Modern society lays its emphasis on possession and accumulation, and upon the wealth and power which they yield. The owner of land or of capital, under the present economic order, is not required to work for his living. His rents and dividends furnish him a source of income far more regular and much more dependable than the wage of the worker, or even than the salary of the man higher up. The rewards of the property owner, moreover, are far larger than those of the worker. Compare the income tax returns of Germany, Britain and the United States with the wage scales from the same countries. The incomes above ten thousand dollars (two thousand pounds or 40,000 marks in pre-war values) per year are derived largely or exclusively from the ownership of property. It pays far better to own than it does to work. The ownership of capital, like the ownership of land, carries with it power over those who must use the capital and work the land, thus setting up an owning group or class which is able to control the lives of the workers, at least to the extent of taking a part of their product and living upon it without rendering any commensurate service in return. With the economic rewards go social honors and distinctions, and the wealthy enjoy social as well as economic privileges. They develop a system of dress, of language, of manners and customs that will distinguish them as far as possible from the common herd, namely, those who work for a living. Veblen describes the process admirably in his "Theory of the Leisure Class." The leisure class, he says, has its origin in some form of ownership, on which it builds the structure of its prerogatives.

The existence of an owning, ruling class divides society into factions, whose contentions threaten the destruction of any social group in which they take place. From the intolerable social situation which they create, there seems to be but one logical means of escape, and that is through the establishment of a society in which labor and not parasitism is the ideal toward which children are taught to strive.

Such a society would shift the emphasis from possession to creation (production) by rewarding the worker rather than the owner. This result may be accomplished quite simply by giving the chief rewards to those who create, and by denying to the owner any direct reward for his ownership. Another step in the same direction could be taken by limiting individual ownership to the things that men use, and concentrating in the producing group the ownership of all productive tools.

When economic rewards are withdrawn from possession and given to creation, it will pay better to create than it will to own. Furthermore, since ownership of itself would involve no power over others, another important incentive to accumulation would be removed.

A producers' society, as a matter of course, would accord the most honor to those who engaged in productive activity, thus registering the social opinion in favor of creating rather than of possessing and exploiting. With the economic and the social rewards going to producers, the young of each generation would learn that it was more worth while to be a producer than to be an owner.

Again a producers' society would aim to secure the common participation in the necessary social tasks—the drudgery and the "dirty-work." With the essential work performed in part by all able-bodied persons, no stigma would attach to those who were engaged in it, the class of economic pariahs would be eliminated, and each participant in the necessary economic work of the world would feel that he belonged to the group in which he was playing so important a role.

"But," argues the doubter, "all of this is against human nature. How is it possible to expect that men will stop possessing, or will lose the desire for possession?"

They cannot be expected to do either, of course. But it so happens that, in any industrial society, the group living on its ownership is a very small one compared with the group living by its labor. The preference, in an industrial community, can therefore easily incline to labor rather than to ownership. As for the chief rewards of life going to producers rather than to owners, this is historically practicable. Greek society worked out an elaborate system of honors and rewards for those who could create. Human nature has not been fairly or adequately tested in recent years. Only certain of its phases have been developed by social demands, and those phases—the possessive instincts—are among the least socially advantageous of human qualities.

An emphasis on production rather than on accumulation would have another important result—more important, in a sense, than any of those named. It would establish a feeling of self-respect among those who work by giving them the only conceivable economic basis for self-respect—the ownership and control of their jobs.

While one man owns a job on which another man must work in order to live, the job-owner is the master, and the job-taker is his vassal. Necessarily, the vassal occupies a position of servility. When he asks for an opportunity to work, he is asking for an opportunity to live. When he takes a job he is binding his life and his conduct under terms prescribed by the job-owner. If he has a family, or owns a home, or is in any way tied to one spot, he is doubly bound.

The establishment of a producers' society would make each man his own master in somewhat the same sense that the farmer or the artisan who owns his land or tools is the arbiter of his own economic destiny. That is, he would own his job and share in its control.

Thus society would eliminate the inequalities that are now created by the concentration of ownership and power in a few hands, and would establish a relative equality among those who produced. The great fear of the modern worker—the fear of unemployment or job-loss—would also be eliminated, since the producers, in a society of which they had control, would be able to hold their own jobs.

These various means would serve to dignify labor and production, and to establish a society in which prestige and honor would attach to creation rather than to ownership.

4. Wisdom in Consumption

One of the chief weapons of a leisure class is some mark that will easily distinguish its members from the workers. This mark, in modern society, is conspicuous consumption. By the quality and style of its wearing apparel, by the scale of its housing, by the multitude of its possessions, its luxuries and its enjoyments, the leisure class sets itself apart from the remainder of the community, advertising to the world, in the most unmistakable manner, its capacity to spend more than the members of the working class can earn.

This need for distinction through consumption has set a living standard which the less well-to-do families seek to emulate. Among the leisured, there is an eager race to decide which can spend the most lavishly, while those of less economic means make a determined effort to put on front and to appear richer than they really are.

The result of this competition among neighbors is an absurd attention to the quantity and to the cost of possessions, with a comparative indifference to their intrinsic beauty or to their utility. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in the rapidly altering styles of woman's dress. One season silk stockings and low-cut waists are worn in the middle of winter: the next, expensive furs appear in mid-summer. With little reference to artistic effect, and with even less attention to the needs of the individual, the procession of the styles moves across the social stage with tens of millions eagerly watching for the tiniest change in cut or color.

The devotion of an entire class to this conspicuous leisure has no social justification save the silly argument that "it makes work." It is one of the logical products of a stratified or class society where the lower classes seek to ape the upper classes, while the latter engage in a mad scramble to determine which shall set the most grotesque standards of social conduct.

A producers' society will of necessity take a stand of far-reaching consequence on the question of consumption. In the first place it will realize that one of the most signal failures of the present order lies in the inability of the people to find either happiness or growth in the accumulation of possessions. If the multitude of things owned would satisfy men's needs, the upper classes of the present society would be the happiest that the world has ever known, since they are able to command a quantity and a variety of things that far surpasses previous historic records. Instead of bringing happiness, however, these things have merely brought care, anxiety and finally disillusionment. Now, as always, it is true that a man's life does not consist in the abundance of his possessions, or, as Carlyle puts it, "Not what I have but what I do is my kingdom."

The citizens of a producers' society will therefore teach to their children, and will practice an abstemiousness in the midst of plenty—a withdrawal from possessions—in order that the body may have enough, but not too much, and that the spirit may be freed from an undue weight of things. The Greeks understood the principle well; so did the American Indians. They desired, not many things, but an enrichment of life, which they realized could come only through understanding, tranquillity and inner growth.

As a matter of course, a producers' society will enforce the axiom: No luxuries for any until the necessaries are supplied to all. This corresponds with the well-established practice of many primitive peoples. It is likewise the application of the highest ethical principles to economic life, and is the course of procedure that man's most elemental sense of justice demands.

A more or less rigid adherence to the principle of necessaries first, and an understanding of the futility of seeking for happiness through possessions, will place a rigid limitation upon the amount of time devoted to satisfying economic needs, and will release a generous share of time and energy that may be devoted to supplying the other needs of man. Heretofore, leisure has been absorbed by one class or group. Under a producers' society it would be distributed, like any other social advantage, on an equitable basis.

Already sufficient advances have been made in machine production to enable the human race to produce the economic necessaries of each day in a few hours of labor—two, or three, or four, perhaps. It remains for a producers' society to take advantage of this productive efficiency, and to convert the increased productivity, not, as at present, into more goods, but rather into more free time for people.

5. Leisure for Effective Expression

The primary aim of a producers' society would be leisure rather than goods—an opportunity for expression rather than an increase in the amount of possessions. One of its great tasks would therefore be the education of its citizenship in the effective use of leisure.

This new, socialized leisure, which yesterday was a privilege of the ruling classes and of many of the artisans and farmers, which is to-day the heritage of primitive peoples, and which has been so largely lost in the rush of machine production, will be used: (1) to make and to maintain social contacts; (2) for creative activities; (3) for recreation, and (4) for whatever other means are necessary to promote the growth of the individual.

An effective society must be composed of effective individuals. In no other way can a high social standard be maintained. The growth of the individual, in a modern community depends, in large measure, on the way in which he uses his leisure.

6. Culture and Human Aspiration

At various stages in the development of society there have emerged cultures founded on some particular group of human aspirations. Thus the forward-looking side of man's nature expressed itself.

After he had finished the daily tasks by means of which he earned a subsistence, or, more usually, as a member of a leisure class that was exempt from the necessity of labor, the man dominated by strong creative impulses sought to embody, in some concrete form, the desires which he felt springing up within him, and which could not be satisfied by physical activity. He turned, therefore, to drawing, to painting, to music, to speculation, to discussion.

The present age has not as yet developed its culture, and it seems now as though capitalism, with its heritage of revolution, and its curse of instability and hurry, would not persist long enough to establish a well-defined culture. Hence, in the present society, multitudes feel that certain finer things are excluded from their lives because the ground is so littered with possessions, and because life is too harried and too sordid to give them place.

These forces, the creative impulses of the artist and the builder, yearn unspeakably for expression. Each human breast holds a void that is the result of their suppression, and it is this, perhaps, more than anything else, that accounts for the unrest and dissatisfaction that are so characteristic of the present generation.

In the past only the favored few had a chance to express their most holy aspirations. The development of modern industry, with its facility in the production of livelihood, promises a time, and that at no very great distance, when this opportunity may be common property, and men everywhere may be able to participate in that unending search after love, beauty, justice, truth—the highest of which humanity is capable.

All of these things lie outside the realm of economics, yet none of them is possible for the masses of mankind until there is established a system of economic life that will provide the necessaries upon which physical health depends, together with an amount of leisure sufficient to enable a generation to find itself.

This is the goal toward which men are working in their efforts to organize economic life, as they strive to provide a fit dwelling-place for the descendants of the world's seventeen hundred millions.



WHAT TO READ

No reader should accept the statements made in this book unless they appeal to his reason and correspond with his experience, nor should he reject them merely because they run counter to his prejudices or his convictions. If the subject-matter of the book is as important as the author believes that it is, the reader should not stop with these brief chapters, but should search farther. The many recent articles, pamphlets and books devoted to economic and social reconstruction give an excellent chance for selection. Here are a few suggestions:

H. deB. Gibbins has written one of the best descriptive books on the economic changes surrounding the industrial revolution. ("Industry in England" London, Methuen, 1896.) See also his "Economic and Industrial Progress of the Century" (London, Chambers, 1903).

Supplement this by reading another old book, "Recent Economic Changes," by D.A. Wells. (New York, Appleton, 1898.)

More up to date, and in the same field, are "The Great Society," (Graham Wallas, New York, Macmillan, 1914, Chapter I); "Economic Consequences of the Peace," J.M. Keynes, (New York, Harcourt, 1920, Chapter II); "The Fruits of Victory," Norman Angell (Glasgow, Collins, 1921) Chapters I and II.

The economic chaos resulting from the war has been described with journalistic accuracy by Frank A. Vanderlip, American banker, in his "What Happened to Europe?" (New York, Macmillan, 1919) and in "What Next in Europe?" (New York, Harcourt, 1922). The European situation is dealt with in great detail by the "Manchester Guardian Commercial." Beginning with April 20, 1922, the "Commercial" has published a very complete series of articles under the general editorship of J.M. Keynes. The series is entitled "Reconstruction in Europe." "America and the Balance Sheet of Europe" (J.F. Bass and H.G. Moulton, New York, Ronald Press, 1921) is a study by two experts that goes into great detail with regard to budgets, public finances, exchange rates and the like. "Our Eleven Billion Dollars" (Robert Mountsier, New York, Seltzer, 1922) gives the same facts, brought up to date and popularized.

The science of economic organization is approached from three quite different positions. First, there are writers who discuss ways of making the economic mechanism efficient. ("Theory and Practice of Scientific Management," Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1917; "The Administration of Industrial Enterprises," Edward David Jones, New York, Longmans, 1920; "Principles of Scientific Management," F.W. Taylor, New York, Harpers, 1911.) In the second place, there are writers like Thorstein Veblen ("The Engineers and the Price System," New York, Huebsch, 1921, and "The Theory of Business Enterprise," New York, Scribners, 1904) and H.L. Gantt ("Organization for Work," New York, Harcourt, 1919) who desire to see vital changes made in the aims of the whole economic order. Third, there are reformers and radicals who write of a re-made or revolutionized economic order.

At the present time these radical writers fall into three general groups: (1) The Syndicalists of France, (2) the Guild Socialists of Britain, and (3) writers who describe actual economic experiments that are going on in Russia, and to a lesser degree elsewhere. (Note that the "One Big Union" movement of Canada and Australia and the "Industrial Workers of the World" movement in the United States have produced much controversial material but little constructive writing.)

French Syndicalism is well presented by E. Pataud and E. Pouget ("Syndicalism," Oxford, 1913); by Bertrand Russell ("Proposed Roads to Freedom," New York, Holt, 1919) and by Georges Sorel ("Reflections on Violence," New York, Huebsch, 1912).

The case for Guild Socialism is stated by A.R. Orage ("National Guilds," London, Bell, 1914), by G.R.S. Taylor ("The Guild State," Allen and Unwin, 1919), and by G.D. H. Cole ("Self-Government in Industry," London, Bell, 1918, "Chaos and Order in Industry," London, Methuen, 1920, and "Guild Socialism Re-stated," London, Parsons, 1920).

Actual experiments in the control of economic life by the producers are described by C.L. Goodrich ("The Frontier of Control," New York, Harcourt, 1920), who seeks to answer the question: How much control over industry do the rank and file of those who work in it and their organizations in fact exercise? "The Collectivist State in the Making," (Emil Davies, London, Bell, 1914) and "Socialism in Theory and Practice," (H.W. Laidler, New York, Macmillan, 1919), cover somewhat the same ground. The Whitley Committee, in its "Report of an Enquiry into Works Committees" (Great Britain, Labor Ministry) goes into detail on this point. The experiments in Russia are nowhere adequately covered, "The Soviets at Work" (Lenin) was a prediction and a hope rather than a review of achievements. More recent books have been either violently partisan or else so superficially descriptive that they conveyed no idea of the actual state of the economic experiment. It is, of course, in Russia, that the experiments in workers' control are being carried forward on the largest and most complete scale.

There are many other books in English, books in German, French and Russian, pamphlets, magazine articles by the thousands, and reports of special investigations in various technical fields, all of which offer ample opportunity for further study along the lines suggested in this book.



INDEX

Acquisition, menace of, 156

Administration, basis of world, 119

Administrative and producing groups, 111

Administrative authority, concentration of, 81

Administration boards, function of, 122

America, resource monopoly of, 19

American imports, 125

American industry, phases of, 59

Association, scope of, 53

Authority, centralization of, 81

Bankers, as arbiters of industry, 102

Bankers, power of, 102

Barriers to progress, 147

Basic industries, and resources, 19

British foreign investments, 39

Brotherhood, new possibilities of, 20

Budget board, 131

Budget deficits, 30

Business and geographic lines, 62

Business federation, development of, 105

Business organization, nature of, 61

Business, world character of, 62

Capital, transfers of to producer groups, 131

Capitalism and nationalism, 63

Capitalism and profiteering, 65

Capitalism and the class struggle, 66

Capitalism, assumptions of, 139

Capitalism, centralization of, 63

Capitalism, establishment of, 36

Capitalism, failure of, 62

Capitalism, growth of, 66

Capitalism in the Western world, 36

Capitalism, initiative under, 63

Capitalism, limitations on, 62

Capitalism, modifications in, 140

Capitalism, plutocracy under, 65

Capitalism, world role of, 62

Capitalist experiment, 138

Catastrophe, menace of, 146

Centralization, in American industry, 59

Chance, part of in progress, 136

Change and chaos, 48

Chaos and change, 48

Class struggle, and capitalism, 66

Climate and civilization, 45

Civilization and climate, 45

Coal, as a factor in civilization, 78

Coal, production of, 17

Coal surplus, where found, 18

Commerce, growth of, 20

Commodity basis for money, 129

Communication, as a world problem, 127

Communication, development of, 16

Competition, and war, 34

Competition, justification of, 38

Competition, morality of, 140

Competition, place of, 139

Competition, profit incentive in, 39

Conflict and economic antagonism, 41

Conscious social improvement, 146

Consumption, education for, 161

Consumption, wisdom in, 159

Co-operation, in modern industry, 37

Co-operation, necessity for, 80

Co-operative world organization, 102

Copper production, world figures, 18

Credit, as a business factor, 103

Creation, stimulation of, 157

Creative forces, scope for, 163

Culture and human aspiration, 162

Debts of European nations, 29

Deficits, in European budgets, 30

Depression, present condition of, 13

Disputes, adjustment of, 132

Disputes board, 132

Distribution and the social revolution, 46

Distribution of world wealth, 42

Distribution of resources, 17

District and division compared, 93

District committees, 91

Divisional congress, organization of, 94

District economic units, 72

District organization, detail of, 90

Divisional and district organization compared, 93

District federations, functions of, 110

Divisional federations, listed, 111

Divisional organization, 72

Economic activity, worldizing of, 15

Economic affiliations, series of, 73

Economic authority, location of, 102

Economic aggression, future of, 125

Economic bureaucracy, 59

Economic causes of war, 34

Economic change, working basis for, 70

Economic changes, frequency of, 62

Economic chaos, source of, 33

Economic competition, extent of, 38

Economic co-operation, necessity for, 20

Economic depression, results of, 31

Economic determinism, effects of, 15

Economic disaster, menace of, 29

Economic disintegration, signs of, 31

Economic district organization, 90

Economic evolution illustrated, 66

Economic federalism, 59

Economic forms, 60

Economic foundations, 51

Economic foundations for world organization, 23

Economic groupings, listed, 57

Economic institutions, instability of, in Europe, 28

Economic interdependence, 18

Economic isolation no longer possible, 15

Economic justice, need for, 26

Economic leadership, 85

Economic life, chaos in, 67

Economic life, new basis for, 47

Economic machinery, ownership of, 84

Economic muddle, 28

Economic organization by divisions, 92

Economic organization, details of, 88

Economic organization, need for science in, 69

Economic needs, 14

Economic needs, enumerated, 44

Economic organization, by districts, 72

Economic organization, lines of, 58

Economic organization, nature of, 60

Economic organization, world units of, 72

Economic power, and the bankers, 103

Economic power, for the producers, 117

Economic problems, enumerated, 36

Economic problems, growing complexity of, 15

Economic problems, nature of, 36

Economic program, basis for, 22

Economic questions of world scope, 121

Economic reconstruction, principles of, 25

Economic rivalries and war, 41

Economic self-government illustrated, 88

Economic statesmanship, 23

Economic states rights, 59

Economic structure, nature of, 69

Economic structure, variation in, 69

Economic system, divisions of, 57

Economic units, character of, 70

Economic units, classes of, 71

Economic units, efficiency in, 69

Economic units, integrity of, 80

Economic units, local control of, 89

Economic units, nature of local units, 71

Economic units, needs of, 79

Economic units, productivity in, 80

Economic world outlook, 28

Education, function of, 141

Education, possibilities of, 142

Energy, rewarding of, 83

Engineers, present position of, 34

European bankruptcy, threat of, 28

European budget deficits, 30

European war debts, 29

Exchange and credit board, 128

Executive, functions of, 86

Executives, selection of, 86

Expansion, costs of, 64

Experience, costs of, 141

Experiment, social value of, 135

Experiment, uncertainty of, 140

Expert, selection of, 86

Exploitation, increase of, 41

Federalism, principle of, 53

Federation, in social organization, 104

Finance, derangement in, 29

Financial imperialism, costs of, 64

Financial imperialism illustrated, 39

Food Imports of Great Britain, 19

Financial stability, basis for, 29

Forethought, possibilities of, 142

Foreign exchange, demoralization of, 31

Foreign investment as a science, 39

Freedom, human desire for, 152

Freedom, struggles for, 152

Functional economic units, 57

Geographic divisions, organization of, 92

Geographic units, scope of, 72

Government control of industry, 37

Great Britain, food imports of, 19

Great Britain, foreign investments of, 39

Great revolution, phases of, 49

Hard times, history of, 31

Hiring and firing, new plan for, 89

Human aspiration and culture, 162

Human effort, results of, 46

Human nature, limitations on, 158

Human values, conservation of, 79

Hunger struggle, elimination of, 153

Ideal and the real, 74

Improvements and betterments, 25

Imperialism, costs of, 64

Imports of the United States, 125

Income distribution, 36

Indebtedness, since the war, 29

Industrial change, through discovery and invention, 16

Industrial efficiency, need of, 25

Industrial federation, groups of, 108

Industrial federations, problems of, 107

Industrial leaders, change in type, 67

Industrial organization, evolution of, 61

Industrial revolution, and production, 47

Industrial revolution, effects of, 47

Industrial revolution, spread of, 15

Industrial revolution, suddenness of, 47

Industrial system, characteristics of, 101

Industrial waste, 32

Industrial waste, responsibility for, 32

Industrialism, effects of, 16

Industries, interrelation of, 37

Industry, dependence on raw material, 16

Industry, divisional organization of, 92

Industry, government control of, 37

Initiative, loss of under capitalism, 63

Initiative, stimulation of, 83

Intelligent social direction, 145

Iron ore, production of, 17

Job-ownership, 36

Judiciary, basis for, 132

Knowledge, accumulations of, 143

Knowledge, additions to, 143

Knowledge through suffering, 144

Knowledge, through trial and error, 135

Labor federation, development of, 105

Labor units of value, 129

Laissez-faire, abandonment of, 146

Leadership, changes in type of, 67

Leadership, classes of, 86

Leadership in economic affairs, 85

Leadership, methods of selection, 87

Leadership, selection of executives, 86

Leadership, through heredity, 87

Leadership, through self-selection, 87

Leadership, through social choice, 88

League Covenant, principles of, 23

League of nations failure, 23

Leisure, function of, 162

Liberty, through producers' organization, 159

Life, continuity of, 14

Limitations on capitalism, 62

Livelihood, guarantee of, 45

Livelihood struggle, 43

Loans, under a producers society, 131

Local autonomy, necessity for, 60

Local economic problems, 36

Local economic units described, 71

Local economic units, details of, 88

Local federations, character of, 109

Local federations, problems of, 109

Local initiative under capitalism, 63

Machine ownership and self-government, 85

Manufacturing, divisions of, 58

Mass life, effects of, 139

Mass meetings, for public issues, 92

Maximum advantage, law of, 75

Maximum efficiency, need of, 78

Maximum returns, essentials for, 79

Meliorism, interest in, 74

Militarism, in Europe, 35

Minimum outlay, law of, 77

Modern business methods illustrated, 39

Modern warfare, costs of, 64

Money as a commodity, 129

Money, function of, 128

Money, future of, 128

Money, labor as a basis for, 129

Money, present uses of, 129

Monopoly profit, law of, 33

National boundaries and business, 62

Nationalism and capitalism, 63

Nationalism, and existing problems, 121

Nationalism, and world progress, 63

Nationalism, costs of, 64

Nationalism, failure of, 64

Nationalism, narrowness of, 64

Natural resources, classified, 45

Necessities, provision of, 161

Next steps, 149

Next war, preparations for, 35

Organic function, 54

Organic nature of society, 53

Organization, difficulties in, 152

Organization, need for, 151

Organization of world federation, 113

Organization, world need of, 101

Owners, organization of, 61

Ownership of economic machinery, 84

Paper money, issues of, 29

Parliament, for the world, 113

Physical hardship, elimination of, 154

Plutocracy, growth of, 65

Policy, decision of by self-direction, 85

Political federation, experience with, 104

Political life, organization of, 73

Politics, elimination of, 112

Possession, emphasis on, 156

Poverty, losses through, 14

Power, centralization in industrial groups, 112

Present-day economic problems, 36

Primitive society, economic issues in, 15

Primitive struggle, freedom from, 153

Producer groups, organization of, 73

Producers, future of, 117

Producers, power to, 117

Producers' federations, by districts, 110

Producers' federations, groups of, 108

Producers' world federation, character of, 111

Producer groups, control of industry by, 104

Production, necessity for, 44

Production of raw materials, 17

Productivity, necessity for maintaining, 80

Producing and administrative groups, 111

Production versus profit, 33

Profit and competition, 39

Profit versus welfare, 68

Profiteers, and capitalism, 65

Progress, barriers to, 147

Progress of self-government, 97

Progress through experiment, 137

Raw materials, limitations on, 17

Raw materials, struggle for, 39

Reconstruction, economic basis for, 49

Reconstruction, principles of, 25

Resource control, as a world problem, 122

Resources and raw materials board, 124

Resources, relation of to basic industries, 19

Results and initiative, 84

Sabotage, 33

Science and society, 51

Sectionalism, failure of, 100

Self-government in local economic affairs, 88

Self-motivation, need of, 80

Self-government, progress of, 97

Selection of leaders, 87

Separatism, passing of, 20

Servility, elimination of, 155

Shop committees, organization of, 88

Social administration, difficulties of, 74

Social book-keeping, function of, 103

Social change and intelligence, 145

Social disaster, as a means to knowledge, 144

Social drive, basis of, 82

Social experiment, basis for, 145

Social federation and social activity, 57

Social groups, federation of, 57

Social functions, specialization of, 56

Social improvement, 146

Social inertia as a problem, 82

Social knowledge, accumulations of, 143

Social knowledge, limitations on, 52

Social machinery and body machinery, 54

Social organization, of the owners, 61

Social organization through federation, 104

Social organization, through producers, 117

Social philosophy, restatement of, 146

Social problems, handling of, 148

Social relations, growing complexity of, 56

Social revolution and distribution, 46

Social science, future of, 148

Social science, needs of, 146

Social science, principles of, 51

Social structure, nature of, 61, 69

Society, as an organism, 53

Society, science of, 52

Sources of economic waste, 32

Soviet Russia, and world peace, 34

Specialists, place of in world administration, 123

Specialization in society, 55

Standard Oil Company, 59

Statesmanship, economic foundations of, 23

Success qualities, 150

Suffering as a basis for progress, 144

Surplus, effect on human effort, 77

Transport, place of in industry, 127

Trial and error in society, 135

Underground organization of business, 67

Value, new standards of, 130

War, economic causes of, 34

War debts, 29

War, elimination of, 154

World finance, chaos in, 29

War, forms of, 154

War, increased cost of, 64

War, new preparations for, 35

War, object of, 155

War promises, failure of, 13

War-menace, and chaos in industry, 34

Waste in industry, 32

Wealth concentration, effects of, 43

Wealth distribution, 36

Wealth, distribution of, 42

Wealth of nations, 42

World administration, 119

World administration, basis of, 119

World administration, detail of, 133

World administration, field of, 120

World authority, lack of, 106

World commerce, growth of, 20

World common interests, 26

World conflict, sources of, 27

World disillusionment, 13

World economic organization, detail of, 88

World economic organization, diagram of, 97

World economic questions, 121

World economic solidarity, 22

World economics and the League, 23

World economics, chaos in, 28

World federation, detail of organization, 113

World industrial congress, organization of, 96

World industrial units, 72

World industry, organization of, 95

World isolation, passing of, 20

World need of organization, 101

World organization, beginnings in, 24

World organization, principles of, 25

World parliament, organization of, 113

World organization, problem of, 24

World parliament, possibilities of, 120

World politics and the League, 23

World problems, enumerated, 122

World problems, method of approach, 121

World producers' federation, character of, 111

World producers' federation, form of, 107

World producers' federation, scope of, 112

World producers' federation, structure of, 113

World reconstruction, basis for, 49

World resources, distribution of, 17

World thinking and organization, 26

World thinking, basis for, 100

World thinking, economic basis of, 22

World wealth, distribution of, 42

Worldizing economic activity, 15

HAMMOND PRESS W.B. CONKEY COMPANY CHICAGO

THE END