, and Benefactors by sheding its benign Influence on the Public Mind. Education inures Men to thinking and reflection, to reasoning and demonstration. It discovers to them the moral and religious duties they owe to God, their Country and to all Mankind. Even Savages might, by the means of Education, be instructed to frame the best civil, and political Institutions with as much skill and ingenuity, as they now shape their Arrows. Education leads youth to "the Study of human nature, society, and universal History" from whence they may "draw all the Principles" of Political Architecture, which ought to be regarded. All Men are "interested in the truth." Education by showing them "the End of all its consequences" would induce, at least, the greatest numbers to inlist on its side. The Man of good understanding who has been well educated, and improves these advantages as far as his circumstances will allow, in promoting the happiness of Mankind, in my opinion, and I am inclined to think in yours is indeed "well born." It may be "puerile, and unworthy of Statesmen" to declame against Family Pride; but there is and always has been such a ridiculous kind of Vanity among Men. "Statesmen know the evil, and danger is too serious to be sported with." I am content they should be put into one hole; as you propose, but I have some fears that your Watchmen on each side will not well agree. When a Man can recollect the Virtues of his Ancestors; he certainly has abundantly more solid satisfaction than another who boasts that he sprang from those, who were rich, or noble; but never discovers the least degree of Virtue, or true worth of any kind. "Family Popularity," if I mistake not, has its source in family pride; It is by all means sought after that hommage may be paid to the name of the Title or Estate, to supply the want, in the possessor, of any great, or good quality whatsoever. There are individuals among Men, who study the art of making themselves popular, for the purpose of getting into Places of Honour, and Emoluments, and by these means of gratifying hereafter the noble Passion—Family Pride. Others are so inchanted with the Musick of the sound, that they conceive it to be supreme felicity. This is indeed Vanity of Vanities, and if such deluded Men ever come to their Senses, they will find it to be vexation of Spirit. When they reflect on their own folly, and injustice in having received the breath of Applause with avidity, and great delight, for Merrit which they are conscious they never had; and that many who have been the loudest in sounding their praises, had nothing in view, but their own private, and selfish interests, it will excite in them the feelings of shame, remorse, and self contempt.

The truly virtuous Man, and real Patriot, is satisfied with the approbation of the wise, and discerning; he rejoices in the contemplation of the Purity of his Intentions, and waits in humble hope for the Plaudit of his final Judge.

I shall hardly venture again to trespass on the Benevolence of our Confidential Friend—you will not be sorry; it will afford you Reliefe, for in common Civility you must be at the Trouble of reading ones Epistles. I hope there will be a Time when we shall have "sweet Communion" together. In the mean Time let me not lose the Benefit of your valueable Letters. Adieu. Believe me

Your sincere Friend

1 The draft at this point reads: "as in their own enlightened Judgments shall best serve the great End of Government the good of the whole People."



1794



TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 17, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, January 20, 1794; the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 324-328, and in the Massachusetts Archives.]

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE

TWO BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE,

IT having pleased the Supreme Being, since your last meeting, in His holy providence to remove from this transitory life, our late excellent Governour Hancock, the multitude of his surviving fellow-citizens, who have often given strong testimonials of their approbation of his important services, while they drop a tear, may certainly profit by the recollection of his virtuous and patriotic example.

You are sensible, that on this melancholly event, our Constitution directs that the Lieutenant Governour,1 for the time being, shall perform all the duties which were incumbent on him, and exercise all the powers and authorities, during the vacancy of the chair, which by the Constitution, he was vested with when personally present. Diffident as I am of my abilities, I have yet felt myself constrained, to undertake the performance of those duties, and the exercise of those powers and authorities, in consequence of a sovereign act of God. To Him I look for that wisdom which is profitable to direct. The Constitution must be my rule, and the true interest of my Constituents, whose agent I am, my invariable object.

The people of this Commonwealth, have heretofore been possessed of the intire sovereignty within and over their own territories. They were "not controul-able by any other laws than those to which their constituted representative body gave their consent." This, I presume, was the case in every other State of the Union.—But, after the memorable declaration of their Independence was by solemn treaty, agreed to and ratified by the British King, the only power that could have any pretence to dispute it, they considered themselves decidedly free and independent of all other people. Having taken rank among nations, it was judged that their great affairs could not well be conducted under the direction of a number of distinct sovereignties. They therefore formed and adopted a Federal Constitution; by which certain powers of sovereignty are delegated and entrusted to such persons as they shall judge proper from time to time to elect; to be exercised conformably to, and within the restrictions of the said Constitution, for the purposes of strengthening and confirming the Union, and promoting the safety and happiness of the confederate Commonwealth. All powers not vested in Congress, remain in the separate States to be exercised according to their respective Constitutions.—Should not unremitting caution be used, least any degree of interference or infringement might take place, either on the rights of the Federal Government on the one side, or those of the several States on the other. Instances of this kind may happen; for infallibility is not the lot of any man or body of men, even the best of them on earth. The human mind in its present state, being very imperfect, is liable to a multitude of errors. Prejudice, that great source of error, often creeps in and takes possession of the hearts of honest men, without even their perceiving it themselves. Honest men will not feel themselves disgusted, when mistakes are pointed out to them with decency, candor and friendship, nor will they, when convinced of truth, think their own dignity degraded by correcting their own errors. Among the objects of the Constitution of this Commonwealth, Liberty and Equality stand in a conspicuous light. It is the first article in our Declaration of rights, "all men are born free and equal, and have certain natural, essential and unalienable rights." In the supposed state of nature, all men are equally bound by the laws of nature, or to speak more properly, the laws of the Creator:—They are imprinted by the finger of God on the heart of man. Thou shall do no injury to thy neighbour, is the voice of nature and reason, and it is confirmed by written revelation. In the state of nature, every man hath an equal right by honest means to acquire property, and to enjoy it; in general, to pursue his own happiness, and none can consistently controul or interrupt him in the pursuit. But, so turbulent are the passions of some, and so selfish the feelings of others, that in such a state, there being no social compact, the weak cannot always be protected from the violence of the strong, nor the honest and unsuspecting from the arts and intrigues of the selfish and cunning. Hence it is easy to conceive, that men, naturally formed for society, were inclined to enter into mutual compact for the better security of their natural rights. In this state of society, the unalienable rights of nature are held sacred:—And each member is intitled to an equal share of all the social rights. No man can of right become possessed of a greater share: If any one usurps it, he so far becomes a tyrant; and when he can obtain sufficient strength, the people will feel the rod of a tyrant. Or, if this exclusive privilege can be supposed to be held in virtue of compact, it argues a very capital defect; and the people, when more enlightened, will alter their compact, and extinguish the very idea.

These opinions, I conceive to be conformable to the sentiments held up in our State Constitution. It is therein declared, that Government is instituted for the common good; not for the profit, honor or private interest of any one man, family, or class of men. And further, all the inhabitants of this Commonwealth, having such qualifications, as shall be established by their Constitution, have an equal right to elect or be elected for the public employments.

Before the formation of this Constitution, it had been affirmed as a self evident truth, in the declaration of Independence, very deliberately made by the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled that, "all men are created equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights." This declaration of Independence was received and ratified by all the States in the Union, and has never been disannulled. May we not from hence conclude, that the doctrine of Liberty and Equality is an article in the political creed of the United States.

Our Federal Constitution ordains that, no title of nobility shall be granted by the United States. The framers of that Constitution probably foresaw that such titles, vain and insignificant in themselves, might be in time, as they generally, and I believe always have been, the introductory to the absurd and unnatural claims of hereditary and exclusive privileges.

The Republic of France have also adopted the same principle, and laid it as the foundation of their Constitution. That nation having for many ages groaned under the exercise of the pretended right claimed by their Kings and Nobles, until their very feelings as men were become torpid, at length suddenly awoke, from their long slumber, abolished the usurpation, and placed every man upon the footing of equal rights. "All men are born free and equal in rights," if I mistake not, is their language.

>From the quotations I have made, I think it appears, that the Constitutions referred to, different as they may be in forms, agree altogether in the most essential principles upon which legitimate governments are founded. I have said essential principles, because I conceive that without Liberty and Equality, there cannot exist that tranquillity of mind, which results from the assurance of every citizen, that his own personal safety and rights are secure:—This, I think is a sentiment of the celebrated Montesquieu; and it is the end and design of all free and lawful Governments. Such assurance, impressed upon the heart of each, would lead to the peace, order and happiness of all. For I should think, no man, in the exercise of his reason would be inclined in any instance to trespass upon the equal rights of citizens, knowing that if he should do it, he would weaken and risque the security of his own. Even different nations, having grounded their respective Constitutions upon the afore-mentioned principles, will shortly feel the happy effects of mutual friendship, mutual confidence and united strength. Indeed I cannot but be of opinion, that when those principles shall be rightly understood and universally established, the whole family and brotherhood of man will then nearly approach to, if not fully enjoy that state of peace and prosperity, which ancient Prophets and Sages have foretold.