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The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 136) near the eastern and western doors represent the legs of Makwa/ Man/idø, the Bear Spirit. When the Otter had observed all these things he passed round the interior of the Midɇ/wigân four times, after which he seated himself in the west, facing the degree posts, when Mi/nabø/zho approached him and for the fourth time shot into his body the sacred mɨ/gis, which gave him life that will endure always. Then Mi/nabø/zho said to the Otter, "This degree belongs to Ki/tshi Man/ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 137 and 138), who will always be present when you give the sacred rite to any of your people." At night the Midɇ/ Man/idøs (Nos. 139 to 162) will guard the Midɇ/wigân, as they are sent by Ki/tshi Man/ido to do so. The Bear's nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the northern and southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Midɇ/wigân are the places where Makwa/ Man/idø takes his station when guarding the doors.
Then the Otter made a wig/iwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167, 168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Midɇ/wiwin, which Ki/tshi Man/idø had given him.
The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas/sigĕ, viz: The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure (Nos. 171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner corners (Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees planted there by the Midɇ/ at the time of preparing the Midɇ/wigân for the reception of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and the connecting line, are a reproduction of similar ones shown in the three preceding degrees, and signify the course of a Midɇ's life—that it should be without fault and in strict accordance with the teachings of the Midɇ/wiwin. The short lines, terminating in circles Nos. 182, 183, 184, and 185, allude to temptations which beset the Midɇ's path, and he shall, when so tempted, offer at these points feasts and lectures, or, in other words, "professions of faith." The three lines Nos. 186, 187, and 188, consisting of four spots each, which radiate from the larger circle at No. 179 and that before mentioned at No. 116, symbolize the four bear nests and their respective approaches, which are supposed to be placed opposite the four doors of the fourth degree; and it is obligatory, therefore, for a candidate to enter these four doors on hands and knees when appearing for his initiation and before he finally waits to receive the concluding portion of the ceremony.
níshinâ/beg.]
The illustration presented in Fig. 5 is a reduced copy of a drawing made by Sikas/sigĕ to represent the migration of the Otter toward the west after he had received the rite of the Midɇ/wiwin. No. 1 refers to the circle upon the large chart on Pl. III in A, No. 1, and signifies the earth's surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line separating the history of the Midɇ/wiwin from that of the migration as follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, as above mentioned, which fact is referred to by the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the surface of the water and went toward the west, whither the Ani/shinâ/bɇg followed him, and located at Ottawa Island (No. 4). Here they erected the Midɇ/wigân and lived for many years. Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and in a short time reappeared at A/wiat/ang (No. 5), when the Midɇ/wigân was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance with the teachings of Mi/nabø/zho. Thus was an interrupted migration continued, the several resting places being given below in their proper order, at each of which the rites of the Midɇ/wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate at was Mi/shenama/kinagung— Mackinaw (No. 6); then Ne/mikung (No. 7); Kiwe/winang/ (No. 8); Bâwating— Sault Ste. Marie (No. 9); Tshiwi/towi/ (No. 10); Nega/wadzhĕ/ŭ— Sand Mountain (No. 11), northern shore of Lake Superior; Mi/nisa/wĭk [Mi/nisa/bikkăng]— Island of rocks (No. 12); Kawa/sitshĭŭwongk— Foaming rapids (No. 13); Mush/kisi/wi [Mash/kisi/bi]— Bad River (No. 14); Shagawâmikongk— Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15); Wikwe/dâ[n]wonggâ[n]— Sandy Bay (No. 16); Neâ/shiwikongk— Cliff Point (No. 17); Netâ[n]/waya[n]/sink— Little point-of-sand-bar (No. 18); A[n]/nibi[n]s— Little elm tree (No. 19); Wikup/bi[n]mi[n]sh-literally, Little-island-basswood (No. 20); Makubi[n]/mi[n]sh— Bear Island (No. 21); Sha/geski/ke/dawan/ga (No. 22); Ni/wigwas/sikongk— The place where bark is peeled (No. 23); Ta/pakwe/ĭkak [Sa/apakwe/shkwaokongk]— The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained (No. 24); Ne/uwesak/kudeze/bi [Ne/wisaku/desi/bi[n]]— Point-deadwood-timber river (No. 25); A[n]nibi/kanzi/bi [modern name, Âsh/kiba/gisi/bi], given respectively as Fish spawn River and Green leaf River (No. 26).
This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midɇ/wigân was finally located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa claim to have dispersed in bands over various portions of the territory, as well as into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies of the Midɇ/wiwin.
According to Sikas/sigĕ, the above account of the initiation of the Otter, by Mi/nabo/zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the Midɇ/ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl. VI), each adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled, viz:
First degree.—A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes.
Second degree.—A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again one of green.
Third degree.—Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in applying the colors.
Fourth degree.—Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of green across the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign of mourning by one whose son has been intended for the priesthood of the Midɇ/wiwin, but special reference to this will be given in connection with the ceremony of the Dzhibai/ Midɇ/wigân, or Ghost Society.
On Pl. VIII is presented a reduced copy of the Midɇ/ chart made by Ojibwa, a Midɇ/ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of the society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in imitation of that owned by his father, Me/toshi/kø[n]sh; and this last had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe, many years before.
The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile, and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake, and Mille Lacs.
The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows:
When Ki/tshi Man/idø had decided to give to the Ani/shinâ/bɇg the rites of the Midɇ/wiwin, he took his Midɇ/ drum and sang, calling upon the other Man/idøs to join him and to hear what he was going to do. No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki/tshi Man/idø, No. 2, indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots surrounding the drum denoting the mɨ/gis with which everything about him is covered. The Midɇ/ Man/idøs came to him in his Midɇ/wigân (No. 4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while the ten—all but himself—upon the outside (Nos. 5 to 14) are represented as descending to the earth, charged with the means of conferring upon the Ani/shinâbɇ/g the sacred rite. In the Midɇ/wigân (No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon which is perched Kŏ-ko/kŏ-ø—the Owl (No. 16). The line traversing the structure, from side to side, represents the trail leading through it, while the two rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the right side of the post indicate respectively the spot where the presents are deposited and the sacred stone—this according to modern practices.
When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he prepares a wig/iwam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge, representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the officiating priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20) may be observed upon the left of the wig/iwam in the act of making an offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21) is drumming and singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of the candidate within the structure. The wig/iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24, and 25) designate the village habitations.
In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No. 26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some of which are suspended from the branches of the Midɇ/ tree (No. 28) near the entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor's wig/iwam is shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor showing two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27 has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to Ki/tshi Man/idø, while in his right hand he holds his Midɇ/ drum. Upon the following morning the Midɇ/ priests, with the candidate in advance (No. 30), approach and enter the Midɇ/wigân and the initiation begins. No. 31 is the place of the sacred drum and those who are detailed to employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32 indicates the officiating priests; No. 33 is the degree post, surmounted by Kŏ-ko/-kŏ-ø/, the Owl (No. 34). The post is painted with vermilion, with small white spots all over its surface, emblematic of the mɨ/gis shell. The line (No. 35) extending along the upper portion of the inclosure represents the pole from which are suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc., which constitute the fee paid to the society for admission.
This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man/idø.
When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants (No. 35) to Ki/tshi Man/idø for success. Ki/tshi Man/idø himself is the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No. 36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is the same as that of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants; No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43, 44, and 45 pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole (No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from it.
When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47) he personates Makwa/ Man/idø, who is the guardian of this degree, and whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed Kŏ-ko/-kŏ-ø/—the Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Midɇ/ in their tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacredness of their religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts.
The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka/no—the Turtle—as he appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No. 54). Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No. 55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower; the second (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which is placed Kŏ-ko/-kŏ-ø/—the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots—to designate the sacred mɨ/gis—the lower half of the trunk cut square, the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white, and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No. 60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum. Upon the horizontal pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets constituting gifts to the society.
The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl. VII), according to Ojibwa's statement, are as follows:
First degree.—One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the ears across the tip of the nose.
Second degree.—One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids, temples, and the root of the nose.
Third degree.—The upper half of the face is painted green and the lower half red.
Fourth degree.—The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back. This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of the "war bonnet" places it beyond the reach of the greater number of persons.
Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide/ records it may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of the Ani/shinâ/bɇg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the officiating priests deliver "a loud and spirited harangue," of which the following words[12] caught his attention:
"Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways." As the old man delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.
A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory, * * * I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we harangue.
After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows:
"My grandson," said he, "the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great water and proceeded westward.
"The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.
"In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our forefathers, still proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the Me-da-we were practiced.
"Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting (outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by our fathers for many generations."
[Footnote 12: Op. cit., p. 78 et seq.]
In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr. Warren,[13] as follows:
There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in character to the one I have related that its introduction here would only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke through.
[Footnote 13: Op. cit., p. 81.]
It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These have since been known of as the "Bois Forts" (hardwood people or timber people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc. Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the Midɇ/wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost entirely supporters of the belief in the great mɨ/gis.
On account of the independent operations of the Midɇ/ priests in the various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic representation of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently not recognized by Midɇ/ priests who are not members of the Midɇ/wiwin in which these mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them.
The tradition relating to Mi/nabø/zho and the sacred objects received from Ki/tshi Man/idø for the Ani/shinâ/bɇg is illustrated in Fig. 6, which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The record is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi/nabø/zho, who says of the adjoining characters representing the members of the Midɇ/wiwin: "They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life." Mi/nabø/zho holds in his left hand the sacred Midɇ/ sack, or pin-ji/-gu-sân/. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of the drum all the Midɇ/ rise and become inspired, because Ki/tshi Man/idø is then present in the wig/iwam. No. 4 denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the Midɇ/wiwin. The figure holds in the left hand the Midɇ/ sack, made of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man/idø, but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are visible in the Midɇ/wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midɇ/ sack or pin-ji/-gu-sân/, which contains life, and can be used by the Midɇ/ to prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the Midɇ/ Man/idøs to Mi/nabø/zho as a companion.
Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only from other Midɇ/ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but also in the light of later information and research in the exemplification of the ritual of the Midɇ/wiwin.
Mi/nabø/zho did not receive the rite from any Midɇ/ priests (Nos. 2 and 5), but from Ki/tshi Man/idø. Women are not mentioned in any of the earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog given to Mi/nabø/zho, but Mi/nabø/zho gave it to the Ani/shinâ/bɇg.
The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from a chart in the possession of a stranger Midɇ/, and failed to learn its true signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred objects and to gain additional respect from his confreres and admirers.
Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in the possession of a Midɇ/ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Midɇ/ Esh/gibø/ga takes the place of Mi/nabø/zho as having originally received the Midɇ/wiwin from Ki/tshi Man/idø, but it is believed that the word is a synonym or a substitute based upon some reason to them inexplicable. These figures were obtained in 1887, and a brief explanation of them given in the American Anthropologist.[14] At that time I could obtain but little direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi/nabø/zho, or rather Eshgibø/ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the Midɇ/wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is reproduced from the work just cited. A few annotations and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to both illustrations:
No. 1, represents Esh/gibø/ga, the great uncle of the Ani/shinâ/bɇg, and receiver of the Midɇ/wiwin.
No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh/gibø/ga.
No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is resumed.
No. 4, the pin-ji/-gu-sân/ or sacred Midɇ/ sack. It consists of an otter skin, and is the mɨ/gis or sacred symbol of the Midɇ/wigân.
No. 5. a Midɇ/ priest, the one who holds the mɨ/gis while chanting the Midɇ/ song in the Midɇ/wigân. He is inspired, as indicated by the line extending from the heart to the mouth.
No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Midɇ/wiwin. This character, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern Ojibwa to denote the wig/iwam of a Jĕss/akkɨd/, or jugglery.
No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the Midɇ/wiwin.
No. 8, a pause or rest.
No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji/-gu-sân/ possessing the power of giving life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head, and the back of the skin.
No. 10, represents a woman.
No. 11, is another illustration of the mɨ/gis, or otter.
No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic plants.
No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midɇ/ priest, no explanation was given.
[Footnote 14: Vol. 1, No. 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3.]
/ga.]
Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.
MIDɆ/WIGÂN.
Initiation into the Midɇ/wiwin or Midɇ/ Society is, at this time, performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is given to the candidate in a preceptor's wig/iwam.
To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge with which the candidate has also to do.
/wigân of the first degree.]
The Midɇ/wigân, i.e., Midɇ/wig/iwam, or, as it is generally designated "Grand Medicine Lodge," is usually built in an open grove or clearing; it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width, extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and saplings from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open spaces, each about 4 feet wide, used as entrances to the inclosure. From each side of the opening the wall-like structure extends at right angles to the end wall, appearing like a short hallway leading to the inclosure, and resembles double doors opened outward. Fig. 10 represents a ground plan of the Midɇ/wigân, while Fig. 11 shows an interior view. Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient; and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the sacred Midɇ/ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway between the stone and the Midɇ/ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine trees, each about 10 feet in height.
/wigân.]
About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a wig/iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.
This wig/iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter and 6 feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark—frequently the bark of the pine is used—leaving a narrow opening on the side facing the Midɇ/wigân, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or blankets.
The space between the Midɇ/wigân and the sweat lodge must be kept clear of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.
FIRST DEGREE.
PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION.
When the candidate's application for reception into the Midɇ/wiwin has been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three assisting Midɇ/, inviting them to visit him at his own wig/iwam at a specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has been previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke offering made to Ki/tshi Man/idø, to propitiate his favor in the deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the candidate's previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned, as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being usually appointed from among these four priests.
When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig/iwam of the person designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midɇ/ council.
The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire information. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is furnished at each sitting, as the Midɇ/ never begins his lecture until after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a whiff and a similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is taken slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed forward and upward as an offering to Ki/tshi Man/idø; and finally, after taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward the earth as an offering to Nokø/mis, the grandmother of the universe, and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information, because the longer the instruction is continued daring the season before the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous phraseology. The Midɇ/ drum (Fig. 12 a) differs from the drum commonly used in dances (Fig. 12 b) in the fact that it is cylindrical, consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to 20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, producing, when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great distance.
Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to intensify the sound very considerably.
The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki/tshi Man/idø, who gave it through the intercession of Mi/nabø/zho; that it is used to invoke the presence of the Midɇ/ Man/idøs, or sacred spirits, when seeking direction as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is to be employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism of evil man/idøs who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that it is to be used in the. Midɇ/wigân during the initiation of new members or the advancement of a Midɇ/ from a degree to a higher one.
/ rattle.]
The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely through the rattle case.
/ rattle.]
In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi/nabø/zho are instanced and their properties extolled.
The mɨ/gis, a small white shell (Cypraea moneta L.) is next extracted from the Midɇ/ sack, or pinji/gusân/. This is explained as being the sacred emblem of the Midɇ/wiwin, the reason therefor being given in the account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls. III, IV, and VIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the narrative of the history connected with either of the records is extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor's plans and purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mɨ/gis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page 215.
/gis.]
As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midɇ/ songs, i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.
It is for this reason that a Midɇ/ is seldom, if ever, able to recite correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the character of the record and the particular class of service in which it may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at Red Lake and imperfectly explained by "Little Frenchman" and "Leading Feather," are reproduced in Pl. XXII, A B, page 292.
From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual. The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. IX, A, B, C. The initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key; furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by comparing some of the Midɇ/ songs presented in connection with the ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the songs given herewith (Pl. IX, A) pertains to a request to Ki/tshi Man/idø that clear weather may be had for the day of ceremonial, and also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer's words are a faithful rendering of his creed.
Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy, therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.
Ki-ne/-na-wi/-/in mani/-i-dø/-ye-win. I rock you, you that are a spirit. [A midɇ's head, the lines denoting voice or speech—i.e., singing of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line indicate.]
Kí-zhĭk-ki-wĭn/-da-mun/. The sky I tell you. [The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something therefrom.]
O-we-nen/; hwɨn/. Who is it, who? [The mɨ/gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Midɇ/wiwin.]
Wi/-dzhĭ-i-nan/. The man helping me. [A man walking, the Midɇ/ Man/idø or Sacred Spirit.]
Nu-wa[n]/-ni-ma/na nin-guĭs/? Have I told the truth to my son? [The bear going to the Midɇ/wigan, and takes with him life to the Ani/shinâ/bɇg.]
Rest.
Ni/-nɨn-dɇ/, ĕ/, ø/, ya/. My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart). [My heart; knows all Midɇ/ secrets, sensible one.]
A/-ni-na/-nĕsh-mi/-ĭ-an ni/-na/-wĭ-tø/. I follow with my arms. [Arms extended to take up "medicine" or Midɇ/ secrets.]
Man/-i-dø/-wi-an/ nĭ-me/-shine/-mi/-an. Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of "medicine" in the earth. [A Midɇ/ whose heart's desires and knowledge extend to the secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth denote direction.]
We/-gi-kwø/ Kĕ-mɨ/-nĭ-nan/? From whence comes the rain? [The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.]
Mi-shŏk/ kwøt/, dzhe-man/-i-dø/-yan. The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit. [Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man/idø handing it to the Midɇ/.]
Wi/-ka-ka-nŭn/-ĕ-nan. Very seldom I make this request of you. [The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge of secrets of the earth.]
In the following song (Pl. IX, B), the singer relates to the candidate the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his having himself become a member of the Midɇ/wiwin, and hence urges upon the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which he has thus far pursued.
Na-witsh/-tshi na-kŭm/-i-en a-na/-pi-a[n]/? When I am out of hearing, where am I? [The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the body.]
We/-nen-ne/ en/-da-yan. In my house, I see. [Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns denote superiority of the singer.]
Mo-kɨ/-yan-na/-a-witsh/-i-gum/-mi. When I rise it gives me life, and I take it. [The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same idea.]
Wen/-dzhi-ba/-pi-a[n]/. The reason why I am happy. [Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer's body is filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances— singing.]
Rest.
Zha/-zha-bui/-ki-bi-nan/ wig/-ĕ-wâm/. The Spirit says there is plenty of "medicine" in the Midɇ/ wig/iwam. [Two superior spirits, Ki/tshi Man/idø and Dzhe Man/idø, whose bodies are surrounded by "lines of sacredness," tell the Midɇ/ where the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line, at the bottom, is the earth's surface.].
Ya-hø/-hon-ni/-yŏ. The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it. [The arm of Ki/tshi Man/idø put into the ground sacred plants, etc., indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.]
Ní-wo/-we-nɨ/-nan ki/-bi-do-na[n]/. I am holding this that I bring to you. [The singer sits in the Midɇ/wiwin, and offers the privilege of entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.]
Midɇ/ nĭ-ka/-năk kish/-o-wĕ/-ni-mĭ-ko/. I have found favor in the eyes of my midɇ/ friends. [The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body, i.e., the heart, the seat of life.]
In the following song (Pl. IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and therefore tells him that the Midɇ/ Man/idø announces to him the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of the fulfillment of his highest desires.
Ba/-dzhĭ-ke/-o gi/-mand ma-bis/-in-dâ/-ă. I hear the spirit speaking to us. [The Midɇ/ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.]
Kwa-yăk/-in dɨ/-sha in-dâ/-ya[n]. I am going into the medicine lodge. [The Midɇ/wigân is shown with a line through it to signify that he is going through it, as in the initiation.]
Kwe/-tshĭ-ko-wa/-ya ti/-na-man. I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live. [The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.]
O/-wi-yo/-in en/-do-ma mâk/-kwin-ĕn/-do-ma/. I give you medicine, and a lodge, also. [The Midɇ/, as the personator of Makwa/ Man/idø, is empowered to offer this privilege to the candidate.]
O-wɇ/-nĕn bĕ-mɨ/-sĕt. I am flying into my lodge. [Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of spirits or Man/idøs.]
Na-nɨ-ne kwe-wɇ/-an. The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it. [The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that the sacred objects occur in scattered places.]
Hɇ/-wøg, ɇ/, ɇ/. I have the medicine in my heart. [The singer's body—i.e., heart—is filled with knowledge relating to sacred medicines from the earth.]
MIDɆ/ THERAPEUTICS.
During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midɇ/ plants is also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to Noko/mis—the earth, the grandmother of mankind—for the benefits which are derived from her body where they were placed by Ki/tshi Man/idø.
In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of season.
It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent beings—commonly designated as bad Man/idøs—supposed to have taken possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of the plants employed will be made at the proper time.
Although the word Mashki kiwa/bu[n]—medicine broth—signifies liquid medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a general sense to pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils, and weapons, because of some supposed supernatural origin or property, an explanation of which they have forgotten.
Pinus strobus, L. White Pine. Zhingwâk/.
1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which is inhaled to cure backache.
The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are inhaled to cure headache.
2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence. The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels.
Pinus resinosa, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed Norway Pine. Pŏkgwĕ/nagɇ/mŏk.
Used as the preceding.
Abies balsamea, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Ini/nandŏk.
1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is used to induce diaphoresis.
2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken internally as a remedy for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the chest resulting from colds.
3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.
Abies alba, Michx. White Spruce. Sĕ/ssɇgân/dŏk. The split roots— wadŏb/-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers of canoes.
Abies nigra, Poir. Black Spruce. A/mikwan/dŏk.
1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.
2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.
Abies Canadensis, Michx. Hemlock. Saga/ɨ[n]wu[n]sh— "Raven Tree."
Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named.
Larix Americana, Michx. Tamarack. Mŏsh/kɨkiwa/dik.
1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.
2. Gum used in mending boats.
3. Bark used for covering wig/iwams.
Cupressus thyoides, L. White Cedar. Gi/zhĭk— "Day."
1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety of leaves of coniferae the better. The spines of the leaves exert their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons possessing the patient's body.
2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing habitations.
Juniperus Virginiana, L. Red Cedar. Muskwa/wâ/ak.
Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.
Quercus alba, L. White Oak. Mɨtig/ømish/.
1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea.
2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.
Quercus rubra, L. Red Oak. Wisug/emɨtig/omish/— "Bitter Acorn Tree."
Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.
Acer saccharinum, Wang. Sugar Maple. Innɨnâ/tik.
1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.
2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.
3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.
Acer nigrum, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Ishig/omeaush/— "Sap-flows-fast."
Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer projicitur.
Sometimes used as the preceding.
Betula excelsa, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wi/umis/sik.
The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic.
Betula papyracea, Ait. White Birch. Mɨgwas/.
Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes, syrup-pans, møkoks/— or sugar boxes— etc. The record of the Midɇ/wiwin, given by Minabø/zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark.
Populus monilifera, Ait. Cottonwood. Mâ/nâsâ/ti.
The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.
Populus balsamifera, L. Balsam Poplar. Asa/dĭ.
1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and eaten.
2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and particularly for the Midɇ/wigân.
Juglans nigra, L. Black Walnut. Paga/nŏk— "Nut wood."
Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is sometimes employed in staining or dyeing.
Smilacina racemosa, Desf. False Spikenard. Kinɇ/wigwŏshk— "Snake weed or Snake Vine."
1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.
2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve headache.
3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.
Helianthus occidentalis, Riddell. Sunflower. Pŭkite/wŭkbŏku[n]s/.
The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.
Polygala senega, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winis/sikɇ[n]s/.
1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.
2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed.
Rubus occidentalis, L. Black Raspberry. Makadɇ/wĭskwi/minŏk— "Black Blood Berry."
A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in the stomach.
Rubus strigosus, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwi/minŏk/— "Blood Berry."
The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.
Gaylussacia resinosa, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. Mɨ/nŭn.
Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the "Road of the Dead," referred to in connection with the "Ghost Society."
Prunus Virginiana, L. Choke Cherry. Sisa[n]/wewi/nakâ[n]sh/.
1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also during gestation.
2. The fruit is eaten.
Prunus serotina, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okwɇ/wĭsh— "Scabby Bark."
1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first boiling, bruising, or chewing it.
2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains and soreness of the chest.
Prunus Pennsylvanica, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwa/kumi/nŏk.
1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other stomach disorders.
2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.
3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the "Ghost Society."
Prunus Americana, Marsh. Wild Plum. Bogɇ/sanŏk.
The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the time during which the investigations were made, and therefore were not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows, viz: Minɇ[n]/sŏk, two species, one with red berries, the other with yellow ones; Wabø/saminɨ/sŏk— "Rabbit berries"; Shi/gwanau/isŏk, having small red berries; and Crataegus coccinea, L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn. O/ginɨk.
Typha latifolia, L. Common Cat-tail. Napŏgŭshk— "Flat grass."
The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a poultice to sores.
Sporobolus heterolepis Gr. Napŏ/gŭshku[n]s/— "Little Flat Grass."
1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding.
2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, "to remove bile."
Fragaria vesca, L. Wild Strawberry. Odɇ ɨmĭn/nĕ— Heart Berry.
Referred to in the ceremony of the "Ghost Society."
The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.
Acer Pennsylvanicum, L. Striped Maple. Mø[n]/zomĭsh/— "Moose Wood." The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as an emetic.
Fraxinus sambucifolia, Lam. Black or Water Ash. A/gimak/.
1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to sore eyes.
2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.
Veronica Virginica, L. Culver's Root. Wi/sŏgedzhi/wik— "Bitter Root."
A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.
Salix Candida, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisi/gewe/mĭsh.
The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the decoction taken for cough.
Symphoricarpus vulgaris, Michx. Indian Currant. Gus/sigwaka/mĭsh.
The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold, applied to sore eyes.
Geum strictum, Ait. Aven. Ne/bone/ankwe/âk— "Hair on one side."
The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for soreness in the chest, and cough.
Rumex crispus, L. Curled Dock. O/zabetshi/wĭk.
The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores, etc.
Amorpha canescens, Nutt. Lead Plant. We/abŏnag/kak— "That which turns white."
A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach. Rosa blanda, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O/ginɨk.
A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is applied to inflamed eyes.
Anemone (sp.?) Anemone. Wisŏg/ibŏk/; also called Hartshorn plant by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota.
The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of headache.
(Gen. et sp. ?) Termed Kine/bĭk wa[n]sh/ko[n]s and "Snake weed."
This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of extraordinary muscular strength.
Rhus (aromatica, Ait. ?) "White Sumac." Bŏkkwan/ɨbŏk.
Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the decoction taken to cure diarrhea.
(Gen. et sp. ?) Ki/tshiodɇiminibŏk— "Big Heart Leaf."
Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.
Monarda fistulosa, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshkøs/wa[n]owi[n]s/— "Little Elk's Tail."
The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several swallows, at intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.
Hydrophyllum Virginicum, L. Waterleaf. Hu[n]kite/waguŭs/.
The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest, back, etc.
Anemone Pennsylvanicum, L. Pennsylvania Anemone. Pesɨ/kwadzhi/bwiko/kŏk.
A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.
Viola (Canadensis, L.?). Canada Violet. Maskwɨ/widzhɨ/wiko/kŏk.
The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of the bladder.
Phryma leptostachya, L. Lopseed. Waia/bishkĕno/kŏk.
The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in the legs.
Viola pubescens, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet, Ogitɇ/wagu[n]s.
A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at intervals for sore throat.
Rosa (lucida, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose. Oginɨ/minaga[n]/mŏs.
The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid applied to sore eyes.
(Gen. et sp. ?) Mŏ/zânâ/tĭk.
This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition.
Actaea rubra, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odzɨ/bĭkĕ[n]s/— "Little Root."
A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used also in conjunction with Ginseng.
This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and boys, while the same plant at other seasons, because of size, color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner as above.
The latter is called Wash/kubĭdzhi/bikakŏk/.
Botrychium Virginicum, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozaga/tigŭm.
The root is bruised and applied to cuts.
Aralia trifolia, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Nesø/wakŏk— "Three Leafed."
The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest hemorrhage.
Echinospermum lappula, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozaga/tĭgomĕ[n]s— "Burr Bush."
The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to cause the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same purpose.
It is affirmed by various members of the Midɇ/ Society that in former times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midɇ/ of the first degree to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement in the mysteries of the order. As much knowledge is believed to have been lost through the reticence and obstinacy of former chief priests, the so-called higher secrets are now imparted at the first and second degree preparatory instructions. The third and fourth degrees are very rarely conferred, chiefly because the necessary presents and fees are beyond the reach of those who so desire advancement, and partly also because the missionaries, and in many instances the Indian agents, have done their utmost to suppress the ceremonies, because they were a direct opposition and hindrance to progress in Christianizing influences.
When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of the ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil a song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former sings a song (Pl. X, A.), the time of its utterance being tediously prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas/sigĕ, and are a copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been in his possession, and which was made in imitation of one in the possession of his father, Baiɇ/dzĭk, one of the leading Midɇ/ at Mille Lacs, Minnesota.
Wɨ-ka-no/-shi-a[n]-ŏ. My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of medicine. [The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously designated "medicine."]
We-wɨ/-ka-ni/-an. Almost crying because the medicine is lost. [The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping; the circle beneath the figure is the place where the "medicine" is supposed to exist. The idea of "lost" signifies that some information has been forgotton through death of those who possessed it.]
Me-shi/-âk-kĭnk mi-sui/-a-kĭnk. Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for. [Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.]
Pe-i/-e-mĭ-ko-ya/-na-kĭnk/. Yes, I see there is plenty of it. [The Midɇ/ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of "sight" run to various medicines which he perceives or knows of.]
Rest.
We/-a-kwĕ/-nĭnk pe-ĭ-e/-mi-wĭt/-o-wan/. When I come out the sky becomes clear. [When the otter-skin Midɇ/ sack is produced the sky becomes clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed.]
We/-kwĕ-nĭnk/ ke/-tŏ-nĭnk/ e/-to-wa/. The spirit has given me power to see. [The Midɇ/ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good Spirit.]
Mi/-sha-kwat/-ni-yø/. I brought the medicine to bring life. [The Midɇ/ Man/idø, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the plants—by causing the rains to fall—returns to the sky. The short line represents part of the circular line usually employed to designate the imaginary vault of the sky.]
Me/-ka-yɇ/-nĭnk te/-a-yĕ-am/-ban. I, too, see how much there is. [His power elevates the Midɇ/ to the rank of a man/idø, from which point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.]
In-de/-be-mĭ/-ko. I am going to the medicine lodge. [The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the Midɇ/wigân.]
In-de/-bi-bi/-to[n]. I take life from the sky. [The Midɇ/ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from Ki/tshi Man/idø the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top denotes the sacred mɨ/gis, or shell.]
No-a/-wi/-mi-kø/. Let us talk to one another. [The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midɇ/) and the hearer (Ki/tshi Man/idø), the short lines signifying magic influences, the Midɇ/ occupying the left hand and smaller seat.]
Man/-i-dø-ye-na/-ni ni-kan/. The spirit is in my body, my friend. [The mɨ/gis, given by Ki/tshi Man/idø, is in contact with the Midɇ/'s body, and he is possessed of life and power.]
From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief Midɇ/ priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist of sticks one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The courier is charged with giving to the person invited explicit information as to the day of the ceremony and the locality where it is to be held. Sometimes these sticks have bands of color painted around one end, usually green, sometimes red, though both colors may be employed, the two ends being thus tinted. The person invited is obliged to bring with him his invitation stick, and upon entering the Midɇ/wigân he lays it upon the ground near the sacred stone, on the side toward the degree post. In case a Midɇ/ is unable to attend he sends his invitation with a statement of the reason of his inability to come. The number of sticks upon the floor are counted, on the morning of the day of initiation, and the number of those present to attend the ceremonies is known before the initiation begins.
About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the locality of the Midɇ/wigân. On the evening of the fifth day he repairs to the sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been built east of the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is supplied with water which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it upon heated stones introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the outside. This act of purification is absolutely necessary and must be performed once each day for four days, though the process may be shortened by taking two vapor baths in one day, thus limiting the process to two days. This, however, is permitted, or desired only under extraordinary circumstances. During the process of purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the seriousness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the new life he is about to assume.
When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor and the other officiating Midɇ/ priests, when the conversation is confined chiefly to the candidate's progress. He then gives to each of them presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Ki/tshi Man/idø, with the pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Midɇ/ sacks and explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of the magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the manner of preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredulous ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of the Midɇ/wiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion.
Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater the power of the Midɇ/ the greater will appear the mystery connected with the exhibition. This may be performed whenever circumstances demand such proof, but the tests are made before the candidate with a twofold purpose: first, to impress him with the supernatural powers of the Midɇ/ themselves; and second, in an oracular manner, to ascertain if Ki/tshi Ma/nidø is pleased with the contemplated ceremony and the initiation of the candidate.
The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wig/iwam a string of four wooden beads each measuring about 1 inch in diameter. See Fig. 16. After the owner of this object has chanted for a few moments in an almost inaudible manner the beads begin to roll from side to side as if animated. The string is then quickly restored to its place in the Midɇ/ sack. Another Midɇ/ produces a small wooden effigy of a man (Fig. 17), measuring about 5 inches in height. The body has a small orifice running through it from between the shoulders to the buttocks, the head and neck forming a separate piece which may be attached to the body like a glass stopper to a bottle.
A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of the effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder of herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in it, when the head is put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances are chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will perceptibly move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig. 18 represents another figure used in a similar manner. It consists of one piece, however, and is decorated with narrow bands of dark blue flannel about the ankles and knees, a patch of red cloth upon the breast and bands about the wrists, each of the eyes being indicated by three white porcelain beads.
One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be produced only by Midɇ/ of the highest power, consists in causing a Midɇ/ sack to move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is confidently alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident that the deception is more easily produced than in the above-mentioned instances, as the temporary retention within a bag of a small mammal could readily be made to account for the movements.
In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to prevent the deception being observed and exposed; and when public demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist of the most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confreres of the performer, from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected.
The preceptor then consults with the Midɇ/ priests respecting the presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the following words, viz:
Mis-shai/-ĕ-gwa tshi-dĕ-bŏg-in-de-mung/. Now is the time that we shall fix the price
gi/-she-gŏ-dung/ ka-mi/-nĕ-nŏngk of everything pertaining to the sky, that has been given to us
gi/-she-goy-dŭng/ di/-bi-ga-dønk/ gai-yé/. from the day [and] the night also.
A-pɇ/-gĕ-dá/wŭnk i/-wa-pɨ When it shall come to pass and at the time
ge-bin/-de-ga-yŏngk/, ă-au/-wa-mi-dɇ/-wĭd. that we shall enter, he who wishes to become a Midɇ/.
When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and the eve of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory longer than usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd of visitors who have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound with the noises incident to a large camp, while in various directions may be heard the monotonous beating of the drum indicating the presence of a number of dancers, or the hard, sharp taps of the midɇ/ drum, caused by a priest propitiating and invoking the presence and favor of Ki/tshi Ma/nidø in the service now so near at hand.
When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the candidate, with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own wig/iwam, while the assistant Midɇ/ priests and intimate friends or members of his family collect the numerous presents and suspend them from the transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper part of the Midɇ/wigân. Watchers remain to see that nothing is removed during the night.
At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again returns to the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and, later, of the officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best clothing and such articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The preceptor and Midɇ/ priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each wearing one or two beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by a band of beaded cloth crossing the opposite shoulder. The members of the Midɇ/wiwin who are not directly concerned in the preliminaries resort to the Midɇ/wigân and take seats around the interior, near the wall, where they may continue to smoke, or may occasionally drum and sing. The drummer, with his assistants, takes a place near upon the floor of the sacred inclosure to the left of the eastern entrance, i.e., the southeast corner.
IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER.
Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Midɇ/ priests accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. X B) to dispel the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite number of times, and after being repeated once or twice is sung also by the others as an accompaniment.
It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent when chanted or sung.
Hi-na-nɇ/, hɇ/, ki/-ne-na-wɇ/ man/-i-dø. I swing the spirit like a child. [The Midɇ/ Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body. The Midɇ/ claims to be able to receive special favor.]
[Music: 207_1] Ki/nana/wein, Ki/nana/wein, Ki/nana/wein, Man/ido/weɇg; Ki/nana/wein, Ki/nana/wein, Ki/nana/wein, Man/ido/weɇg/; Ki/nana/wein, Man/ido/weɇg/.
Gi-zhik/-ɇ/ ka-hwɇ/ da-mu/-nĕ. The sky is what I am telling you about. [The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain.]
[Music: 207_2] Ki/zhiga/widâ/ mu/nedɇ/, Ki/zhiga/widâ/ mu/nedɇ/, Ki/zhiga/widâ/ Ki/zhi-ga/wi-dâ/, Ki/zhi-ga/wi-dâ mu/nedɇ/, Ki/zhiga/widâ mu/nedɇ/.
Wa-ne-o-ho ne/-ge-shi/-go-ni Ko-sa/-we, hɇ/, wa-ni/-sha/-na/. We have lost the sky [it becomes dark]. [Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Midɇ/ is reaching up into it for its favor of clear weather.]
[Music: 208_1] Waneo-ho hɇ ne/-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-hɇ ne/-ge-shi-go-ni, Ko/sawe ne hɇ wa/nishi-na-ha, waneo-ho-hɇ ne/-ge-shi-go-ni.
Wi-tshi/-hi-na/-ne-he, nɇ/, kø/, hø. ne/-ni-wi-tshi-nan/. I am helping you. [The Otter-skin Midɇ/ sack is held up to influence the Otter Spirit to aid them.]
[Music: 208_2] Wi/tshihinanehe nɇ/ kø hø/, ne/niwi/tshinan, wi/tshihinanehe nɇ/ kø/ hø/. U-a-ni-ma wɇ u-a-ni-ma wɇ henigwish.
U-a/-ni-ma/, wɇ/, he/-ni-gwĭsh. I have made an error [in sending]. [The Otter-skin Midɇ/ sack has failed to produce the desired effect.]
Rest.
The Midɇ/ women who have gathered without the lodge now begin to dance as the song is renewed.
Na-nin-dɇ/, hɇ/, he-yo-ya, nɇ/. I am using my heart. [Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Midɇ/ ceremony.]
Yo/-na-hĭsh/-i-me/-a/-ne/, hɇ/. yá-na-hĭsh-a-me/-a-ne/, hɇ/. What are you saying to me, and I am "in my senses"?
Man/-i-dø, hɇ/ nɇ/, mɇ/-de-wɇ/, ɇ/. The spirit wolf. [One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the ceremony is assisting the evil man/idøs in causing the sky to be overcast.]
Wen/-tshi-o-ne-se hɇ/, nɇ/, wen/-tshi-o-ne-se hɇ/. I do not know where I am going. [The Midɇ/ is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the performance of initiation.]
Mi/-shok-kwo/-ti-ne be-wa/-ne, ni-bin/-zhi man/-i-dø i-ya/-nɇ. I depend on the clear sky. [To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for help.]
Ke-me/-ni-na-ne/ a-nø/-ɇ/ a/-sho-wɇ/ me-nø/-de ki-man/-i-dø. I give you the other village, spirit that you are. [That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and Midɇ/wigân.]
Tshing-gwɇ/-o-dɇ : gɇ/. The thunder is heavy. [The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain.]
[Transcriber's Note: The long gap followed by "gɇ/" is not explained in the text. It may refer to the structure of the song.]
We/-ka-ka-nø/, hø/ shi/-a-dɇ/. We are talking to one another. [The Midɇ/ communes with Ki/tshi Man/idø; he is shown near the sky; his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines from the mouth signify speech.]
In case the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or to rain, then the song termed the "Rain Song" is resorted to and sung within the inclosure of the Midɇ/wigân, to which they all march in solemn procession. Those Midɇ/ priests who have with them their Midɇ/ drums use them as an accompaniment to the singing and to propitiate the good will of Ki/tshi Man/idø. Each line of the entire song appears as an independent song, the intervals of rest varying in time according to the feelings of the officiating priest.
The words of the song are known to most of the Midɇ/ priests; but, as there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation, the result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if sung independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under ordinary circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one stanza of the song, after which the others will readily catch the notes and accompany him. It will be observed, also, that the words as spoken vary to some extent when chanted or sung.
If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change the priests return to their respective wig/iwams and the crowd of visitors disperses to return upon the first clear day.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes early to the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and later by the officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been arranged and the proper time for regular proceedings has arrived, the preceptor sings the following song (Pl. X, C), the musical notation of which varies according to his feelings, clearly showing that there is no recognized method of vocal delivery, as is the case with the music of dancing songs:
Kan-do/-e-a-nɇ/, to/-e-a-nɇ/ kan-do/-e-a-nɇ/, in-nin/-nĭ man/-e-dø/-ɇ/. The spirit man is crying out. [The head of the Midɇ/, a synonym of Ki/tshi Man/idø. The voice lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that Ki/tshi Man/idø is pleased to look with favor upon the proceedings.]
Ya-ni-nɇ/, na/, tshi-mo-tɇ/, hɇ/, Talking around in various sections. [The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate "talks" in various directions addressed to the Midɇ/.]
Man/-e-dø, wɇ/, hɇ/, pe-me/-so-wa/. The spirit is flying. [The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some remote place.]
Mi-de/-we-tɇ-we/ me/-wa-gwi/-shak-wa/, mi-de/-we-ta/. The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine. [The Midɇ's hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places other than upon the Midɇ/wigân, as shown by rain lines from the end of the curved lines denoting the sky.]
Me-shak/-kwot dung/-ke-hɇ/, ne-mɇ/-gĭs-sĭm/. I am the sign that the day will be clear. [The Midɇ/'s hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short transverse line, and the sun's rays diverge in all directions.]
Sun/-gis-ni de/-wit-ka-nɇ/, hɇ/, wi-no/-wo-he/-she-wat/ man/-i-do-wi-tshik. I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me. [The speaker compares himself to Makwa/ Man/idø, the Bear Spirit.]
Hwo/-ba-mɨ/-de, hwo/-ba-mɨ-de, man-ĕ-dø na/-wa-gɨ-zhĭk. The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me. [The upper spot denotes the abode of Ki/tshi Man/idø, the "line of vision" extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding spot below.]
Ni-wĭ-we/-wai-a-de/ hi/-me nai/-o-nⱥ/. I take my sack and touch him. [The Midɇ/ will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the candidate.]
Man/-i-dø wi-kan-ɇ/, mi-de/-yo. My medicine is the sacred spirit. [The Midɇ/ professes to have received the divine gift from Ki/tshi Man/idø; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held up to receive them.]
Ha-ni-ne/ ku-mɇ/ ni/-kan-nɇ/? How do you answer me, my Midɇ/ friends? [This is addressed to the Midɇ/ priests (Nika/ni) present, and is an inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Midɇ/wigân is shown, the line running horizontally through it the path of the candidate (or one who has gone through), the two spots within the place of the sacred stone and the post, while the spot to the right of the outside of the inclosure denotes the beginning, or the sweat-lodge, symbolizing the circle of the earth upon the Midɇ/ chart (Pl. III), those upon the left denoting the three possible degrees of advancement in the future.]
Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during which all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual offerings to the four points of the compass, to Ki/tshi Man/idø/, and toward the earth.
The preceptor then says:
Mĭs-sa/i/-a-shi-gwa, mĭs-sa/-a-shĭ-gwa- nŏn/-do-nŭng; Now is the time, now is the time he hears us;
ka-kĭ-nâ ka-kĭn/-nâ-gi-nŏn/-do-da/g-u-nan/ all of us he hears us all the one
ga-o/-shɨ-døt mi-dɇ/-wĭ/-win. who made the midɇ/wiwin.
After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate the midɇ/ gagĭ/kwewĭn/, or Midɇ/ sermon, in the following language, viz:
An-be/-bi-sĭn/-di-wi/-shĭn, wa/-i-ni/-nan; now listen to me what I am about to say to you;
kɇsh/-pin-pe/-sin-da/-nin-wĭn da-ma/-dzhi shka/ If you take heed of that which I say to you shall continue
ke/-bi-mâ/-di-si-wĭn/. U[n], nun/-gum, always your life. Now, to-day
ke-za/-ki-gi-zi-to[n] mŏn ki/-tshi man/-i-dø I make known to you the great spirit
ø/-dik-kid/-do-wĭn/; o/-wi-dŏsh kid/-di-nĭn/ That which he says; and now this I say to you.
ki-ɨ/-kid-dø/kɨ/-tshi man/-i-dø gi/-sa-gi-ĭg/. This is what says the great spirit that he loves you.
to-wa/-bish-ga/ gi-shtig-wa a-pɨ-we- It shall be white the sacred object at the time
sa/-gi-sit/-to-wad o-sa/-in-di-kid/-do-wɨn When they shall let it be known and this is what I say
ĕ/-kid-dødt ki/-tshi man/-i-dø ŏ/-gi-din/-nĭn That which he says the great spirit now this I impart to you
mis-sâ/-wa ke/-a-ked/-de-wó wa/-ba-ma-tshin/ni-bŭdt even if they say That they saw him dead
mi/-â-ma/ tshɨ/-ø- nish-gâd/, ini-â-má in this place he shall be Raised again in this place
a-pe/-ni-nut/ nin-dɇ/ kid/-do-wĭn min-nik/ he puts his trust In my heart in this "saying" the time
kid-da/- kĭ-o-wink/. of the duration Of the world.
Ka-wɨ/-ka-da-an/-na-we/-was-si-nan, me-ɇ/-kid-dodt/ It shall never fail. That is what he says,
man/-i-dø. Nin/-ne-dzha/-nis ke-un/-dzhi be-mâ/-dis the spirit. My child, this shall give
si/-an. you life.
The Midɇ/ priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the outside, while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of small presents, such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out of the wig/iwam to join the Midɇ/ priests. The order of marching to the main entrance of the Midɇ/wigân is then taken up in the following order: First the candidate, next the preceptor, who in turn is followed by the officiating priests, and such others, and members of his family and relatives as desire. At the door of the Midɇ/wigân all but one of the priests continue forward and take their stations within the inclosure, the preceptor remaining on one side of the candidate, the Midɇ/ priest upon the other, then all march four times around the outside of the inclosure, toward the left or south, during which time drumming is continued within. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit the candidate is placed so as to face the main entrance of the Midɇ/wigân. When he is prompted to say:
"Man- un/-ga-bɨn/-di-gĕ o-bŏg/-ga-dĭ-nan/, Let me come in and these I put down
o-dai/-ye-din/." my things [gifts].
The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes inside, taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and remains standing just within the door and faces the degree post toward the west. Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained at the side of the candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear, distinct, and exceedingly impressive manner sings the following chant, addressed to Ki/tshi Man/idø whose invisible form is supposed to abide within the Midɇ/wigan during such ceremonies, stating that the candidate is presented to receive life (the mɨ/gis) for which he is suffering, and invoking the divine favor.
Hai ya ha man/-i-dø, hø/, ti-bish/-ko-gish/-i-gŭng, hɇ/, There is a spirit ho, just as the one above, he,
we-zá-ba-mid/-mi ni[n]-dzhá-nis, esh-ĭ-gan/-do-we, now sits with me my child and now I proclaim,
hɇ/, hwɇ/, mé-a-tshi-bin/-de-gan/-ni-nan, nøs, he, hwe, that I enter you here my father
dzhi-man/-i-dø, hø/, hwø/, sha-wé-nĭ-mi-shin/, good spirit, ho, hwo, have pity on me,
hɇ/, hwɇ/, a-shig/-wa-bin/-de-gan-nŏk he, hwe now that I enter him here,
gé-gwa-da-gí-sid wi-bĭ-mâ/-di-sĭd, he that is suffering for life,
dé-bwe-daú-wi-shĭn dzhí-bi-mâ/-di-sĭd/, believe me that he shall live,
nøs, wɇ/-o-sĭm/-in-nan/, hɇ/, hɇ/. my father, whose child I am, he, he.
The following is the musical notation:
[Music: 213_1] he-he-he-he yo.
The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the members of the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the southern side to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the right and back along the western side to the point of beginning. This is done four times. As he starts upon his march, the member nearest the door falls in the line of procession, each member continuing to drop in, at the rear, until the entire assembly is in motion. During this movement there is a monotonous drumming upon the Midɇ/ drums and the chief officiating priest sings:
Ni/-sha-bøn/-da shkan wig/-i-wam ke-nøn/-dɇg, I go through [the] "house" the long, i.e., through the Midɇ/wigân.
At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his preceptor to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four officiating priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclosure and station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree post, and facing the western door. Upon the ground before them are spread blankets and similar goods, which have been removed from the beams above, and upon which the candidate is to kneel. He is then led to the western extremity of the inclosure where he stands upon the blankets spread upon the ground and faces the four Midɇ/ priests. The preceptor takes his position behind and a little to one side of the candidate, another assistant being called upon by the preceptor to occupy a corresponding position upon the other side. During this procedure there is gentle drumming which ceases after all have been properly stationed, when the preceptor steps to a point to the side and front of the candidate and nearer the officiating priests, and says: |
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