The Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland should recognise the attainments made during the Second Reformation. Whatever steps of real reformation have been taken of late, have been in accordance with some of these. It is desirable that all of them should now be adopted. Tho Revolution Settlement suffered not the Church to advance beyond the Reformation made at 1592. Now that that compact has been abandoned by the Church herself, let her occupy fully the ground on which the Reformers, between 1638 and 1649, so honourably stood. By some laws of the land, indeed, many of these are condemned. But these laws are monuments of the tyranny and oppression of the government that made them. The Revolution Church of Scotland never recognised, as a whole the brightest attainments made in the history of the Church in the land. During the late contest, indeed, the Act of Assembly, 1647, adopting the Westminster Confession, has been pleaded as the Act of the Church of Scotland at the Revolution, which had been made by the same Church before. But though that could not have been properly maintained without admitting that other laws of the former era, not ecclesiastically repealed, were also the law of the Church at the latter,[794] let the Church, now that she is completely unfettered, by ecclesiastical legislation solemnly adopt all the distinct attainments of the second reforming period, and thus serve herself an heir to the highest privileges enjoyed by the Church in our land.

It is good that the Free Presbyterian Church contemplates the erection of a Theological Seminary for a rising ministry. May it be called into operation, and greatly prosper; and may her youth—kept from the chilling influences of error, evangelically instructed and eminently pious, prove the means of diffusing widely the truth, in consequence of a momentous reformation.

And, above all, it is necessary that the Free Presbyterian Church should have regard to explicit solemn covenant obligations. The vows of God, made by the Church in this land, are upon her; these she ought to acknowledge, and to endeavour to renew. Though these covenants were condemned by the laws of the land, they are still binding. The act of Queen Anne was against the Revolution Settlement, and, therefore, the reforming party in the Church of late declared that it was unconstitutional. The Revolution Settlement itself was based upon the overthrow of the whole of the Covenanted Reformation; and no more than the act of Queen Anne, regarding patronage, ought the sinful parts of it to be regarded. Popery exists, and Prelacy, absorbing Popery, exists. Would that the Free Presbyterian Church, by recognising the binding obligation of the covenants, National, and Solemn League and Covenant, and by adding to the binding obligations of these, engagements suited to the times, were to go forth in opposition to all evil, in all the gracious vigour of a faithful witness for the whole truth.[795]

The movement that has been lately made, contemplated in its highest character, appears the work of God. By a wondrous providence he has shut up the Church to a course of duty, and has plainly indicated the necessity to persevere in it. On the other hand, contemplating the human instrumentality called to accomplish an estimable work, and approving much of the agents immediately employed, we should not be forgetful of the corresponding efforts made in time past, even in the National Church. Our heart is to the memory of such as had in their view the objects lately contended for, and in a day when the rights of the people were trampled on without remorse, willingly lifted the voice in the Assembly against patronage, and otherwise laboured for the removal of its flagrant enormities. There was good principle in the National Church, but evil caused much of it to be unseen, though some of it remained manifest. Gold may be dissolved by a compound acid, and for a time may cease to be observed, but not beyond the power of re-appearing. The gold cannot be decomposed: let a test be added, and the indestructible ore will re-appear. By a powerful solvent the noble principle in the National Church became nearly all invisible, though some of it could not be dissolved. A test has been added, and the whole has been precipitated, and nearly all of it has come out.[796] The sound principle and piety in the Church were the gold; moderatism, including erastianism and patronage, was the solvent; a wondrous providence applied a test; and the gold of true excellence shines forth. Let it be united by Covenanting, into one glorious mass, and be exhibited for beauty, and glory to God. Let the Free Presbyterian Church, remembering the past, wisely look forward to the future; and, reflecting upon what may be the effect of its procedure on other nations of the world, now act so as to present an example worthy the imitation of all. And it is humbly presumed that the standing of the Church, in the days of her greatest glory and efficiency in the land, in preference to every other, claims her adoption. The position, ecclesiastical and civil, of the friends and followers of the Second Reformation, like an ancient fortress held by comparatively few, but venerable from its eventful history, remarkable amid the ruin which time has laid around it, and displaying a massive grandeur as it rests on its broad and solid foundations, which had, during periods not very remote, been contemplated more as an affecting memorial of the past, than as a strength which should be available in time to come, has of late, while tyranny made progress, been somewhat approached, as it stands begirt with its gigantic bulwarks, surmounted with the banner of the Covenant, manifestly high above all other means of defending the Church; and it faithfully promises a vantage-ground, noble from its commanding altitude, and unassailable within its high defences, to which all in the land who love the truth should come, that to whatever outward peril they might be brought, they might maintain their christian warfare, to their continued honour and final triumph.

C.

In order to suggest a good basis, whereon all in the land who hold the truth might unite in a capacity more or less intimate, the following observations are humbly presented for consideration. The friends of truth cannot justifiably persevere in supporting the British Constitution as the ordinance of God. The government, in order to its dignity and efficiency, proclaims itself to be worthy of cordial support. The claims which it puts forth may not be regarded by itself as of a very high order, yet it views them as indisputable; and even, though manifestly not an ordinance of God nor friendly to true religion, it seeks to strengthen its authority by availing itself of the use of a most sacred institution in religion—the oath. The government itself, though for certain ends it applies the oath, is not scriptural. And why should good men claim for it the character of an ordinance of God, to which even of itself it does not aspire? What right has an unscriptural civil power, any more than a corrupt ecclesiastical constitution,—what right has the British Constitution, any more than the Church of Rome, to claim for itself in things civil, the title, such as that usurps in things ecclesiastical, of an ordinance of God? Nay, the very fact of a government in gospel times supporting Popery, must cut it off from the title of a power delegated from above. It is simply because bad civil governments have great influence, that they lead men to pay them a deference which they would not yield to other systems charged with their evils. Why is an evil government at one period viewed as the ordinance of God, and at another as worthy of being overthrown? Does the character of such change by the accumulation or the long pressure of the very same—not new, evils? In the former case, the people who approve, misapprehend its true character, while they are able to endure; in the latter, they see it clearly, oppression having opened their eyes. Such were the governments of Charles II. and James VII. Though some approved of them as the ordinance of God, yet, at the Revolution, the nation declared that they were not. And consequently they should never have been acknowledged as such. Men acknowledge the British Constitution at present as a power ordained of God. If Puseyism go on till the Protestantism of the empire be swamped in an inundation of Popery, the nation will form right views of the subject. May they soon entertain such views, lest such an event arrive!

The friends of truth under the present government should say to it in such a manner as not to be misunderstood,—We will obey your good laws, because they are good; but by oaths or otherwise we will not recognise your authority as of God.—We will co-operate with you in doing what is good; but so long as you continue to support evil, we cannot swear allegiance to you. Abolish all oaths of allegiance, and we will act along with you in every right matter.—Were all those who hold the truth in the united kingdom to do so, would not the request extort regard? And might not rulers see the propriety of yielding? Were such oaths to the present government abolished, then those who love the truth might enter parliament, and act without being responsible for the evils of the civil constitution and of the administration, and at the same time lead to essential political reformation; and the people could with a clear conscience return to parliament such men as might be possessed of proper character, and be of known attachment to the truth. Were a door opened in this manner for men consistently uttering their voice in the councils of the nation, then means should be assiduously used, on the part of the people and on the part of their representatives, for scripturally reforming the State, and for giving to true religion that external countenance and support which is due to it. The government would not act a weak part in conceding the abolition of the oath in the said cases. It would rather thereby attach to the support of what is good in it, men who would be equally at least with all others, amenable to every good law, but bound to duty by ties far stronger than those which human laws themselves could fasten. A good government should maintain the oath; but a government such as the British, ought not to claim it for the purpose of securing allegiance. That government seems at present disposed to concede the abolition of that oath to the Catholics of Ireland. Why should not the friends of truth in the empire, strive for the abolition of the oaths of allegiance sworn by themselves, in using which they, directly or indirectly, support what is evil, while Catholics are unwilling to swear, because, that by swearing they are in some measure prevented from giving scope to their own cause?

Even in order to abolish these oaths, the going into parliament by swearing any of them, cannot be recommended. But since legislators in either house, having sworn oaths of allegiance—even not justifiable, are in possession of privileges, for the time being, of which the Legislature cannot deprive them, let such have put into their hands, memorials on the subject, by the people, and let them use their privilege in order to gain their object. It does not appear how any one can act dutifully by remaining in parliament, except in endeavouring to carry into effect this measure.

But should Popery continue to make progress, as it has done of late, and receive more countenance from the civil power, the friends of truth would find it difficult, in any way to co-operate with the government, but would be urged to take higher ground, in opposition to error, or even tyranny, than they have in general lately taken. They may even have to confederate against powers that would seek to rob them of their christian privileges—wherewith the Lord Jesus has gifted them. Should they have to engage in a struggle for these, let their efforts be made without hesitation or wavering. Let their minds be wholly devoted. Under the influence of that faith which makes humble, but also enables to do all things in the strength of Christ, let them enter on duty. Having taken up their position, as if bound by the adamantine chain of necessity, yet free as the orbs of heaven—under the influence of gravity, let them, cordially engaged to one another, occupy that ground, there to stand or fall together. Let there be taken by them the calm and noble resolution, which knows not to fail; which fear cannot agitate, nor outward evils diminish; which peril and distress would only display in all its mighty strength; which, immovable as the pillars of heaven, stedfast in the midst of opposition, as the summit of the mountain on which the thunderbolts are expended in vain, would sustain undismayed the assault of every foe; which though pressed to the utmost would not desert the field; but which, though like the warrior, black and weary through the toil of conflict, it might be misrepresented or not recognised, would at some era, more or less remote, shine forth in the glory of victory, to be celebrated and employed for good in all time to come.

D.

The Reformed Presbyterian Church has for some time had in view the performance of the duty of Covenanting in her social capacity. There are the most abundant reasons why the object should be more and more steadily contemplated, till it be attained. We profess that Covenanting is a duty. We have not for a length of time engaged socially in the formal discharge of it. We acknowledge ourselves to be bound by the obligations of the Church of God in past times, especially of his Church in these lands; and should view ourselves, as by these obligations bound to the duty. An example should be set by us to others who do not entertain the same views of the importance of the duty that we do. The events of the age are arousing. Many are making efforts for the maintenance of the truth. The enemies of true religion are on the alert. Besides, within the last few years, many, some of whom, we should trust, love the truth, though their views of parts of it would seem to be inadequate, have acted as if men become engaged to a system of conduct only when they promise to follow it; and have virtually acted as if their own doings could bind them to a given course. Be it ours, by Covenanting to testify practically, that we feel bound to pledge ourselves to the service of God, not by caprice, but according to his law,—commanding to vow, and finding those who enter into covenant bound by his authority through their own deed. Let us not be undecided. There is duty incumbent on us which we cannot devolve on others. Let us be active, lest even the tide of liberalism, like a refluent wave, bring society back to a sea of trouble, before the glorious work of Covenanting which will be performed in future times will be begun, and we who should have used direct means to lead to it will be dishonoured. That some are engaged in making reformation, is no reason why we should not be diligent. We have our duty to perform; and in being most active ourselves, we would most heartily show that we approve of the faithful exertions of these others. Our duties are peculiar. If we make no progress, we encourage not the movements for good, of society around us. While we rejoice to think of many maintaining truth, we also ought to advance to duty. We would account it incumbent on us to stand steadfastly by the side of all the lovers of true godliness in the nation, in defending the interests of truth and righteousness. By doing the service incumbent on us at present, we would most completely take means to lead to union of purpose and exertion, the most effective. We ought not to anticipate the good that may be done by others in such a manner as to suppose, that little will be required at our hands. Whatever step of obedience we take will aid in encouraging others; but, wherein we may now fail to advance, when victory will be complete, we will, like a squadron on the field, waiting for the success or aid of a fellow-battalion, fail of attaining to the true honour that will be shared in the triumph of truth.

FOOTNOTES:

[793] Of the years 1661, 1662.

[794] See a valuable pamphlet, entitled, "The Revolution Settlement considered in reference to the independence and present position of the Church of Scotland." Glasgow: 1840.

[795] For a luminous view of what would seem to be the Church's duty at present, we refer to an article in the "Scottish Presbyterian" for May, 1843, entitled, "Friendly Hints to the projected Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland."

[796] On the subject of the duty of those who still abide by the Establishment, see three powerful and seasonable discourses, entitled, "Come out and be separate," by the Rev. Dr. Bates. Glasgow, 1843.



ERRATA.

Page 145, line 12, for "requires," read "require."

Page 161, line 21, before "will persevere, &c.," put "that."

Page 174, line 14, for "unrevealed," read "revealed."

Page 198, line 17, for "even," read "view"; line 18, for "are," read "as."

Page 205, line 11, for "share," read "shun."

Page 237, line 17, for "visitors," read "writers."

Page 340, line 20, for "his," read "their."

Transcriber's Notes:

Added footnote marker 637 after: "four living creatures" of the New

Added footnote marker 641 after: for a light of the Gentiles."

Removed unnecessary closing quotation mark after: he might have the pre-eminence.

Added closing quotation mark after: sacrifices God is well pleased.

Corrected "Jos" to "Job" in footnote 412.

The Errata listed above have been corrected in the text, except for "requires," which does not occur in the text as indicated.

THE END