1. Lucian, Lucius, 53 ff.; Apul., Metam., VIII, 24 ff. The description by these authors has recently been confirmed by the discovery of an inscription at Kefr-Hauar in Syria: a slave of the Syrian goddess "sent by her mistress ([Greek: kuria])," boasts of having brought back "seventy sacks" from each of her trips (Fossey, Bull. corr. hell., XXI, 1897, p. 60; on the {242} meaning of [Greek: pera], "sack," see Deissmann, Licht von Osten, 1908, p. 73).

2. Cf. Riess in Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. Astrologie, col. 1816.

3. Cato, De agric., V, 4.

4. On dedication of Romans to Atargatis, see Bull. corr. hell., VI, 1882, p. 497, No. 15; p. 498, No. 17.

5. Since the year 187 we find the Syrian musicians (sambucistriae) mentioned also at Rome. Their number grew steadily (Livy, XXXIX, 6; see Friedlaender, Sittengesch., III^6, p. 346.)

6. Florus, II, 7 (III, 9); cf. Diodorus Sic., fr. 34, 2, 5.

7. Plut., Vit. Marii, 17.

8. Juvenal, VI, 351; Martial, IV, 53, 10; IX, 2, 11, IX, 22, 9.

9. CIL, VI, 399; cf. Wissowa, op. cit., p. 201.—Suetonius, Nero, 56.

10. A temple of the Syrian gods at Rome, located at the foot of the Janiculum, has been excavated very recently. Cf. Gauckler, Bolletino communale di Roma, 1907, pp. 5 ff. (Cf. Huelsen, Mitt. Inst. Rom, XXII, 1907, pp. 225 ff.); Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr., 1907, pp. 135 ff.; 1908, pp. 510 ff.; 1909, pp. 424 ff., pp. 617 ff.; Nicole and Darier, Le sanctuaire des dieux orientaux au Janicule, Rome, 1909 (Extr. des "Mel. Ecole franc. de Rome," XXIX). In it have been found dedications to Hadad of the Lebanon, to the Hadad [Greek: akroreites], and to Maleciabrudus (in regard to the latter see Clermont-Ganneau, Rec. d'archeol. or., VIII, 1907, p. 52). Cf. my article "Syria Dea" in Daremberg-Saglio-Pottier, Diction. des antiquites gr. et rom., 1911.

11. I have said a few words on this colonization in my Mon. rel. aux myst. de Mithra, I, p. 262. Courajod has considered it in regard to artistic influences, Lecons du Louvre, I, 1899, pp. 115, 327 ff. For the Merovingian period see Brehier, Les colonies d'orientaux en Occident au commencement du moyen age (Byzant. Zeitschr., XII), 1903, pp. 1 ff.

12. Kaibel, Inscr. gr., XIV, 2540.

13. Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr., 1899, p. 353 = Waltzing, Corporations professionelles, II, No. 1961 = CIL, III S., {243} 14165^8.—Inscription of Thaim of Canatha: Kaibel, Inscr. gr., XIV, 2532.

14. Gregory of Tours, Hist. Fr., VIII, 1.—On the diffusion of the Syrians in Gaul, see Brehier, loc. cit., p. 16 ff.

15. Cf. Brehier, Les origines du crucifix dans l'art religieux, Paris, 1904.

16. Adonis: Wissowa, p. 300, n. 1.—Balmarcodes: Pauly-Wissowa, Realenc., s. v.; Jalabert, Mel. fac. orient. Beyrouth, I, p. 182.—Marnas: The existence at Ostia of a "Marneum" can be deduced from the dedication CIG, 5892 (cf. Drexler in Roscher, Lexikon, s. v., col. 2382).—On Maleciabrudus, cf. supra, n. 10.—The Maiuma festival was probably introduced with the cult of the god of Gaza, Lydus, De Mensib., IV, 80 (p. 133, Wuensch ed.) = Suidas s. v. [Greek: Maioumas] and Drexler, loc. cit., col. 2287. Cf. Clermont-Ganneau, Rec. d'archeol. orient., IV, p. 339.

17. Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. "Damascenus, Dusares."

18. Malalas, XI, p. 280, 12 (Bonn).—The temple has recently been excavated by a German mission; cf. Puchstein, Fuehrer in Baalbek, Berlin, 1905.—On the Hadad at Rome, cf. supra, n. 10.

19. CIL, X, 1634: "Cultores Iovis Heliopolitani Berytenses qui Puteolis consistunt"; cf. Wissowa, loc. cit., p. 504, n. 3; Ch. Dubois, Pouzzoles antique, Paris, 1906, p. 156.

20. A list of the known military societies has been made by Cichorius in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl., s. v. "Ala" and "Cohors."

21. CIL, VII, 759 = Buecheler, Carmina epigr., 24. Two inscriptions dedicated to the Syrian Hercules (Melkarth) and to Astarte have been discovered at Corbridge, near Newcastle (Inscr. gr., XIV, 2553). It is possible that Tyrian archers were cantoned there.

22. Baltis: Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclop., s. v.

23. Pauly-Wissowa, Realenc., s. v. "Aziz"; cf. Wissowa, op. cit., p. 303, n. 7.

24. On the etymology of Malakbel, see Dussaud, Notes, 24 ff. On the religion in the Occident see Edu. Meyer in Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. {244}

25. Kan, De Iovis Dolicheni cultu, Groningen, 1901; cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl., s. v. "Dolichenus."

26. Reville, Relig. sous les Severes, pp. 237 ff.; Wissowa, op. cit., p. 305; cf. Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. "Elagabal."—In a recent article (Die politische Bedeutung der Religion von Emesa [Archiv fuer Religionsw., XI], 1908, pp. 223 ff.) M. von Domaszewski justly lays stress on the religious value of the solar monotheism that arose in the temples of Syria, but he attributes too important a part in its formation to the clergy of Emesa (see infra, n. 88). The preponderant influence seems to have been exercised by Palmyra (see infra, n. 59).

27. Cf. infra, n. 59.

28. Cf. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion To-day, Chicago, 1902; Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes du pays de Moab, Paris, 1908, pp. 297 ff.

29. Cf. Robertson Smith, passim; Lagrange, pp. 158-216; Vincent, op. cit., pp. 102-123; 144 f.—The power of this Semitic litholatry equaled its persistence. Philo of Byblus defined the bethels as [Greek: lithoi empsuchoi] (2, Sec. 20, FHG, III, p. 563): Hippolytus also tells us (V, 1, p. 145, Cruice), that in the Syrian mysteries ([Greek: Assurion teletai]) it was taught that the stones were animated ([Greek: hoi lithoi eisin empsuchoi; echousi gar to auxetikon]), and the same doctrine perpetuated itself in Manicheism. (Titus of Bostra, II, 60, p. 60, 25, de Lagarde ed.:

[Greek: Ouk aischunetai de kai tous lithous epsuchosthai legon kai ta panta empsucha eisegoumenos]).

During the last years of paganism the neo-Platonists developed a superstitious worship of the bethels; see Conybeare, Transactions of the Congress of Hist. of Rel., Oxford, 1908, p. 177.

30. Luc., De dea Syria, c. 41. Cf. the inscription of Narnaka with the note of Clermont-Ganneau, Etudes d'arch. orient., II, p. 163.—For bull worship in Syria cf. Ronzevalle, Melanges fac. orient. Beyrouth, I, 1906, pp. 225, 238; Vincent, op. cit., p. 169.

31. Philo Alex., De provid., II, c. 107 (II, 646 M.); cf. Lucian, De dea Syria, 54.

32. For instance on Mount Eryx in Sicily (Ael., Nat. Anim., {245} IV, 2).—Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Realenc., s. v. "Dea Syria," col. 2242.

33. Tibullus, I, 7, 17.

34. Lucian, De dea Syria, 14; 54. Cf. Diodorus, II, 4, 2; Ovid, Met., IV, 46; V, 331.

35. Pauly-Wissowa, loc. cit., col. 2241; W. Robertson Smith, p. 175.

36. The ancient authors frequently alluded to this superstition of the Syrians (the texts have been collected by Selden, De dis Syris, II, C. 3, pp. 268 ff., ed. of 1672). W. Robertson Smith (loc. cit., p. 449), is right in connecting it with certain ideas of savages. Like many primitive beliefs, this one has continued to the present day. It has been pointed out to me that at Sam-Keui, a little west of Doliche, there is a pond fed by a spring and well stocked with fish, which one is forbidden to take. Near the mosque of Edessa is a large pond where catching fish is prohibited. They are considered sacred, and the people believe that any one who would eat them would die instantly. (Sachau, Reise in Syrien, 1883, pp. 196 ff. Cf. Lord Warkworth, Diary in Asiatic Turkey, London, 1898, p. 242). The same is the case at the mosque of Tripoli and elsewhere (Lammens, Au pays des Nosairis [Revue de l'Orient chretien], 1908, p. 2). Even in Asia Minor this superstition is found. At Tavshanli, north of Aezani on the upper Rhyndacus, there is to-day a square cistern filled with sacred fish which no one is allowed to take (on the authority of Munro). Travelers in Turkey have frequently observed that the people do not eat fish, even when there is a scarcity of food (Sachau, loc. cit., p. 196) and the general belief that their flesh is unhealthful and can cause sickness is not entirely unfounded. Here is what Ramsay has to say on the subject (Impressions of Turkey, London, 1897, p. 288): "Fish are rarely found and when found are usually bad: the natives have a prejudice against fish, and my own experience has been unfavorable.... In the clear sparkling mountain stream that flows through the Taurus by Bozanti-Khan, a small kind of fish is caught; I had a most violent attack of sickness in 1891 after eating some of them, and so had all who partook." Captain Wilson, who spent a number of years in {246} Asia Minor, asserts (Handbook of Asia-Minor, p. 19), that "the natives do not eat fish to any extent." The "totemic" prohibition in this instance really seems to have a hygienic origin. People abstained from all kinds of fish because some species were dangerous, that is to say, inhabited by evil spirits, and the tumors sent by the Syrian goddess were merely the edemas caused by the poisoning.

37. On the [Greek: Ichthus] symbolism I will merely refer to Usener, Sintflutsagen, 1899, pp. 223 ff. Cf. S. Reinach, Cultes, mythes, III, 1908, pp. 43 ff. An exhaustive book on this subject has recently appeared: Doelger, [Greek: ICHTHYS], das Fischsymbol in fruehchristlicher Zeit, I, Rome, 1910.

On sacred repasts where fish was eaten see Mnaseas, fragment 32 (Fragm. histor. graec., III, 115); cf. Dittenberger, Sylloge, 584: [Greek: Ean de tis ton ichthuon apothanei, karpoustho authemeron epi tou bomou], and Diog. Laert., VIII, 34. There were also sacred repasts in the Occident in the various Syrian cults: Cenatorium et triclinium in the temples of Jupiter Dolichenus (CIL, III, 4789; VI, 30931; XI, 696, cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, II, p. 501); promulsidaria et mantelium offered to the Venus Caelestis (CIL, X, 1590); construction of a temple to Malachbel with a culina (CIL, III, 7954). Mention is made of a [Greek: deipnokrites, deipnois kreinas polla met' euphrosunes], in the temple of the Janiculum (Gauckler, C.R. Acad. Inscr., 1907, p. 142; Bolletino communale, 1907, pp. 15 ff.). Cf. Lagrange, Religions semitiques, II, p. 609, and Pauly-Wissowa, Realenc., s. v. "Gad."

38. W. Robertson Smith, pp. 292 ff.

39. An inscription discovered at Kefr-Hauar (Fossey, Bull. corr. hell., 1897, p. 60) is very characteristic in this respect. A "slave" of the Syrian goddess in that inscription offers his homage to his "mistress" ([Greek: kuria]).

40. Notably at Aphaca where they were not suppressed until the time of Constantine (Eusebius, Vit. Const., III, 55; cf. Sozom., II, 5).

41. Much has been written about the sacred prostitutions in paganism, and it is well known that Voltaire ridiculed the scholars who were credulous enough to believe in the tales of Herodotus. But this practice has been proven by {247} irrefutable testimony. Strabo, for instance, whose great-uncle was arch-priest of Comana, mentions it in connection with that city, (XII, 3, 36, p. 559 C), and he manifests no surprise. The history of religion teaches many stranger facts; this one, however, is disconcerting. The attempt has been made to see in it a relic of the primitive promiscuity or polyandry, or a persistence of "sexual hospitality," ("No custom is more widely spread than the providing for a guest a female companion, who is usually a wife or daughter of the host," says Wake, Serpent Worship, 1888, p. 158); or the substitution of union with a man for union with the god (Gruppe, Griech. Mythol., p. 915). But these hypotheses do not explain the peculiarities of the religious custom as it is described by more reliable authors. They insist upon the fact that the girls were dedicated to the temple service while virgins, and that after having had strangers for lovers, they married in their own country. Thus Strabo (XI, 14, Sec. 16, p. 532 C.) narrates in connection with the temple of Anaitis in Acilisena, that [Greek: thugateras hoi epiphanestatoi tou ethnous anierousi parthenous, ais nomos esti kataporneutheisais polun chronon para tei theoi meta tauta didosthai pros gamon, ouk apaxiountos tei toiautei sunoikein oudenos]. Herodotus (I, 93), who relates about the same thing of the Lydian women, adds that they acquired a dowry in that manner; an inscription at Tralles (Bull. corr. hell., VII, 1885, p. 276) actually mentions a descendant of a sacred prostitute ([Greek: ek progonon pallakidon]) who had temporarily filled the same office ([Greek: pallakeusasa kata chresmon Dii]). Even at Thebes in Egypt there existed a similar custom with striking local peculiarities in the time of Strabo (XVII, 1, Sec. 46), and traces of it seem to have been found in Greece among the Locrians (Vurtheim, De Aiacis origine, Leyden, 1907). Every Algerian traveler knows how the girls of the Ouled-Nail earn their dowry in the ksours and the cities, before they go back to their tribes to marry, and Doutte (Notes sur l'Islam maghrebien, les Marabouts, Extr. Rev. hist. des relig., XL-XLI, Paris, 1900), has connected these usages with the old Semitic prostitution, but his thesis has been attacked and the historical circumstances of the arrival of the Ouled-Nail in Algeria in the eleventh century render it very doubtful (Note by Basset).—It seems certain (I do not know whether this explanation has ever been offered) {248} that this strange practice is a modified utilitarian form of an ancient exogamy. Besides it had certain favorable results, since it protected the girl against the brutality of her kindred until she was of marriageable age, and this fact must have insured its persistence; but the idea that inspired it at first was different. "La premiere union sexuelle impliquant une effusion de sang, a ete interdite, lorsque ce sang etait celui d'une fille du clan verse par le fait d'un homme du clan" (Salomon Reinach, Mythes, cultes, I, 1905, p. 79. Cf. Lang, The Secret of the Totem, London, 1905.) Thence rose the obligation on virgins to yield to a stranger first. Only then were they permitted to marry a man of their own race. Furthermore, various means were resorted to in order to save the husband from the defilement which might result from that act (see for inst., Reinach, Mythes, cultes, I, p. 118).—The opinion expressed in this note was attacked, almost immediately after its publication, by Frazer (Adonis, Attis, Osiris, 1907, pp. 50 ff.) who preferred to see in the sacred prostitutions a relic of primitive communism. But at least one of the arguments which he uses against our views is incorrect. Not the women, but the men, received presents in Acilisena (Strabo, loc. cit.) and the communistic theory does not seem to account for the details of the custom prevailing in the temple of Thebes. There the horror of blood clearly appears. On the discovery of a skull (having served at a rite of consecration) in the temple of the Janiculum, see the article cited above, "Dea Syria," in Dict. des antiquites.

42. Porphyry, De Abstin., II, 56; Tertull., Apol., 9. Cf. Lagrange, op. cit., p. 445.

43. Even in the regions where the cities developed, the Baal and the Baalat always remained the divinities [Greek: poliouchoi], the protectors of the city which they were supposed to have founded.

44. Le Bas-Waddington, 2196.—Suidas, s. v. [Greek: Phularches] (II, 2, col. 1568, Bernhardy). Cf. Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 405, 409.

45. Hippolytus, Adv. Haeres., V, II, Sec. 7: [Greek: Assurion teletai]; Sec. 18: [Greek: Assurion musteria] (pp. 145, 148, ed. by Cruice). Cf. Origen, Contra Celsum, I, 12. Pognon (Inscrip. semitiques, {249} 1907, No. 48) has recently published a Syrian epitaph that is unfortunately mutilated, but which seems to be that of an adept of the pagan mysteries; see Noeldeke, Zeitschrift fuer Assyr., XXI, 1907, p. 155.

46. On the Semitic notion of purity, W. Robertson Smith has written admirably and convincingly (pp. 446 ff. and passim). The question has been taken up from a different point of view by Lagrange, pp. 141 ff.—The development of the notion of purity in the ancient religions has been recently expounded by Farnell, The Evolution of Religion, 1905, pp. 88 ff., especially pp. 124 ff. Cf. also supra, p. 91 f. An example of the prohibitions and purifications is found in the Occident in an inscription, unfortunately mutilated, discovered at Rome and dedicated to Beellefarus (CIL, VI, 30934, 31168; cf. Lafaye, Rev. hist. relig., XVII, 1888, pp. 218 ff.; Dessau, Inscr. sel., 4343). If I have understood the text correctly it commands those who have eaten pork to purify themselves by means of honey.—On penances in the Syrian religions see ch. II, n. 31.

47. M. Clermont-Ganneau (Etudes d'archeologie orientale, II, 1896, p. 104) states that the epithet [Greek: hagios] is extremely rare in pagan Hellenism, and almost always betrays a Semitic influence. In such cases it corresponds to [Hebrew: QRSH], which to the Semites is the epithet par excellence of the divinity. Thus Eshmon is [Hebrew: QRSH]; cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemer. fuer semit. Epigraph., II, p. 155; Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d'archeol. orient., III, p. 330; V, p. 322.—In Greek Le Bas-Waddington, 2720, has: [Greek: Oi katochoi hagiou ouraniou Dios]. Dittenberger, Orientis inscript., 620, [Greek: Zeus hagios Beel bosoros]. Some time ago I copied at a dealer's, a dedication engraved upon a lamp: [Greek: Theoi hagioi Arelseloi], in Latin: J. Dolichenus sanctus, CIL, VI, 413, X, 7949.—J. Heliopolitanus sanctissimus, CIL, VIII, 2627.—"Caelestis sancta," VIII, 8433, etc.—The African Saturn (= Baal) is often called sanctus.—Hera sancta beside Jupiter Dolichenus, VI, 413.—Malakbel is translated by Sol sanctissimus, in the bilingual inscription of the Capitol, VI, 710 = Dessau, 4337. Cf. deus sanctus aeternus, V, 1058, 3761, and Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr., 1906, p. 69.—See in general Delehaye, Analecta Bollandiana, 1909, pp. 157 ff. {250}

48. As curious examples of Greco-Syrian syncretism we may mention the bas-relief of Ed-Douwair in the Louvre, which has been analyzed in detail by Dussaud (Notes, pp. 89 ff.), and especially that of Homs in the Brussels museum (ibid., 104 ff.).

49. Macrobius, I, 23, Sec. 11: "Ritu Assyrio magis quam Aegyptio colitur"; cf. Lucian, De dea Syria, 5.—"Hermetic" theories penetrated even to the Sabians of Osrhoene (Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 166 ff.), although their influence seems to have been merely superficial (Bousset, Goettingische gelehrt. Anzeigen, 1905, 704 ff.)—The existence of [Greek: katochoi] at Baetocece and elsewhere appears to be due to Egyptian influence (Jalabert, Melanges de la fac. orient. de Beyrouth, II, 1907, pp. 308 ff.). The meaning of [Greek: katochos] which has been interpreted in different ways, is established, I think, by the passages collected by Kroll, Cat. codd. astrol. graec., V, pars 2, p. 146; cf. Otto, Priester und Tempel, I, p. 119; Bouche-Leclercq, Hist. des Lagides, IV, p. 335. It refers to the poor, the sick and even the "illumined" living within the temple enclosures and undoubtedly supported by the clergy, as were the refugees of the Christian period who availed themselves of the right of sanctuary in the churches (cf. Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr., 1907, p. 454).

50. Cf. infra, n. 59.

51. Strabo, XVI, 1, 6. Cf. Pliny, H. N., VI, 6: "Durat adhuc ibi Iovis Beli templum." Cf. my Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 35 ff.; Chapot, Mem. soc. antiq. de France, 1902, pp. 239 ff.; Gruppe, Griech. Mythol., p. 1608, n. 1.

52. Lucian, De dea Syria, c. 10.

53. Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, I, pp. 233 ff. and passim.

54. On the worship of Bel in Syria cf. Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr., 1907, pp. 447 ff.—Cf. infra, n. 59.

55. On the Heliopolitan triad and the addition of Mercury to the original couple see Perdrizet, Rev. etudes anc., III, 1901, p. 258; Dussaud, Notes, p. 24; Jalabert, Melanges fac. orient. de Bayrouth, I, 1906, pp. 175 ff.—Triad of Hierapolis: Lucian, De dea Syria, c. 33. According to Dussaud, the three divinities came from Babylon together, Notes, p. 115.—The existence of a Phoenician triad (Baal, Astarte, Eshmoun or {251} Melkarth), and of a Palmyrian triad has been conjectured but without sufficient reason (ibid., 170, 172 ff.); the existence of Carthaginian triads is more probable (cf. Polybius, VII, 9, 11, and von Baudissin, Iolaos [Philothesia fuer Paul Kleinert], 1907, pp. 5 ff.)—See in general Usener, Dreiheit (Extr. Rhein. Museum, LVIII), 1903, p. 32. The triads continued in the theology of the "Chaldaic Oracles" (Kroll, De orac. Chald., 13 ff.) and a threefold division of the world and the soul was taught in the "Assyrian mysteries" (Archiv fuer Religionswiss., IX, 1906, p. 331, n. 1).

56. Boll, Sphaera, p. 372.—The introduction of astrology into Egypt seems to date back no further than the time of the Ptolemies.

57. The Seleucides, like the Roman emperors later, believed in Chaldean astrology (Appian., Syr., 28; Diodorus, II, 31, 2; cf. Riess in Pauly-Wissowa, Realenc., s. v. "Astrologie," col. 1814), and the kings of Commagene, as well as of a great number of Syrian cities, had the signs of the zodiac as emblems on their coins. It is even certain that this pseudo-science penetrated into those regions long before the Hellenistic period. Traces of it are found in the Old Testament (Schiaparelli; translation by Luedke, Die Astron. im Alten Testament, 1904, p. 46). It modified the entire Semitic paganism. The only cult which we know in any detail, that of the Sabians, assigned the highest importance to it; but in the myths and doctrines of the others its influence is no less apparent (Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl., s. v. "Dea Syria," IV, col. 2241, and s. v. "Gad"; cf. Baudissin, Realencycl. fuer prot. Theol., s. v., "Sonne," pp. 510-520). To what extent, for instance, the clergy of Emesa had been subjected to its ascendency is shown by the novel of Heliodorus, written by a priest of that city (Rohde, Griech. Roman^2, p. 464 [436]), and by the horoscope that put Julia Domna upon the throne (Vita Severi, 3, 8; cf. A. von Domaszewski, Archiv fuer Religionsw., XI, 1908, p. 223). The irresistible influence extended even to the Arabian paganism (Noeldeke in Hastings, Encyclop. of Religion, s. v. "Arabs," I, p. 661; compare, Orac. Sibyll., XIII, 64 ff., on Bostra). The sidereal character which has been attributed to the Syrian gods, was borrowed, but none the less real. From very early times the Semites worshiped the sun, {252} the moon, and the stars (see Deut. iv. 19; Job xxxi. 25), especially the planet Venus, but this cult was of secondary importance only (see W. Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 135, n. 1), although it grew in proportion as the Babylonian influence became stronger. The polemics of the Fathers of the Syrian Church show how considerable its prestige was in the Christian era (cf. Ephrem, Opera Syriaca, Rome, 1740, II, pp. 447 ff.; the "Assyrian" Tatian, c. 9 ff., etc.).

58. Humann and Puchstein, Reise in Klein-Asien und Nord-Syrien, 1890, pl. XL; Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 188, fig. 8; Bouche-Leclercq, Astrol. gr., p. 439.

59. Cf. Wissowa, op. cit., p. 306-7.—On the temple of Bel at Palmyra, cf. Sobernheim, Palmyrenische Inschriften (Mitt. der vorderasiat. Gesellsch., X), 1905, pp. 319 ff.; Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, I, pp. 255 ff., II, p. 280.—Priests of Bel: Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d'arch. orient., VII, p. 12, 24, 364. Cf. supra, n. 54. The power of Palmyra under Zenobia, who ruled from the Tigris to the Nile, must have had as a corollary the establishment of an official worship that was necessarily syncretic. Hence its special importance for the history of paganism. Although the Babylonian astrology was a powerful factor in this worship, Judaism seems to have had just as great an influence in its formation. There was at Palmyra a large Jewish colony, which the writers of the Talmud considered only tolerably orthodox (Chaps, Gli Ebrei di Palmira [Rivista Israelitica, I], Florence, 1904, pp. 171 ff., 238 f. Cf. "Palmyra" in the Jewish Encycl.; Jewish insc. of Palmyra; Euting, Sitzb. Berl. Acad., 1885, p. 669; Landauer, ibid., 1884, pp. 933 ff.). This colony seems to have made compromises with the idolaters. On the other hand we see Zenobia herself rebuilding a synagogue in Egypt (Revue archeologique, XXX, 1875, p. III; Zeitschrift fuer Numismatik, V, p. 229; Dittenberger, Orientis inscript., 729). This influence of Judaism seems to explain the development at Palmyra of the cult of [Greek: Zeus hupsitos kai epekoos], "he whose name is blessed in eternity." The name of Hypsistos has been applied everywhere to Jehovah and to the pagan Zeus (supra, p. 62, 128) at the same time. The text of Zosimus (I, 61), according to which Aurelian brought from Palmyra to Rome the statues of [Greek: Heliou te kai Belou] (this has been wrongly changed to read [Greek: tou kai Belou]), proves that the {253} astrological religion of the great desert city recognized a supreme god residing in the highest heavens, and a solar god, his visible image and agent, according to the Semitic theology of the last period of paganism (supra, p. 134).

60. I have spoken of this solar eschatology in the memorial cited infra, n. 88.

61. This opinion is that of Posidonius (see Wendland, Philos Schrift ueber die Vorsehung, Berlin, 1892, p. 68, n. 1; 70, n. 2). It is shared by the ancient astrologers.

62. This old pagan and gnostic idea has continued to the present day in Syria among the Nosairis; cf. Dussaud, Histoire et religion des Nosairis, 1900, p. 125.

63. The belief that pious souls are guided to heaven by a psychopompus, is found not only in the mysteries of Mithra (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 310), but also in the Syrian cults where that role was often assigned to the solar god, see Isid. Levy, Cultes syriens dans le Talmud (Revue des etudes juives, XLIII), 1901, p. 5, and Dussaud, Notes, p. 27; cf. the Le Bas-Waddington inscription, 2442:

"[Greek: Basileu despota] (= the sun), [Greek: hilathi kai didou pasin hemin hugien katharan, prexis agathas kai biou telos esthlon]."—

The same idea is found in inscriptions in the Occident; as for instance in the peculiar epitaph of a sailor who died at Marseilles (Kaibel, Inscr. gr., XIV, 2462 = Epigr., 650):

"[Greek: En de [te] tethneioisin homeguri [es] ge pelousin] [Greek: doiai; ton hetere men epichthonie pephoretai,] [Greek: he d' hetere teiressi sun aitherioisi choreuei,] [Greek: es straties eis eimi, lachon theon hegemonea]."

It is the same term that Julian used (Cesars, p. 336 C) in speaking of Mithra, the guide of souls: [Greek: hegemona theon]. Cf. also infra, n. 66 and ch. VIII, n. 24.

64. The Babylonian origin of the doctrine that the souls returned to heaven by crossing the seven planetary spheres, has been maintained by Anz (Zur Frage nach dem Ursprung des Gnostizismus, 1897; cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I. pp. 38 ff., p. 309; Bousset, Die Himmelsreise der Seele [Archiv fuer Religionsw., IV], 1901, pp. 160 ff.) and "Gnosis" in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopaedie, col. 1520. It has since been denied by Reitzenstein (Poimandres, p. 79; cf. Kroll, Berl. philol. Wochensch., {254} 1906, p. 486). But although it may have been given its precise shape and been transformed by the Greeks and even by the Egyptians, I persist in believing that it is of Chaldean and religious origin. I heartily agree with the conclusions recently formulated by Bousset, (Goettingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1905, pp. 707 ff.). We can go farther: Whatever roots it may have had in the speculations of ancient Greece (Aristoph., Pax, 832, Plato, Tim., 42B, cf. Haussoullier, Rev. de philol., 1909, pp. 1 ff.), whatever traces of it may be found in other nations (Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, pp. 182 ff.; Nekyia, p. 24, note; Rohde, Psyche, II, p. 131, n. 3), the idea itself of the soul rising to the divine stars after death certainly developed under the influence of the sidereal worship of the Semites to a point where it dominated all other eschatological theories. The belief in the eternity of souls is the corollary to the belief in the eternity of the celestial gods (p. 129). We cannot give the history of this conception here, and we shall limit ourselves to brief observations. The first account of this system ever given at Rome is found in "Scipio's Dream" (c. 3); it probably dates back to Posidonius of Apamea (cf. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-roemische Kultur, p. 85, 166, n. 3, 168, n. 1), and is completely impregnated with mysticism and astrolatry. The same idea is found a little later in the astrologer Manilius (I, 758; IV, 404, etc.). The shape which it assumed in Josephus (Bell. Judaic., V, 1, 5, Sec. 47) is also much more religious than philosophical and is strikingly similar to a dogma of Islam (happiness in store for those dying in battle; a Syrian [ibid., Sec. 54] risks his life that his soul may go to heaven). This recalls the inscription of Antiochus of Commagene (Michel, Recueil, No. 735, l. 40):

[Greek: Soma pros ouranious Dios Oromasdou thronous theophile psuchen propempsan eis ton apeiron aiona koimesetai].

It must be said that this sidereal immortality was not originally common to all men; it was reserved "omnibus qui patriam conservaverint adiuverint, auxerint" (Somn. Scip. c. 3, c. 8; cf. Manil., I, 758; Lucan, Phars., IX, 1 ff.; Wendland, op. cit., p. 85 n. 2), and this also is in conformity with the oldest Oriental traditions. The rites first used to assure immortality to kings and to make them the equals of the gods were extended little by little as a kind of privilege, to the important {255} persons of the state, and only very much later were they applied to all who died.

Regarding the diffusion of this belief from the beginning of the first century of our era, see Diels, Elementum, 1899, p. 73, cf. 78; Badstuebner, Beitraege zur Erklaerung Senecas, Hamburg, pp. 2 ff.—It is expressed in many inscriptions (Friedlaender, Sitteng., III, pp. 749 ff.; Rohde, Psyche, p. 673, cf. 610; epitaph of Vezir-Keupru, Studia Pontica, No. 85; CIL. III (Salone), 6384; supra, n. 63, etc.) It gained access into Judaism and paganism simultaneously (cf. Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums im neutest. Zeitalter, 1903, p. 271, and, for Philo of Alexandria, Zeller, Philos. der Griechen, V, p. 397 and p. 297).—During the third century it was expounded by Cornelius Labeo, the source of Arnobius and Servius (Nieggetiet, De Cornelio Labeone [Diss. Munster], 1908, pp. 77-86). It was generally accepted towards the end of the empire; see infra, n. 25.—I hope soon to have the opportunity of setting forth the development of this sidereal eschatology with greater precision in my lectures on "Astrology and Religion in Antiquity" which will appear in 1912 (chap. VI).

65. According to the doctrine of the Egyptian mysteries the Elysian Fields were in the under-world (Apul., Metam., XI, 6).—According to the astrological theory, the Elysian Fields were in the sphere of the fixed stars (Macrobius, Comm. somn. Scip., I, 11, Sec. 8; cf. infra, chap. VIII, n. 25). Others placed them in the moon (Servius, Ad Aen., VI, 887; cf. Norden, Vergils Buch, VI, p. 23; Rohde, Psyche, pp. 609 ff.). Iamblichus placed them between the moon and the sun (Lydus, De mens., IV, 149, p. 167, 23, Wuensch).

66. The relation between the two ideas is apparent in the alleged account of the Pythagorean doctrine which Diogenes Laertius took from Alexander Polyhistor, and which is in reality an apocryphal composition of the first century of our era. It was said that Hermes guided the pure souls, after their separation from the body, [Greek: eis ton Hupsiston] (Diog. Laert., VIII, Sec. 31; cf. Zeller, Philos. der Griechen, V, p. 106, n. 2).—On the meaning of Hypsistos, cf. supra, p. 128. It appears very plainly in the passage of Isaiah, xiv, 13, as rendered by the Septuagint: {256}

[Greek: Eis ton ouranon anabesomai, epano ton asteron theso ton thronon mou ... esomai homoios toi Hupsistoi.]

67. Originally he was the thunder-god, in Greek [Greek: Keraunos]. Under this name he appeared for instance on the bas-relief preserved in the museum of Brussels (Dussaud, Notes, p. 105). Later, by a familiar process, the influence of a particular god becomes the attribute of a greater divinity, and we speak of a [Greek: Zeus Keraunios] (cf. Usener, Keraunos, Rhein. Museum, N. F., LX, 1901).—This Zeus Keraunios appears in many inscriptions of Syria (CIG, 4501, 4520; Le Bas-Waddington, 2195, 2557 a, 2631, 2739; cf. Roscher, Lexikon Myth., s. v. "Keraunos").

He is the god to whom Seleucus sacrificed when founding Seleucia (Malalas, p. 199), and a dedication to the same god has been found recently in the temple of the Syrian divinities at Rome (supra, n. 10).—An equivalent of the Zeus Keraunios is the Zeus [Greek: Kataibates]—"he who descends in the lightning"—worshiped at Cyrrhus (Wroth, Greek Coins in the British Museum: "Galatia, Syria," p. 52 and LII; Roscher, Lexikon, s. v.)

68. For instance the double ax was carried by Jupiter Dolichenus (cf. supra, p. 147). On its significance, cf. Usener, loc. cit., p. 20.

69. Cf. Lidzbarski, Balsamem, Ephem. semit. Epigr., I, p. 251.—Ba'al Samain is mentioned as early as the ninth century B. C. in the inscription of Ben Hadad (Pognon, Inscr. semit., 1907, pp. 165 ff.; cf. Dussaud, Rev. archeol., 1908, I, p. 235). In Aramaic papyri preserved at Berlin, the Jews of Elephantine call Jehovah "the god of heaven" in an address to a Persian governor, and the same name was used in the alleged edicts of Cyrus and his successors, which were inserted in the book of Esdras (i. 1; vi. 9, etc.)—If there were the slightest doubt as to the identity of the god of thunder with Baalsamin, it would be dispelled by the inscription of Et-Tayibe, where this Semitic name is translated into Greek as [Greek: Zeus megistos keraunios]; cf. Lidzbarski, Handbuch, p. 477, and Lagrange, op. cit., p. 508.

70. On the worship of Baalsamin, confused with Ahura-Mazda and transformed into Caelus, see Mon. myst. Mithra, p. 87.—The texts attesting the existence of a real cult of {257} heaven among the Semites are very numerous. Besides the ones I have gathered (loc. cit., n. 5); see Conybeare, Philo about the Contemplative Life, p. 33, n. 16; Kayser, Das Buch der Erkenntniss der Wahrheit, 1893, p. 337, and infra, n. 75. Zeus [Greek: Ouranios]: Le Bas-Waddington, 2720 a (Baal of Betocece); Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 103.—Cf. Archiv fuer Religionswissenschaft, IX, 1906, p. 333.

71. Coins of Antiochus VIII Grypus (125-96 B. C.); Babelon, Rois de Syrie, d'Armenie, 1890, p. CLIV, pp. 178 ff.

72. All these qualities ascribed to the Baals by astrological paganism ([Greek: hupsistos, pantokrator], etc.), are also the attributes which, according to the doctrine of Alexandrian Judaism, characterized Jehovah (see supra, n. 66). If he was originally a god of thunder, as has been maintained, the evolution of the Jewish theology was parallel to that of the pagan conceptions (see supra, n. 69).

73. On this subject cf. Jupiter summus exsuperantissimus (Archiv f. Religionsw., IX), 1906, pp. 326 ff.

74. Ps.-Iamblichus, De mysteriis, VI, 7 (cf. Porph., Epist. Aneb., c. 29), notes this difference between the two religions.

75. Apul., Met., VIII, 25. Cf. CIL, III, 1090; XII, 1227 (= Dessau, 2998, 4333); Macrobius, Comm. somn. Scipionis, I, 14, Sec. 2: "Nihil aliud esse deum nisi caelum ipsum et caelestia ipsa quae cernimus, ideo ut summi omnipotentiam dei ostenderet posse vix intellegi."—[Greek: Helios pantokratos]: Macrob., I, 23, 21.

76. Diodorus, II, 30: [Greek: Chaldaioi ten tou kosmou phusin aidion phasin einai k. t. l.]; cf. Cicero, Nat. deor., II, 20, Sec. 52 ff.; Pliny, H. N., II, 8, Sec. 30. The notion of eternity was correlative with that of [Greek: heimarmene]; cf. Ps.-Apul., Asclep., 40; Apul., De deo Socratis, c. 2: "(The planets) quae in deflexo cursu ... meatus aeternos divinis vicibus efficiunt."—This subject will be more fully treated in my lectures on "Astrology and Religion" (chaps. IV-V).

77. At Palmyra: De Voguee, Inscr. sem., pp. 53 ff., etc.—On the first title, see infra, n. 80.

78. Note especially CIL, VI, 406 = 30758, where Jupiter Dolichenus is called Aeternus conservator totius poli. The {258} relation to heaven here remained apparent. See Somn. Scip., III, 4; IV, 3.

79. Cf. Rev. archeol., 1888, I, pp. 184 ff.; Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. "Aeternus," and Festschrift fuer Otto Benndorf, 1898, p. 291.—The idea of the eternity of the gods also appeared very early in Egypt, but it does not seem that the mysteries of Isis—in which the death of Osiris was commemorated—made it prominent, and it certainly was spread in the Occident only by the sidereal cults.

80. The question has been raised whether the epithet [Hebrew: MR' 'LM'] means "lord of the world" or "lord of eternity" (cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, I, 258; II, 297; Lagrange, p. 508), but in our opinion the controversy is to no purpose, since in the spirit of the Syrian priests the two ideas are inseparable and one expression in itself embraces both, the world being conceived as eternal (supra, n. 76). See for Egypt, Horapoll., Hieroglyph., I (serpent as symbol of the [Greek: aion] and [Greek: kosmos]). At Palmyra, too, the title "lord of all" is found, [Hebrew: MR' KL] (Lidzbarski, loc. cit.); cf. Julian, Or., IV, p. 203, 5 (Hertlein): [Greek: Ho basileus ton holon Helios], and infra, n. 81; n. 87. Already at Babylon the title "lord of the universe" was given to Shamash and Hadad; see Jastrow, Religion Babyloniens, I, p. 254, n. 10. Noeldeke has been good enough to write me as follows on this subject: "Daran kan kein Zweifel sein, dass [Hebrew: 'LM] zunaechst (lange Zeit) Ewigkeit heisst, und dass die Bedeutung 'Welt' secundaer ist. Ich halte es daher fuer so gut wie gewiss dass das palmyrenische [Hebrew: MR' 'LM'], wenn es ein alter Name ist, den 'ewigen' Herrn bedeutet, wie ohne Zweifel [Hebrew: 'L 'WLM], Gen., xxi. 33. Das biblische Hebraeisch kennt die Bedeutung 'Welt' noch nicht, abgesehen wohl von der spaeten Stelle, Eccl. iii. 11. Und, so viel ich sehe, ist im Palmyrenischen sonst [Hebrew: 'LM'] immer 'Ewigkeit,' z.B. in der haeufigen Redensart [Hebrew: LBRYK SHMCH L'LM']. Aber das daneben vorkommende palmyr. [Hebrew: MR' KL] fuehrt allerdings darauf, dass die palmyrenische Inschrift auch in [Hebrew: MR' 'LM'] den 'Herrn der Welt' sah. Ja der syrische Uebersetzer sieht auch in jenem hebraeischen [Hebrew: 'L 'WLM] 'den Gott der Welt.' Das Syrische hat naemlich einen formalen Unterschied festgestellt zwischen 'ālăm, dem Status absolutus, 'Ewigkeit,' und 'ālmā [āl^emā] dem Status emphaticus 'Welt.'—Sollte uebrigens die {259} Bedeutung Welt diesem Worte erst durch Einfluss griechischer Speculation zu Teil geworden sein? In der Zingirli-Inschrift bedeuted [Hebrew: BTSLM] noch bloss 'in seiner Zeit.'"

81. Cf. CIL, III, 1090 = Dessau, Inscr., 2998: "Divinarum humanarumque rerum rectori." Compare ibid., 2999 and Cagnet, Annee epigr., 1905, No. 235: "I. O. M., id est universitatis principi." Cf. the article of the Archiv cited, n. 73. The Asclepius says (c. 39), using an astrological term: "Caelestes dii catholicorum dominantur, terreni incolunt singula."

82. Cf. W. Robertson Smith, 75 ff., passim. In the Syrian religions as in that of Mithra, the initiates regarded each other as members of the same family, and the phrase "dear brethren" as used by our preachers, was already in use among the votaries of Jupiter Dolichenus (fratres carissimos, CIL, VI, 406 = 30758).

83. Renan mentioned this fact in his Apotres, p. 297 = Journal Asiatique, 1859, p. 259. Cf. Jalabert, Mel. faculte orient. Beyrout, I, 1906, p. 146.

84. This is the term (virtutes) used by the pagans. See the inscription Numini et virtutibus dei aeterni as reconstructed in Revue de Philologie, 1902, p. 9; Archiv fuer Religionsw., loc. cit., p. 335, n. 1 and infra, ch. VIII, n. 20.

85. CIL, VII, 759 = Buecheler, Carm. epig., 24.—Cf. Lucian, De dea Syria, 32.

86. Macrobius, Sat., I, 23, Sec. 17: "Nominis (Adad) interpretatio significat unus unus."

87. Cicero, Somnium Scip., c. 4: "Sol dux et princeps et moderator luminum reliquorum, mens mundi et temperatio." Pliny, H. N., II, 6, Sec. 12: "Sol ... siderum ipsorum caelique rector. Hunc esse mundi totius animam ac planius mentem, hunc principale naturae regimen ac numen credere decet," etc. Julian of Laodicea, Cat. codd. astr., I, p. 136, l. 1:

[Greek: Helios basileus kai hegemon tou sumpantos kosmou kathestos, panton kathegoumenos kai panton on genesiarches.]

88. We are here recapitulating some conclusions of a study on La theologie solaire du paganisme romain published in Memoires des savants etrangers presentes a l'Acad. des Inscr., XII, 2d part, pp. 447 ff., Paris, 1910. {260}

89. The hymns of Synesius (II, 10 ff., IV, 120 ff., etc.) contain peculiar examples of the combination of the old astrological ideas with Christian theology.

VI. PERSIA.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: We shall not attempt here to give a bibliography of the works devoted to Mazdaism. We shall merely refer the reader to that of Lehmann in Chantepie de la Saussaye, Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte, II, p. 150. We should mention, in the first place, Darmesteter, Le Zend Avesta, 1892 ff., with introductions and commentary.—In my Textes et monuments relatifs aux mysteres de Mithra (2 vols., 1894-1900), I, pp. xx ff., I have furnished a list of the earlier works on this subject; the conclusions of the book have been published separately without the notes, under the title: Les Mysteres de Mithra, (2d ed., Paris and Brussels, 1902; English translation, Chicago, 1903). See also the article "Mithra" in the Dictionnaire des antiquites of Daremberg and Saglio, 1904.—General outlines of certain phases of this religion have been since given by Grill, Die persische Mysterienreligion und das Christentum, 1903; Roeses, Ueber Mithrasdienst, Stralsund, 1905; G. Wolff, Ueber Mithrasdienst und Mithreen, Frankfort, 1909; Reinach, La morale du mithraisme in Cultes, mythes, II, 1906, pp. 220 ff.; Dill, op. cit., pp. 594-626; cf. also Bigg, op. cit. [p. 321], 1905, p. 46 ff.; Harnack, Ausbreitung des Christent., II, p. 270. Among the learned researches which we cannot enumerate here, the most important is that of Albrecht Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie, 1903. He has endeavored with some ingenuity to show that a mystical passage inserted in a magic papyrus preserved at Paris is in reality a fragment of a Mithraic liturgy, but here I share the skepticism of Reitzenstein (Neue Jahrb. f. das class. Altertum, 1904, p. 192) and I have given my reasons in Rev. de l'Instr. publ. en Belg., XLVII, 1904, pp. 1 ff. Dieterich answered briefly in Archiv f. Religionswis., VIII, 1905, p. 502, but without convincing me. The author of the passage in question may have been more or less accurate in giving his god the external appearance of Mithra, but he certainly did not know the eschatology of the Persian mysteries. We know, for {261} instance, through positive testimony that they taught the dogma of the passage of the soul through the seven planetary spheres, and that Mithra acted as a guide to his votaries in their ascension to the realm of the blessed. Neither the former nor the latter doctrine, however, is found in the fantastic uranography of the magician. The name of Mithra, as elsewhere that of the magi Zoroaster and Hostanes, helped to circulate an Egyptian forgery., cf. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-roemische Kultur, 1907, p. 168, n. 1. See on this controversy Wuensch's notes in the 2d ed. of the Mithrasliturgie, 1910, pp. 225 ff.—A considerable number of new monuments have been published of late years (the mithreum of Saalburg by Jacobi, etc.). The most important ones are those of the temple of Sidon preserved in the collection of Clercq (De Ridder, Marbres de la collection de C., 1906, pp. 52 ff.) and those of Stockstadt published by Drexel (Der obergerm. Limes, XXXIII, Heidelberg, 1910). In the following notes I shall only mention the works or texts which could not be utilized in my earlier researches.

1. Cf. Petr. Patricius, Excerpta de leg., 12 (II, p. 393, de Boor ed.).

2. Cf. Chapot, Les destinees de l'hellenisme au dela l'Euphrate (Mem. soc. antiq. de France), 1902, pp. 207 ff.

3. Humbert in Daremberg and Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. "Amici," I, p. 228 (cf. 160). Cf. Friedlaender, Sittengesch., I, pp. 202 ff.

4. Cf. L'Eternite des empereurs romains (Rev. d'hist. et de litt. relig., I), 1896, p. 442.

5. Friedlaender (loc. cit., p. 204) has pointed out several instances where Augustus borrowed from his distant predecessors the custom of keeping a journal of the palace, of educating the children of noble families at court, etc. Certain public institutions were undoubtedly modeled on them; for instance, the organization of the mails (Otto Hirschfeld, Verwaltungsbeamten, p. 190, n. 2; Rostovtzev, Klio, VI, p. 249 (on angariae)); cf. Preisigke, Die Ptolemaeische Staatspost (Klio, VII, p. 241), that of the secret police (Friedlaender, I, p. 427).—On the Mazdean Hvareno who became [Greek: Tuche basileos], then Fortuna Augusti, cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 284 ff.—Even Mommsen (Roem. Gesch., V, p. 343), although {262} predisposed to look for the continuity of the Roman tradition, adds, after setting forth the rules that obtained at the court of the Parthians: "Alle Ordnungen die mit wenigen Abminderungen bei den roemischen Caesaren wiederkehren und vielleicht zum Teil von diesen der aelteren Grossherrschaft entlehnt sind."—Cf. also infra, ch. VIII, n. 19.

6. Friedlaender, loc. cit., p. 204; cf. p. 160.

7. Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums im neutestam. Zeitalter, 1903 (2d ed. 1906), pp. 453 ff., passim.

8. Cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 21 ff.

9. Cf. infra, ch. VII, pp. 188 ff.

10. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 9 ff., pp. 231 ff.

11. Lactantius, De mort. persec., 21, 2; cf. Seeck, Gesch. des Untergangs der antiken Welt, II, pp. 7 ff.

12. Cf. Strzygowski, Mschatta (Jahrb. preuss. Kunstsammlungen, XXV), Berlin, 1904, pp. 324 ff., 371 ff.—From a communication made to the Congress of Orientalists at Copenhagen (1908) by Father Lammens, it would appear that the facade of Mschatta is the work of an Omaiyad kalif of Damascus, and Strzygowski's conclusions would, therefore, have to be modified considerably; but the influence of Sassanid art in Syria is nevertheless certain; see Dussaud, Les Arabes en Syrie avant l'Islam, 1907, pp. 33, 51 ff.

13. Cf. infra, n. 32.

14. Plutarch, V. Pompei, 24:

[Greek: Xenas de thusias ethuon autoi tas en Olumpoi kai teletas tinas aporretous eteloun, on he tou Mithrou kai mechri deuro diasozetai katadeichtheisa proton hup' ekeinon].

15. Lactantius Placidus ad Stat., Theb. IV, 717: "Quae sacra primum Persae habuerunt, a Persis Phryges, a Phrygibus Romani."

16. In the Studio Pontica, p. 368, I have described a grotto located near Trapezus and formerly dedicated to Mithra, but now transformed into a church. We know of no other Mithreum. A bilingual dedication to Mithra, in Greek and Aramaic, is engraved upon a rock in a wild pass near Farasha (Rhodandos) in Cappadocia. Recently it has been republished {263} with excellent notes by Henri Gregoire (Comptes Rendus Acad. des Inscr., 1908, pp. 434 ff.), but the commentator has mentioned no trace of a temple. The text says that a strategus from Ariaramneia [Greek: emageuse Mithrei]. Perhaps these words must be translated according to a frequent meaning of the aorist, by "became a magus of Mithra" or "began to serve Mithra as a magus." This would lead to the conclusion that the inscription was made on the occasion of an initiation. The magus dignity was originally hereditary in the sacred caste; strangers could acquire it after the cult had assumed the form of mysteries. If the interpretation offered by us is correct the Cappadocian inscription would furnish interesting evidence of that transformation in the Orient. Moreover, we know that Tiridates of Armenia initiated Nero; see Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 239.

17. Strabo, XI, 14, Sec. 9. On the studs of Cappadocia, cf. Gregoire, Saints jumeaux et dieux cavaliers, 1905, pp. 56 ff.

18. Cf. C. R. Acad. des Inscr., 1905, pp. 99 ff. (note on the bilingual inscription of Aghatcha-Kale); cf. Daremberg-Saglio-Pottier, Dict. Antiqu., s. v. "Satrapa."

19. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 10, n. 1. The argument undoubtedly dates back to Carneades, see Boll, Studien ueber Claudius Ptolemaeus, 1894, pp. 181 ff.

20. Louis H. Gray (Archiv fuer Religionswiss., VII, 1904, p. 345) has shown how these six Amshaspands passed from being divinities of the material world to the rank of moral abstractions. From an important text of Plutarch it appears that they already had this quality in Cappadocia; cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, II, p. 33, and Philo, Quod omn. prob. lib., 11 (II, 456 M).—On Persian gods worshiped in Cappadocia, see Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 132.

21. See supra, n. 16 and 18.—According to Gregoire, the bilingual inscription of Farasha dates back to the first century, before or after Christ (loc. cit., p. 445).

22. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 9, n. 5.

23. Comparison of the type of Jupiter Dolichenus with the bas-reliefs of Boghaz-Keui led Kan (De Iovis Dolicheni cultu, Groningen, 1901, pp. 3 ff.) to see an Anatolian god in him. {264} The comparison of the formula ubi ferrum nascitur with the expression [Greek: hopou ho sideros tiktetai], used in connection with the Chalybians, leads to the same conclusion, see Revue de philologie, XXVI, 1902, p. 281.—Still, the representations of Jupiter Dolichnus also possess a remarkable resemblance to those of the Babylonian god Ramman; cf. Jeremias in Roscher, Lexikon der Myth., s. v. "Ramman," IV, col. 50 ff.

24. Rev. archeol. 1905, I, p. 189. Cf. supra, p. 127, n. 68.

25. Herod., I, 131.—On the assimilation of Baalsamin to Ahura-Mazda, cf. supra, p. 127, and infra, n. 29. At Rome, Jupiter Dolichenus was conservator totius poli et numen praestantissimum (CIL, VI, 406 = 30758).

26. Inscription of King Antiochus of Commagene (Michel, Recueil, No. 735), l. 43:

[Greek: Pros ouranious Dios Oromasdou thronous theophile psuchen propempsan]; cf. l. 33: [Greek: Ouranion anchista thronon].

27. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 87.

28. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 333.—An inscription discovered in a mithreum at Dorstadt (Sacidava in Dacia, CIL, III, 7728, cf. 7729), furnishes, if I rightly understand, another proof of the relation existing between the Semitic cults and that of the Persian gods. It speaks of a "de[orum?] sacerdos creatus a Pal[myr]enis, do[mo] Macedonia, et adven[tor] huius templi." This rather obscure text becomes clear when compared with Apul., Metam., XI, 26. After the hero had been initiated into the mysteries of Isis in Greece, he was received at Rome in the great temple of the Campus Martius, "fani quidem advena, religionis autem indigena." It appears also that this Macedonian, who was made a priest of their national gods (Bel, Malakbel, etc.) by a colony of Palmyrenians, was received in Dacia by the mystics of Mithra as a member of their religion.

29. At Venasa in Cappadocia, for instance, the people, even during the Christian period, celebrated a panegyric on a mountain, where the celestial Zeus, representing Baalsamin and Ahura-Mazda, was formerly worshiped (Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, 1894, pp. 142, 457). The identification of Bel with Ahura-Mazda in Cappadocia results from the Aramaic inscription of Jarpuz (Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil, III, {265} p. 59; Lidzbarski, Ephemeris fuer semit. Epigraphik, I, pp. 59 ff.). The Zeus Stratios worshiped upon a high summit near Amasia was in reality Ahura-Mazda, who in turn probably supplanted some local god (Studia Pontica, pp. 173 ff.).—Similarly the equation Anahita = Ishtar = Ma or Cybele for the great female divinity is accepted everywhere (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 333), and Ma takes the epithet [Greek: aniketos] like Mithra (Athen. Mitt., XVIII, 1893, p. 415, and XXIX, 1904, p. 169). A temple of this goddess was called [Greek: hieron Astartes] in a decree of Anisa (Michel, Recueil, No. 536, l. 32).

30. The Mithra "mysteries" are not of Hellenic origin (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 239), but their resemblance to those of Greece, which Gruppe insists upon (Griech. Mythologie, pp. 1596 ff.) was such that the two were bound to become confused in the Alexandrian period.

31. Harnack (Ausbreitung des Christentums, II, p. 271) sees in this exclusion of the Hellenic world a prime cause of the weakness of the Mithra worship in its struggle against Christianity. The mysteries of Mithra met the Greek culture with the culture of Persia, superior in some respects. But if it was capable of attracting the Roman mind by its moral qualities, it was too Asiatic, on the whole, to be accepted without repugnance by the Occidentals. The same was true of Manicheism.

32. CIL, III, 4413; cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 281.

33. Cf. the bibliography at the head of the notes for this chapter.

34. As Plato grew older he believed that he could not explain the evils of this world without admitting the existence of an "evil soul of the world" (Zeller, Philos. der Griechen, II, p. 973, p. 981, n. 1). But this late conception, opposed as it is to his entire system, is probably due to the influence of Oriental dualism. It is found in the Epinomis (Zeller, ibid., p. 1042, n. 4), where the influence of "Chaldean" theories is undeniable; cf. Bidez, Revue de Philologie, XXIX, 1905, p. 319.

35. Plutarch, De Iside, 46 ff.; cf. Zeller, Philos. der Griechen, V, p. 188; Eisele, Zur Demonologie des Plutarch (Archiv fuer Gesch. der Philos., XVII), 1903, p. 283 f.—Cf. infra, n. 40. {266}

36. Arnobius, who was indebted to Cornelius Labeo for some exact information on the doctrines of the magi, says (IV, 12, p. 150, 12, Reifferscheid): "Magi suis in accitionibus memorant antitheos saepius obrepere pro accitis, esse autem hos quosdam materiis ex crassioribus spiritus qui deos se fingant, nesciosque mendaciis et simulationibus ludant." Lactantius, the pupil of Arnobius, used the same word in speaking of Satan that a Mazdean would have used in referring to Ahriman (Inst. divin., II, 9, 13, p. 144, 13, Brandt): "Nox quam pravo illi antitheo dicimus attributam"; he is the aemulus Dei.—Heliodorus who has made use in his Aethiopica of data taken from the Mazdean beliefs (see Monuments relatifs aux mysteres de Mithra, volume I, p. 336, n. 2) uses the Greek word in the same sense, (IV, 7, p. 105, 27, Bekker ed.): [Greek: Antitheos tis eoiken empodizein ten praxin].—The Ps.-Iamblichus, De myster., III, 31, Sec. 15, likewise speaks of [Greek: daimones ponerous hous de kai kalousin antitheous]. Finally the magical papyri also knew of the existence of these deceiving spirits (Wessely, Denksch. Akad. Wien, XLII, p. 42, v. 702: [Greek: Pempson moi ton alethinon Asklepion dicha tinos antitheou planodaimonos]).

37. In a passage to which we shall return in note 39, Porphyry (De Abstin., II, 42), speaks of the demons in almost the same terms as Arnobius: [Greek: To gar pseudos toutois hoikeion; Boulontai gar einai theoi kai he proestosa auton dunamis dokein theos einai ho megistos] (cf. c. 41: [Greek: Toutous kai ton proestota auton]); likewise Ps.-Iamblichus, De myst., III, 30, 6: [Greek: Ton megan hegemona ton daimonon].—In the De philos. ex orac. haur. (pp. 147 ff. Wolff), an early work in which he followed other sources than those in De Abstinentia, Porphyry made Serapis (= Pluto) the chief of the malevolent demons. There was bound to be a connection between the Egyptian god of the underworld and the Ahriman of the Persians at an early date.—A veiled allusion to this chief of demons may be contained in Lucan, VI, 742 ff., and Plutarch who, in De Iside, 46, called Ahriman Hades (supra, p. 190; cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, II, p. 131, No. 3), says elsewhere (De latenter viv., 6, p. 1130): [Greek: Ton de tes enantias kurion moiras, eite theos eite daimon estin, Aiden onomazousin]. Cf. Decharme, Traditions religieuses chez les Grecs, 1904, p. 431, n. 1.

38. The dedication Diis angelis recently found at {267} Viminacium (Jahresh. Instituts in Wien, 1905, Beiblatt, p. 6), in a country where the Mithra worship had spread considerably seems to me to refer to this. See Minuc. Felix, Octav., 26: "Magorum et eloquio et negotio primus Hostanes angelos, id est ministros et nuntios Dei, eius venerationi novit assistere." St. Cypr., "Quod idola dii n. s.," c. 6 (p. 24, 2, Hartel): "Ostanes et formam Dei veri negat conspici posse et angelos veros sedi eius dicit adsistere." Cf. Tertullian, Apol., XXIII: "Magi habentes invitatorum angelorum et daemonum adsistentem sibi potestatem;" Arnobius, II, 35 (p. 76, 15, Reifferscheid); Aug., Civ. Dei, X, 9, and the texts collected by Wolff, Porphyrii de philos. ex orac. haurienda, 1856, pp. 223 ff.; Kroll, De orac. Chaldaicis, 1894, pp. 53; Roscher, Die Hebdomadenlehre der griech. Philosophen, Leipsic, 1906, p. 145; Abt, Apuleius und die Zauberei, Giessen, 1909, p. 256.

39. Porphyry, De Abstin., II, 37-43, expounds a theory about the demons, which, he says, he took from "certain Platonists" ([Greek: Platonikoi tines], Numenius and Cronius?). That these authors, whoever they were, helped themselves freely to the doctrines of the magi, seems to appear immediately from the whole of Porphyry's exposition (one could almost give an endless commentary on it with the help of the Mazdean books) and in particular from the mention that is made of a power commanding the spirits of evil (see supra, n. 37). This conclusion is confirmed by a comparison with the passage of Arnobius cited above (n. 36), who attributes similar theories to the "magi," and with a chapter of the Ps.-Iamblichus (De mysteriis, III, 31) which develops analogous beliefs as being those of "Chaldean prophets."—Porphyry also cites a "Chaldean" theologian in connection with the influence of the demons, De regressu animae (Aug., Civ. Dei, X, 9).

I conjecture that the source of all this demonology is the book attributed to Hostanes which we find mentioned in the second century of our era by Minucius Felix, St. Cyprian (supra, n. 38), etc.; cf. Wolff, op. cit., p. 138; Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 33. As a matter of fact it would be false logic to try to explain the evolution of demonology, which is above everything else religious, by the development of the philosophic theories of the Greeks (see for instance the communications of Messrs. Stock and Glover: Transactions of the Congress of {268} History of Rel., Oxford, 1908, II, pp. 164 ff.). The influence of the popular Hellenic or foreign ideas has always been preponderant here; and the Epinomis, which contains one of the oldest accounts of the theory of demons, as proved supra, n. 34, was influenced by the Semitic notions about genii, the ancestors of the djinns and the welys of Islam.

If, as we believe, the text of Porphyry really sets forth the theology of the magi, slightly modified by Platonic ideas based on popular beliefs of the Greeks and perhaps of the barbarians, we shall be able to draw interesting conclusions in regard to the mysteries of Mithra. For instance, one of the principles developed is that the gods must not be honored by the sacrifice of animated beings ([Greek: empsucha]), and that immolation of victims should be reserved for the demons. The same idea is found in Cornelius Labeo, (Aug., Civ. Dei, VIII, 13; see Arnobius, VII, 24), and possibly it was the practice of the Mithra cult. Porphyry (II, 36) speaks in this connection of rites and mysteries, but without divulging them, and it is known that in the course of its history Mazdaism passed from the bloody to the bloodless sacrifice (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 6).

40. Cf. Plutarch, De defectu orac., 10, p. 415 A:

[Greek: Emoi de dokousi pleionas lusai aporias hoi to ton daimonon genos en mesoi thentes theon kai anthropon kai tropon tina ten koinonian hemon sunagon eis tauto kai sunapton exeurontes; eite magon ton peri Zoroastren ho logos outos esti, eite Thraikios]....

41. Cf. Minucius Felix, 26, Sec. 11: "Hostanes daemonas prodidit terrenos vagos humanitatis inimicos." The pagan idea, that the air was peopled with evil spirits against whom man had to struggle perpetually, persisted among the Christians; cf. Ephes., ii. 2, vi. 12, see also Prudentius, Hamartigenia, 514 ff.

42. Cf. Minucius Felix, loc. cit.: "Magi non solum sciunt daemonas, sed quidquid miraculi ludunt, per daemonas faciunt," etc. Cf. Aug., Civ. Dei, X, 9 and infra, ch. VII, n. 76.

43. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 139 ff.

44. Theod. Mopsuest. ap. Photius, Bibl. 81. Cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 8. {269}

45. Cf. Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums im neutest. Zeitalter, 1903, pp. 483 ff.

46. Julian, Caesares, p. 336 C. The term [Greek: entolai] is the one also used in the Greek Church for the commandments of the Lord.

47. Cf. supra, p. 36.

48. The remark is from Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, II, p. 441.

49. Cf. Reinach, op. cit., [260], pp. 230 ff.

50. Farnell, Evolution of Religion, p. 127.

51. Mithra is sanctus (Mon. myst. Mithra, II, p. 533), like the Syrian gods; cf. supra, ch. V, n. 47.

52. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 309 ff. The eschatology of orthodox Mazdaism has been expounded recently by Soederblom, La vie future d'apres le mazdeisme, Paris, 1901.

53. Cf. supra, ch. IV, p. 100, ch. V, p. 126.

54. We have explained this theory above, p. 125. It was foreign to the religion of Zoroaster and was introduced into the mysteries of Mithra with the Chaldean astrology. Moreover, ancient mythological ideas were always mixed with this learned theology. For instance, it was an old Oriental belief that souls, being regarded as material, wore clothing (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 15, n. 5; Bousset, Archiv fuer Religionswiss., IV, 1901, p. 233, n. 2; Rev. hist. des relig., 1899, p. 243, and especially Boeklen, Die Verwandtschaft der juedisch-christlichen und der parsischen Eschatologie, Goettingen, 1902, pp. 61 ff.) Thence arose the notion prevalent to the end of paganism, that the soul in passing through the planetary spheres, took on the qualities of the stars "like successive tunics." Porphyry, De abstin., I, 31: [Greek: Apoduteon ara tous pollous hemin chitonas k. t. l.]; Macrobius, Somnium Sc., I, 11, Sec. 12: "In singulis sphaeris aetherea obvolutione vestitur"; I, 12, Sec. 13: "Luminosi corporis amicitur accessu"; Proclus, In Tim., I, 113, 8, Diehl ed.: [Greek: Periballesthai chitonas], Procl., Opera, Cousin ed., p. 222: "Exuendum autem nobis et tunicas quas descendentes induti sumus"; Kroll, De orac. Chaldaicis, p. 51, n. 2: [Greek: Psuche hessamene noun]; Julian, Or., II, p. 123, 22, (Hertlein). Cf. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-roemische Kultur, p. 168 n. 1. Compare what {270} Hippolytus, Philos., V, I, says of Isis (Ishtar?) in connection with the Naasenians. She is [Greek: heptastolos], because nature also is covered with seven ethereal garments, the seven heavens of the planets; see Ps.-Apul., Asclepius, 34 (p. 75, 2 Thomas): "Mundum sensibilem et, quae in eo sunt, omnia a superiore illo mundo quasi ex vestimento esse contecta." I have insisted upon the persistence of this idea, because it may help us to grasp the significance attributed to a detail of the Mithra ritual in connection with which Porphyry relates nothing but contradictory interpretations. The persons initiated into the seven degrees were obliged to put on different costumes. The seven degrees of initiation successively conferred upon the mystic were symbols of the seven planetary spheres, through which the soul ascended after death (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 316), the garments assumed by the initiates were probably considered as emblems of those "tunics" which the soul put on when descending into the lower realms and discarded on returning to heaven.

55. Renan, Marc-Aurele, p. 579.

56. Anatole France, Le mannequin d'osier, p. 318. Cf. Reinach, op. cit. [p. 260], p. 232.

VII. ASTROLOGY AND MAGIC.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bouche-Leclercq's book L'astrologie grecque (Paris, 1899) makes it unnecessary to refer to the earlier works of Saumaise (De annis climactericis, 1648), of Seiffarth (Beitraege sur Lit. des alten Aegypten, II, 1883), etc. Most of the facts cited by us are taken from that monumental treatise, unless otherwise stated.—A large number of new texts has been published in the Catalogus codicum astrologorum Graecorum (9 vols. ready, Brussels, 1898).—Franz Boll, Sphaera (Leipsic, 1903) is important for the history of the Greek and barbarian constellations (see Rev. archeol., 1903, I, p. 437).—De la Ville de Mirmont has furnished notes on L'astrologie en Gaule au V^e siecle (Rev. des Etudes anciennes, 1902, pp. 115 ff.; 1903, pp. 255 ff.; 1906, p. 128). Also in book form, Bordeaux, 1904. The principal results of the latest researches have been outlined to perfection by Boll, Die Erforschung der {271} antiken Astrologie (Neue Jahrb. fuer das klass. Altert., XI), 1908, pp. 104 ff.—For the bibliography of magic, cf. infra, notes, 58 ff.

1. Stephan. Byzant. (Cat. codd. astr., II, p. 235), I, 12: [Greek: Exochotate kai pases epistemes despoina]. Theophil. Edess., ibid., V, 1, p. 184: [Greek: Hoti pason timiotera technon]. Vettius Valens, VI, proem. (ibid., V, 2, p. 34, 7 = p. 241, 19, Kroll ed.): [Greek: Tis gar ouk an krinai tauten ten theorian pason prouchein kai makariotaten tunchanein].

2. Cf. Louis Havet, Revue bleue, Nov., 1905, p. 644.

3. Cf. supra, p. 146, p. 123.

4. Kroll, Aus der Gesch. der Astrol. (Neue Jahrb. fuer das klass. Altertum, VII), 1901, pp. 598 ff. Cf. Boll, Cat. codd. astr., VII, p. 130.

5. The argumentation of Posidonius, placed at the beginning of the Tetrabiblos, inspired the defense of astrology, and it has been drawn upon considerably by authors of widely different spirit and tendencies, see Boll, Studien ueber Claudius Ptolemaeus, 1894, pp. 133 ff.

6. Suetonius, Tib., 69.

7. Suetonius, Othon, 8; cf. Bouche-Leclercq, p. 556, n. 4.

8. On these edifices, cf. Maass, Tagesgoetter, 1902. The form "Septizonia" is preferable to "Septizodia"; cf. Schuerer, Siebentaegige Woche (Extr. Zeitschr. neutestam. Wissensch., VI), 1904, pp. 31, 63.

9. Friedlaender, Sittengesch., I, p. 364. It appears that astrology never obtained a hold on the lower classes of the rural population. It has a very insignificant place in the folklore and healing arts of the peasantry.

10. Manilius, IV, 16.—For instance CIL, VI, 13782, the epitaph of a Syrian freedman: "L. Caecilius L. l(ibertus) Syrus, natus mense Maio hora noctis VI, die Mercuri, vixit ann. VI dies XXXIII, mortuus est IIII Kal. Iulias hora X, elatus est h(ora) III frequentia maxima." Cf. Bucheler, Carm. epigr., 1536: "Voluit hoc astrum meum."

11. Chapter [Greek: Peri deipnou]: Cat. codd. astr., IV, p. 94. The precept: "Ungues Mercurio, barbam Iove, Cypride crinem," {272} ridiculed by Ausonius, (VII, 29, p. 108, Piper) is well known. There are many chapters [Greek: Peri onuchon, Peri himation], etc.

12. Cat. codd. astr., V, 1 (Rom.) p. 11, cod. 2, f. 34: [Greek: Peri tou ei echei megan rhina ho gennetheis. Poteron porne genetai he gennetheisa.]

13. Varro, De re rustica, I, 37, 2; cf. Pliny, Hist. nat., XVI, 75, Sec. 194. Olympiod, Comm. in Alcibiad Plat., p. 18 (ed. Creuzer, 1821): [Greek: Tous hieratikos zontas estin idein me apokeiromenous auxouses tes selenes]. This applies to popular superstition rather than to astrology.

14. CIL, VI, 27140 = Buecheler, Carmina epigraph., 1163: "Decepit utrosque Maxima mendacis fama mathematici."

15. Palchos in the Cat. codd. astr., I, pp. 106-107.

16. Manilius, IV, 386 ff., 866 ff. passim.

17. Vettius Valens, V, 12 (Cat. codd. astr., V, 2, p. 32 = p. 239, 8, Kroll ed.); cf. V, 9 (Cat., V, 2, p. 31, 20 = p. 222, 11 Kroll ed.).

18. Cf. Steph. Byz., Cat. codd. astr., II, p. 186. He calls both [Greek: stochasmos entechnos]. The expression is taken up again by Manuel Comnenus (Cat., V, 1, p. 123, 4), and by the Arab Abou-Mashar [Apomasar] (Cat., V, 2, p. 153).

19. The sacerdotal origin of astrology was well known to the ancients; see Manilius, I, 40 ff.

20. Thus in the chapter on the fixed stars which passed down to Theophilus of Edessa and a Byzantine of the ninth century, from a pagan author who wrote at Rome in 379; cf. Cat. codd. astrol., V, 1, pp. 212, 218.—The same observation has been made in the manuscripts of the Cyranides, cf. F. de Mely and Ruelle, Lapidaires grecs, II, p. xi. n. 3.—See also Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 31 ff.; Boll, Die Erforsch. der antiken Astrologie, pp. 110 ff.

21. In Vettius Valens, III, 12 (p. 150, 12 Kroll ed.) and IX, prooem. (p. 329, 20); cf. VI, prooem. (p. 241, 16); Riess, Petosiridis et Necheps. fragm., fr. 1.

22. Vettius Valens, IV, 11 (Cat. codd, astr., V, 2, p. 86 = p. 172, 31 ff., Kroll ed.), cf. V, 12, (Cat., ibid., p. 32 = p. 238, 18 ff.), VII prooem. (Cat., p. 41 = p. 263, l. 4, Kroll ed. and the note). {273}

23. Firmicus Maternus, II, 30, VIII, prooem. and 5. Cf. Theophilus of Edessa, Cat., V, 1, p. 238, 25; Julian of Laod., Cat., IV, p. 104, 4.

24. CIL, V, 5893.—Chaeremon, an Egyptian priest, was also an astrologer.

25. Souter, Classical Review, 1897, p. 136; Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, II, p. 566, 790.

26. On the Stoic theory of sympathy see Bouche-Leclercq, pp. 28 ff., passim. A brilliant account will be found in Proclus, In remp. Plat., II, 258 f., Kroll ed. Cf. also Clem. Alex., Strom., VI, 16, p. 143 (p. 504, 21, Staehelin ed.)—Philo attributed it to the Chaldeans (De migrat. Abrahami, 32, II, p. 303, 5, Wendland):

[Greek: Chaldaioi ton allon anthropon ekpeponekenai kai diapherontos dokousin astronomian kai genethlialogiken, ta epigeia tois meteorois kai ta ourania tois epi ges harmozomenoi kai hosper dia mousikes logon ten emmelestaten sumphonian tou pantos epideiknumenoi tei ton meron pros allela koinoniai kai sumpatheiai, topois men diezeugmenon, sungeneiai de ou dioikismenon.]

27. Riess in Pauly-Wissowa, Realenc., s. v. "Aberglaube," I, col. 38 f.

28. (No note with this number in original book—Transcriber.).

29. Cat., V, 1, p. 210, where a number of other examples will be found.

30. See Boll, Sphaera (passim), and his note on the lists of animals assigned to the planets, in Roscher, Lexikon Myth., s. v. "Planeten," III, col. 2534; cf. Die Erforsch. der Astrologie, p. 110, n. 3.

31. Cat., V, 1, pp. 210 ff.

32. Cf. supra, ch. V. pp. 128 ff.

33. Cf. supra, ch. V, n. 87.

34. On worship of the sky, of the signs of the zodiac, and of the elements, cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 85 ff., 98 ff., 108 ff.

35. The magico-religious notion of sanctity, of mana, appeared in the idea and notation of time. This has been shown by Hubert in his profound analysis of La representation du temps dans la religion et la magie (Progr. ec. des Hautes-Etudes), 1905 = Melanges hist. des rel., Paris, 1909, p. 190.

36. On the worship of Time see Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 20, {274} 74 ff.; of the seasons: ibid., pp. 92 ff. There is no doubt that the veneration of time and its subdivisions (seasons, months, days, etc.) spread through the influence of astrology. Zeno had deified them; see Cicero, Nat. D., II, 63 (= von Arnim, fr. 165): "Astris hod idem (i. e. vim divinam) tribuit, tum annis, mensibus, annorumque mutationibus." In conformity with the materialism of the Stoics these subdivisions of time were conceived by him as bodies (von Arnim, loc. cit., II, fr. 665; cf. Zeller, Ph. Gr., IV, p. 316, p. 221). The later texts have been collected by Drexler in Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. "Men," II, col. 2689. See also Ambrosiaster, Comm. in epist. Galat., IV, 10 (Migne, col. 381 B). Egypt had worshiped the hours, the months, and the propitious and adverse years as gods long before the Occident; see Wiedemann, loc. cit. (infra, n. 64) pp. 7 ff.

37. They adorn many astronomical manuscripts, particularly the Vaticanus gr. 1291, the archetype of which dates back to the third century of our era; cf. Boll, Sitzungsb. Akad. Muenchen, 1899, pp. 125 ff., 136 ff.

38. Piper, Mythologie der christl. Kunst, 1851, II, pp. 313 f. Cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 220.

39. Bidez, Berose et la grande annee in the Melanges Paul Fredericq, Brussels, 1904, pp. 9 ff.

40. Cf. supra, pp. 126, 158 f.

41. When Goethe had made the ascent of the Brocken, in 1784, during splendid weather, he expressed his admiration by writing the following verses from memory, (II, 115): "Quis caelum possit, nisi caeli munere, nosse Et reperire deum, nisi qui pars ipse deorum est?"; cf. Brief an Frau von Stein, No. 518, (Schoell) 1885, quoted by Ellis in Noctes Manilianae, p. viii.

42. This idea in the verse of Manilius (n. 41, cf. IV, 910), and which may be found earlier in Somnium Scipionis (III, 4; see Macrobius, Comment. I, 14, Sec. 16; "Animi societatem cum caelo et sideribus habere communem"; Pseudo-Apul., Asclepius, c. 6, c. 9. Firmicus Maternus, Astrol., I, 5, Sec. 10). dates back to Posidonius who made the contemplation of the sky one of the sources of the belief in God (Capelle, Jahrb. {275} fuer das klass. Altertum, VIII, 1905, p. 534, n. 4), and it is even older than that, for Hipparchus had already admitted a "cognationem cum homine siderum, animasque, nostras partem esse caeli" (Pliny, Hist. nat., II, 26, Sec. 95).

43. Vettius Valens, IX, 8 (Cat. codd. astr., V, 2, p. 123 = p. 346, 20, Kroll ed.), VI, prooem. (Cat., ibid. p. 34, p. 35, 14 = p. 242, 16, 29, Kroll ed.); cf. the passages of Philo collected by Cohn, De opificio mundi, c. 23, p. 24, and Capelle, loc. cit.

44. Manilius, IV, 14.

45. Cf. my article on L'eternite des empereurs (Rev. hist. litt. relig., I), 1898, pp. 445 ff.

46. Reitzenstein, to whom belongs the credit of having shown the strength of this astrological fatalism (see infra, n. 57), believes that it developed in Egypt, but surely he is wrong. In this connection see the observations of Bousset, Goetting. gel. Anzeigen, 1905, p. 704.

47. The most important work is unfortunately lost: it was the [Greek: Peri heimarmenes] by Diodorus of Tarsus. Photius has left us a summary (cod. 223). We possess a treatise on the same subject by Gregory of Nyssa (P. G., XLV, p. 145). They were supported by the Platonist Hierocles (Photius, cod. 214, p. 172 b.).—Many attacks on astrology are found in St. Ephraim, Opera syriaca, II, pp. 437 ff.; St. Basil (Hexaem., VI, 5), St. Gregory of Nazianzen, St. Methodus (Symp., P. G., XVII, p. 1173); later in St. John Chrysostom, Procopus of Gaza, etc. A curious extract from Julian of Halicarnassus has been published by Usener, Rheinisches Mus., LV, 1900, p. 321.—We have spoken briefly of the Latin polemics in the Revue d'hist. et de litt. relig., VIII, 1903, pp. 423 f. A work entitled De Fato (Bardenhewer, Gesch. altchr. Lit., I, p. 315) has been attributed to Minucius Felix; Nicetas of Remesiana (about 400) wrote a book Adversus genethlialogiam (Gennadius, Vir. inl., c. 22), but the principal adversary of the mathematici was St. Augustine (Civ. Dei, c. 1 ff.; Epist., 246, ad Lampadium, etc.). See also Wendland, Die hellenistisch-roemische Kultur, p. 172, n. 2.

48. The influence of the astrological ideas was felt by the Arabian paganism before Mohammed; see supra, ch. V, n. 57. {276}

49. Dante, Purg., XXX, 109 ff.—In the Convivio, II, ch. XIV, Dante expressly professes the doctrine of the influence of the stars over human affairs.—The church succeeded in extirpating the learned astrology of the Latin world almost completely at the beginning of the Middle Ages. We do not know of one astrological treatise, or of one manuscript of the Carlovingian period, but the ancient faith in the power of the stars continued in secret and gained new strength when Europe came in contact with Arabian science.

50. Bouche-Leclercq devotes a chapter to them (pp. 609 ff.).

51. Seneca, Quaest. Nat., II, 35: "Expiationes et procurationes nihil aliud esse quam aegrae mentis solatia. Fata inrevocabiliter ius suum peragunt nec ulla commoventur prece." Cf. Schmidt, Veteres philosophi quomodo iudicaverint de precibus, Giessen, 1907, p. 34.—Vettius Valens, V, 9, (Catal. codd. astr., V, 2 p. 30, 11 = p. 220, 28, Kroll ed.), professes that [Greek: Adunaton tina euchais e thusiais epinikesai ten ex arches katabolen k. t. l.], but he seems to contradict himself, IX, 8 (p. 347, 1 ff.).

52. Suetonius, Tib., 69: "Circa deos ac religiones neglegentior, quippe addictus mathematicae, plenusque persuasionis cuncta fato agi." Cf. Manilius, IV.

53. Vettius Valens, IX, 11 (Cat. codd. astr., V, 2, p. 51, 8 ff. = p. 355, 15. Kroll ed.), cf. VI, prooem. (Cat., p. 33 = p. 240, Kroll).

54. "Si tribuunt fata genesis, cur deos oratis?" reads a verse of Commodianus (I, 16, 5). The antinomy between the belief in fatalism and this practice did not prevent the two from existing side by side, cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 120, 311; Revue d'hist. et de litt. relig., VIII, 1903, p. 431.—The peripatetic Alexander of Aphrodisias who fought fatalism in his [Greek: Peri heimarmenes], at the beginning of the third century, and who violently attacked the charlatanism and cupidity of the astrologers in another book (De anima mantissa, p. 180, 14, Bruns), formulated the contradiction in the popular beliefs of his time (ibid., p. 182, 18):

[Greek: Pote men anthropoi to tes heimarmenes humnousin hos anankaion, pote de ou pantei ten sunecheian autes pisteuousi sozein; kai gar hoi dia ton logon huper autes hos ouses anankaias diateinomenoi sphodra kai panta anatithentes autei, en tais kata ton bion praxesin ouk eoikasin autei pepisteukenai;] {277} [Greek: Tuchen goun pollakis epiboontai, allen homologountes einai tauten aitian tes heimarmenes; alla kai tois theois ou dialeipousin euchomenoi, hos dunamenon tinos hup' auton dia tas euchas genesthai kai para ten heimarmenen; ... kai manteiais ouk oknousi chresthai, hos enon autois, ei promathoien, phulaxasthai ti ton heimarmenon ... apithanotatai goun eisin auton hai pros ten touton sumphonian heuresilogiai.] Cf. also De Fato, c. 2 (p. 165, 26 ff. Bruns).

55. Manilius, II, 466: "Quin etiam propriis inter se legibus astra Conveniunt, ut certa gerant commercia rerum, Inque vicem praestant visus atque auribus haerent, Aut odium, foedusque gerunt," etc. Signs [Greek: bleponta] and [Greek: akouonta]: cf. Bouche-Leclercq, pp. 139 ff. The planets rejoice ([Greek: chairein]) in their mansions, etc. Signs [Greek: phoneenta], etc.: cf. Cat., I, pp. 164 ff.; Bouche-Leclercq, pp. 77 ff. The terminology of the driest didactic texts is saturated with mythology.

56. Saint Leo, In Nativ., VII, 3 (Migne, P. L., LIV, col. 218); Firmicus, I, 6, 7; Ambrosiaster, in the Revue d'hist. et litt. relig., VIII, 1903, p. 16.

57. Cf. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, pp. 77 ff., cf. p. 103, where a text of Zosimus attributes this theory to Zoroaster. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-roem. Kultur, 1907, p. 81. This is the meaning of the verse of the Orac. Chaldaica: [Greek: Ou gar huph' heimarten agelen piptousi theourgoi] (p. 59 Kroll). According to Arnobius (II, 62, Cornelius Labeo) the magi claimed "deo esse se gnatos nec fati obnoxios legibus."

58. Bibliography. We have no complete book on Greek and Roman magic. Maury, La magie et l'astrologie dans l'antiquite et au moyen age, 1864, is a mere sketch. The most complete account is Hubert's art. "Magia" in the Dict. des antiquites of Daremberg, Saglio, Pottier. It contains an index of the sources and the earlier bibliography. More recent studies are: Fahz, De poet. Roman. doctrina magica, Giessen, 1903; Audollent, Defixionum tabulae, Paris, 1904; Wuensch, Antikes Zaubergeraet aus Pergamon, Berlin, 1905 (important objects found dating back to the third century, A. D.); Abt, Die Apologie des Apuleius und die Zauberei, Giessen, 1908.—The superstition that is not magic, but borders upon it, is the subject of a very important article by Riess, "Aberglaube," in the Realenc. of Pauly-Wissowa. An essay by Kroll, Antiker Aberglaube, Hamburg, 1897, deserves mention.—Cf. Ch. Michel {278} in the Revue d'hist. et litt. rel., VII, 1902, p. 184. See also infra, nn. 64, 65, 72.

59. The question of the principles of magic has recently been the subject of discussions started by the theories of Frazer, The Golden Bough, 2d ed., 1900 (cf. Goblet d'Alviella, Revue de l'univ. de Bruxelles, Oct. 1903). See Andrew Lang, Magic and Religion, London, 1901; Hubert and Mauss, Esquisse d'une theorie generale de la magie (Annee sociologique, VII), 1904, p. 56; cf. Melanges hist. des relig., Paris, 1909, pp. xvii ff.; Jevons, Magic, in the Transactions of the Congress for the History of Religions, Oxford, 1908, I, p. 71. Loisy, "Magie science et religion," in A propos d'hist. des religions, 1911, p. 166.

60. S. Reinach, Mythes, cultes et relig., II, Intr., p. xv.

61. The infiltration of magic into the liturgy under the Roman empire is shown especially in connection with the ritual of consecration of the idols, by Hock, Griechische Weihegebraeuche, Wuerzburg, 1905, p. 66.—Cf. also Kroll, Archiv fuer Religionsw., VIII, 1905, Beiheft, pp. 27 ff.

62. Friedlaender, Sittengeschichte, I, pp. 509 f.

63. Arnobius, II, 62, cf. II, 13; Ps.-Iamblichus, De Myst., VIII, 4.

64. Magic in Egypt: Budge, Egyptian Magic, London, 1901; Wiedemann, Magie und Zauberei im alten Aegypten, Leipsic, 1905 [cf. Maspero, Rev. critique, 1905, II, p. 166]; Otto, Priester und Tempel, II, p. 224; Griffith, The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden, 1904 (a remarkable collection dating back to the third century of our era), and the writings analyzed by Capart, Rev. hist. des relig., 1905 (Bulletin of 1904, p. 17), 1906 (Bull. of 1905, p. 92).

65. Fossey, La magie assyrienne, Paris, 1902. The earlier bibliography will be found p. 7. See also Hubert in Daremberg, Saglio, Pottier, Dict. des antiq., s. v. "Magia," p. 1505, n. 5. Campbell Thomson, Semitic Magic, Its Origin and Development, London, 1908.

Traces of magical conceptions have survived even in the prayers of the orthodox Mohammedans; see the curious {279} observations of Goldziher, Studien, Theodor Noeldeke gewidmet, 1906, I, pp. 302 ff. The Assyrio-Chaldean magic may be compared profitably with Hindu magic (Victor Henry, La Magie dans l'Inde antique, Paris, 1904).

66. There are many indications that the Chaldean magic spread over the Roman empire, probably as a consequence of the conquests of Trajan and Verus (Apul., De Magia, c. 38; Lucian, Philopseudes, c. 11; Necyom., c. 6, etc. Cf. Hubert, loc. cit.) Those most influential in reviving these studies seem to have been two rather enigmatical personages, Julian the Chaldean, and his son Julian the Theurge, who lived under Marcus Aurelius. The latter was Considered the author of the [Greek: Logia Chaldaika], which in a measure became the Bible of the last neo-Platonists.

67. Apul., De Magia, c. 27. The name [Greek: philosophos], philosophus, was finally applied to all adepts in the occult sciences.

68. The term seems to have been first used by Julian, called the Theurge, and thence to have passed to Porphyry (Epist. Aneb., c. 46; Augustine, Civ. Dei, X, 9-10) and to the neo-Platonists.

69. Hubert, article cited, pp. 1494, n. 1; 1499 f.; 1504. Ever since magical papyri were discovered in Egypt, there has been a tendency to exaggerate the influence exercised by that country on the development of magic. It made magic prominent as we have said, but a study of these same papyri proves that elements of very different origin had combined with the native sorcery, which seems to have laid special stress upon the importance of the "barbarian names," because to the Egyptians the name had a reality quite independent of the object denoted by it, and possessed an effective force of its own (supra, pp. 93, 95). But that is, after all, only an incidental theory, and it is significant that in speaking of the origin of magic, Pliny (XXX, 7) names the Persians in the first place, and does not even mention the Egyptians.

70. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 230 ff.—Consequently Zoroaster, the undisputed master of the magi, is frequently considered a disciple of the Chaldeans or as himself coming from Babylon. The blending of Persian and Chaldean beliefs appears clearly in Lucian, Necyom., 6 ff. {280}

71. The majority of the magical formulas attributed to Democritus are the work of forgers like Bolos of Mendes (cf. Diels, Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, I^2, pp. 440 f.), but the authorship of this literature could not have been attributed to him, had not these tendencies been so favorable.

72. On Jewish magic see: Blau, Das altjuedische Zauberwesen, 1898; cf. Hubert, loc. cit., p. 1505.

73. Pliny, H. N., XXX, 1, Sec. 6; Juvenal, VI, 548 ff. In Pliny's opinion these magicians were especially acquainted with veneficas artes. The toxicology of Mithridates goes back to that source (Pliny, XXV, 2, 7). Cf. Horace, Epod., V, 21; Virgil, Buc. VIII, 95, etc.

74. Cf. supra, pp. 151 ff.

75. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 26; cf. supra, ch. VI, p. 152.

76. In a passage outlining the Persian demonology (see supra, n. 39), Porphyry tells us (De Abst., II, 41):

[Greek: Toutous] (sc. [Greek: tous daimonas]) [Greek: malista kai ton proestota auton] (c. 42, [Greek: he proestosa auton dunamis] = Ahriman) [Greek: ektimosin hoi ta kaka dia ton goeteion prattomenoi k. t. l.] Cf. Lactantius, Divin. Inst., II, 14 (I, p. 164, 10, Brandt ed.); Clem. of Alexandria, Stromat., III, p. 46 C, and supra, n. 37. The idea that the demons subsisted on the offerings and particularly on the smoke of the sacrifices agrees entirely with the old Persian and Babylonian ideas. See Yasht V, XXI, 94: What "becomes of the libations which the wicked bring to you after sunset?" "The devas receive them," etc.—In the cuneiform tablet of the deluge (see 160 ff.), the gods "smell the good odor and gather above the officiating priest like flies." (Dhorme, Textes religieux assyro-babyloniens, 1907, p. 115; cf. Maspero, Hist. anc. des peuples de l'Orient, I, p. 681.).

77. Plut., De Iside, c. 46.

78. The druj Nasu of the Mazdeans; cf. Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, II, p. xi and 146 ff.

79. Cf. Lucan, Phars., VI, 520 ff.

80. Mommsen, Strafrecht, pp. 639 ff. There is no doubt that the legislation of Augustus was directed against magic, cf. Dion, LII, 34, 3.—Manilius (II, 108) opposes to astrology the {281} artes quorum haud permissa facultas. Cf. also Suet., Aug., 31.

81. Zachariah the Scholastic, Vie de Severe d'Antioche, Kugener ed. (Patrol. orientalis, II), 1903, pp. 57 ff.

82. Magic at Rome in the fifth century: Wuensch, Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln aus Rom, Leipsic, 1898 (magical leads dated from 390 to 420); Revue hist. litt. relig., VIII, 1903, p. 435, and Burchardt, Die Zeit Constantin's, 2d ed., 1880, pp. 236 ff.

VIII. THE TRANSFORMATION OF PAGANISM.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The history of the destruction of paganism is a subject that has tempted many historians. Beugnot (1835), Lasaulx (1854), Schulze (Jena, 1887-1892) have tried it with varying success (see Wissowa, Religion der Roemer, pp. 84 ff.). But hardly any one has been interested in the reconstruction of the theology of the last pagans, although material is not lacking. The meritorious studies of Gaston Boissier (La fin du Paganisme, Paris, 1891) treat especially the literary and moral aspects of that great transformation. Allard (Julien l'Apostat, I, 1900, p. 39 ff.) has furnished a summary of the religious evolution during the fourth century.

1. Socrates, Hist. Eccl., IV, 32.

2. It is a notable fact that astrology scarcely penetrated at all into the rural districts (supra, ch. VII, n. 9), where the ancient devotions maintained themselves; see the Vita S. Eligii, Migne, P. L., XL, col. 1172 f.—In the same way the cult of the menhirs in Gaul persisted in the Middle Ages; see d'Arbois de Jubainville, Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr., 1906, pp. 146 ff.; S. Reinach, Mythes, cultes, III, 1908, pp. 365 ff.

3. Aug., Civ. Dei, IV, 21 et passim. Arnobius and Lactantius had previously developed this theme.

4. On the use made of mythology during the fourth century, cf. Burckhardt, Zeit Contantins, 2d ed., 1880, pp. 145-147; Boissier, La fin du paganisme, II, pp. 276 ff. and passim. {282}

5. It is well known that the poems of Prudentius (348-410), especially the Peristephanon, contain numerous attacks on paganism and the pagans.

6. Cf. La polemique de l'Ambrosiaster contre les paiens (Rev. hist. et litt. relig., VIII, 1903, pp. 418 ff.). On the personality of the author (probably the converted Jew Isaac), cf. Souter, A Study of Ambrosiaster, Cambridge, 1905 (Texts and Studies, VII) and his edition of the Quaestiones, (Vienna, 1908), intr. p. xxiv.

7. The identity of Firmicus Maternus, the author of De errore profanarum religionum, and that of the writer of the eight books Matheseos appears to have been definitely established.

8. Maximus was Bishop of Turin about 458-465 A. D. We possess as yet only a very defective edition of the treatises Contra Paganos and Contra Judaeos (Migne, Patr. lat., LVII, col. 781 ff.).

9. Particularly the Carmen adversus paganos written after Eugene's attempt at restoration in 394 A. D. (Riese, Anthol. lat., I, 20) and the Carmen ad senatorem ad idolorum servitutem conversum, attributed to St. Cyprian (Hartel. ed., III, p. 302), which is probably contemporaneous with the former.

10. On this point see the judicious reflections of Paul Allard, Julien l'Apostat, I, 1900, p. 35.

11. Hera was the goddess of the air after the time of the Stoics ([Greek: Hera] = [Greek: aer]).

12. Cf. supra, pp. 51, 75, 99, 120, 148. Besides the Oriental gods the only ones to retain their authority were those of the Grecian mysteries, Bacchus and Hecate, and even these were transformed by their neighbors.

13. The wife of Praetextatus, after praising his career and talents in his epitaph, adds: "Sed ista parva: tu pius mystes sacris teletis reperta mentis arcano premis, divumque numen multiplex doctus colis" (CIL, 1779 = Dessau, Inscr. sel., 1259).

14. Pseudo-August. [Ambrosiaster], Quaest. Vet. et Nov. Test., (p. 139, 9-11, Souter ed.): "Paganos elementis esse {283} subiectos nulli dubium est.... Paganos elementa colere omnibus cognitum est"; cf. 103 (p. 304, 4 Souter ed.): "Solent (pagani) ad elementa confugere dicentes haec se colere quibus gubernaculis regitur vita humana" (cf. Rev. hist. lit. rel., VIII, 1903, p. 426, n. 3).—Maximus of Turin (Migne, P. L., LVII, 783): "Dicunt pagani: nos solem, lunam et stellas et universa elementa colimus et veneramur." Cf. Mon myst. Mithra, I, p. 103, n. 4, p. 108.

15. Firmicus Maternus, Mathes., VII prooem: "(Deus) qui ad fabricationem omnium elementorum diversitate composita ex contrariis et repugnantibus cuncta perfecit."

16. Elementum is the translation of [Greek: stoicheion], which has had the same meaning in Greek at least ever since the first century (see Diels, Elementum, 1899, pp. 44 ff., and the Septuagint, Sap. Sal., 7, 18; 19, 17.) Pfister, "Die [Greek: stoicheia tou kosmou] in den Briefen des Paulus," Philologus, LXIX, 1910, p. 410.—In the fourth century this meaning was generally accepted: Macrobius, Somn. Scipionis, I, 12, Sec. 16: "Caeli dico et siderum, aliorumque elementorum"; cf. I, 11, Sec. 7 ff. Martianus Capella, II, 209; Ambrosiaster, loc. cit.; Maximus of Turin, loc. cit.; Lactantius, II, 13, 2: "Elementa mundi, caelum, solem, terram, mare."—Cf. Diels, op. cit., pp. 78 ff.

17. Cf. Rev. hist. litt. rel., VIII, 1903, pp. 429 ff.—Until the end of the fifth century higher education in the Orient remained in the hands of the pagans. The life of Severus of Antioch, by Zachariah the Scholastic, preserved in a Syrian translation [supra, ch. VII, n. 81], is particularly instructive in this regard. The Christians, who were opposed to paganism and astrology, consequently manifested an aversion to the profane sciences in general, and in that way they became responsible to a serious extent for the gradual extinction of the knowledge of the past (cf. Rev. hist. litt. rel., ibid., p. 431; Royer, L'enseignement d'Ausone a Alcuin, 1906, p. 130 ff.). But it must be said in their behalf that before them Greek philosophy had taught the vanity of every science that did not have the moral culture of the ego for its purpose, see Geffcken, Aus der Werdezeit des Christentums, p. 7, p. 111.

18. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 294. Cf. supra, pp. 175 f. {284}

19. Ambrosiaster, Comm. in Epist. Pauli, p. 58 B: "Dicentes per istos posse ire ad Deum sicut per comites pervenire ad regem" (cf. Rev. his. lit. rel., VIII, 1903, p. 427).—The same idea was set forth by Maximus of Turin (Adv. pag., col. 791) and by Lactantius (Inst. div., II, 16, Sec. 5 ff., p. 168 Brandt); on the celestial court, see also Arnobius, II, 36; Tertullian, Apol., 24.—Zeus bore the name of king, but the Hellenic Olympus was in reality a turbulent republic. The conception of a supreme god, the sovereign of a hierarchical court, seems to have been of Persian origin, and to have been propagated by the magi and the mysteries of Mithra. The inscription of the Nemroud Dagh speaks of [Greek: Dios Oromasdou thronous] (supra, ch. VI, n. 26), and, in fact, a bas-relief shows Zeus-Oramasdes sitting on a throne, scepter in hand. The Mithra bas-reliefs likewise represent Jupiter Ormuzd on a throne, with the other gods standing around him (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 129; II, p. 188, fig. 11); and Hostanes pictured the angels sitting around the throne of God (supra, ch. VI, n. 38; see Rev. iv). Moreover, the celestial god was frequently compared, not to a king in general, but to the Great King, and people spoke of his satraps; cf. Pseudo-Arist., [Greek: Peri kosmou], c. 6, p. 398 a, 10 ff. = Apul., De mundo, c. 26; Philo, De opif. mundi, c. 23, 27 (p. 24, 17; 32, 24, Cohn); Maximus of Turin, X, 9; and Capelle, Die Schrift von der Welt (Neue Jahrb. fuer das klass. Altert., VIII), 1905, p. 556, n. 6. Particularly important is a passage of Celsus (Origen, Contra Cels., VIII, 35) where the relation of this doctrine to the Persian demonology is shown. But the Mazdean conception must have combined, at an early date, with the old Semitic idea that Baal was the lord and master of his votaries (supra, p. 94 ff.). In his Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, (2d. ed., 1906, p. 364 ff.), Holtzmann insists on the fact that the people derived their conception of the kingdom of God from the pattern of the Persian monarchy. See also supra, p. 111.

A comparison similar to this one, which is also found among the pagans of the fourth century, is the comparison of heaven with a city (Nectarius in St. Aug., Epist., 103 [Migne, P. L., XXXIII, col. 386]): "Civitatem quam magnus Deus et bene meritae de eo animae habitant," etc. Compare the City of God of St. Augustine and the celestial Jerusalem of the Jews {285} (Bousset, Religion des Judentums, 1903, p. 272).—Cf. also Manilius, V, 735 ff.

20. August., Epist. 16 [48] (Migne, Pat. Lat., XXXIII, col. 82): "Equidem unum esse Deum summum sine initio, sine prole naturae, seu patrem magnum atque magnificum, quis tam demens, tam mente captus neget esse certissimum? Huius nos virtutes per mundanum opus diffusas multis vocabulis invocamus, quoniam nomen eius cuncti proprium videlicet ignoramus. Nam Deus omnibus religionibus commune nomen est. Ita fit ut, dum eius quasi quaedam membra carptim variis supplicationibus prosequimur, totum colere profecto videamur." And at the end: "Dii te servent, per quos et eorum atque cunctorum mortalium communem patrem, universi mortales, quos terra sustinet, mille modis concordi discordia, veneramur et colimus." Cf. Lactantius Placidus, Comm. in Stat. Theb., IV, 516.—Another pagan (Epist., 234 [21], Migne, P. L., XXXIII, col. 1031) speaks "deorum comitatu vallatus, Dei utique potestatibus emeritus, id est eius unius et universi et incomprehensibilis et ineffabilis infatigabilisque Creatoris impletus virtutibus, quos (read quas) ut verum est angelos dicitis vel quid alterum post Deum vel cum Deo aut a Deo aut in Deum."