Place the model before the subject with the wings pointing to the right and left, and say: "You know what kind of knot this is, don't you? It is a bow-knot. I want you to take this other piece of string and tie the same kind of knot around my finger." At the same time give the child a piece of shoestring, of the same length as that which is tied around the stick, and hold out a finger pointed toward the child and in convenient position for the operation. It is better to have the subject tie the string around the examiner's finger than around a pencil or other object because the latter often falls out of the string and is otherwise awkward to handle.

Some children who assert that they do not know how to tie a bow-knot are sometimes nevertheless successful when urged to try. It is always necessary, therefore, to secure an actual trial.

SCORING. The test is passed if a double bow-knot (both ends folded in) is made in not more than a minute. A single bow-knot (only one end folded in) counts half credit, because children are often accustomed to use the single bow altogether. The usual plain common knot, which precedes the bow-knot proper, must not be omitted if the response is to count as satisfactory, for without this preliminary plain knot a bow-knot will not hold and is of no value. To be satisfactory the knot should also be drawn up reasonably close, not left gaping.

REMARKS. This test, which had not before been standardized, was suggested to the writer by the late Dr. Huey, who in a conversation once remarked upon the frequent inability of feeble-minded adults to perform the little motor tasks which are universally learned by normal persons in childhood. The test was therefore incorporated in the Stanford trial series of 1913-14 and tried with 370 non-selected children within two months of the 6th, 7th, 8th, or 9th birthday. It was expected that the test would probably be found to belong at about the 8-year level, but it proved to be easy enough for year VII, where 69 per cent of the children passed it. Only 35 per cent of the 6-year-olds succeeded, but after that age the per cent passing increased rapidly to 94 per cent at 9 years.

This little experiment, simple as it is, seems to fulfill reasonably well the requirements of a good test. The main objection which might be brought against it is that it is much subject to the influence of training. If this were true in any marked degree, the mentally retarded children of 7-year intelligence should be expected to succeed better with it than mentally advanced children of the same mental level, since the former would have had at least two or three years more in which to learn the task. A comparison of the two groups, however, shows no great difference. The factor of age, apart from mental age, affects the results so little that it is evident we have here a real test of intelligence.

It would, of course, be easy to imagine a child of 7 years who had not had reasonable opportunity to make the acquaintance of bow-knots or to learn to tie them. But such children are seldom encountered in the ages above 6 or 7. Of 68 7-year-olds who were asked whether they had ever seen a bow-knot ("a knot like that") only two replied in the negative. It cannot be denied, however, that specific instruction and special stimulus to practice do play a certain part. This is suggested by the fact that girls excel the boys somewhat at each age, doubtless because bow-knots play a larger role in feminine apparel. Social status affects the results in only a moderate degree, though it might be supposed that poor ragamuffins, on the one hand, and children of the very rich, on the other, would both make a poor showing in this test; the former because of their scanty apparel, the latter because they sometimes have servants to dress them.

The following are probably the chief factors determining success with this test: (1) Interest in common objective things; (2) ability to form permanent associative connections between successive motor cooerdinations (memory for a series of acts); and (3) skill in the acquisition of voluntary motor control. The last factor is probably much less important than the other two. Motor awkwardness often prolongs the time from the usual ten or fifteen seconds to thirty or forty seconds, but it is rarely a cause of a failure. The important thing is to be able to reproduce the appropriate succession of acts, acts which nearly all children of 7 years, under the joint stimulus of example and spontaneous interest, have before performed or tried to perform.

VII, 5. GIVING DIFFERENCES FROM MEMORY

PROCEDURE. Say: "What is the difference between a fly and a butterfly?" If the child does not seem to understand, say: "You know flies, do you not? You have seen flies? And you know the butterflies! Now, tell me the difference between a fly and a butterfly." Proceed in the same way with stone and egg, and wood and glass. A little coaxing is sometimes necessary to secure a response, but supplementary questions and suggestions of every kind are to be avoided. For example, it would not be permissible for the examiner to say: "Which is larger, a fly or a butterfly?" This would give the child his cue and he would immediately answer, "A butterfly." The child must be left to find a difference by himself. Sometimes a difference is given, but without any indication as to its direction, as, for example, "One is bigger than the other" (for fly and butterfly). It is then permissible to ask: "Which is bigger?"

SCORING. Passed if a real difference is given in two out of three comparisons. It is not necessary, however, that an essential difference be given; the difference may be trivial, only it must be a real one. The following are samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory responses:—

Fly and butterfly

Satisfactory. "Butterfly is larger." "Butterfly has bigger wings." "Fly is black and a butterfly is not." "Butterfly is yellow (or white, etc.) and fly is black." "Fly bites you and butterfly don't." "Butterfly has powder on its wings, fly does not." "Fly flies straighter." "Butterfly is outdoors and a fly is in the house." "Flies are more dangerous to our health." "Flies haven't anything to sip honey with." "Butterfly doesn't live as long as a fly." "Butterfly comes from a caterpillar."

Sometimes a double contrast is meant, but not fully expressed; as, "A fly is small and a butterfly is pretty." Here the thought is probably correct, only the language is awkward.

Of 102 correct responses, 70 were in terms of size, or size plus color or form; 12 were in terms of both form and color; 6 in terms of color alone; and the rest scattered among such responses as those mentioned above.

Unsatisfactory. These are mostly misstatements of facts; as: "Fly is bigger." "Fly has legs and butterfly hasn't." "Butterfly has no feet and fly has." "Butterfly makes butter." "Fly is a fly and a butterfly is not." Failures due to misstatement of fact are of endless variety. If an indefinite response is given, like "The fly is different," or "They don't look alike," we ask, "How is it different?" or, "Why don't they look alike?" It is satisfactory if the child then gives a correct answer.

Stone and egg

Satisfactory. "Stone is harder." "Egg is softer." "Egg breaks easier." "Egg breaks and stone doesn't." "Stone is heavier." "Egg is white and stone is not." "Egg has a shell and stone does not." "Eggs have a white and a yellow in them." "You put eggs in a pudding." "An egg is rounder than a stone." We may also accept statements which are only qualifiedly true; as, "You can break an egg, but not a stone." Likewise double but incomplete comparisons are satisfactory; as, "An egg you fry and a stone you throw," "A stone is tough and an egg you eat," etc.

A little over three fourths of the comparisons made by children of 6, 7, and 8 years are in terms of hardness. The other responses are widely scattered.

Unsatisfactory. "A stone is bigger (or smaller) than an egg." "A stone is square and an egg is round." "An egg is yellow and a stone is white." "Stones are red (or black, etc.) and eggs are white." "An egg is to eat and a stone is to plant." "An egg is round and a stone is sometimes round."

It will be noted that the above responses are partly true and partly false. The error they contain renders them unacceptable. Most of the failures are due to misstatements as to size, shape, or color, but occasionally one meets a bizarre answer.

Wood and glass

Satisfactory. "Glass breaks easier than wood." "Glass breaks and wood does not." "Wood is stronger than glass." "Glass you can see through and wood you can't." "Glass cuts you and wood doesn't." "You get splinters from wood and you don't from glass." "Glass melts and wood doesn't." "Wood burns and glass doesn't." "Wood has bark and glass hasn't." "Wood grows and glass doesn't." "Glass is heavier than wood." "Glass glistens in the sun and wood does not."

An incomplete double comparison is also counted satisfactory; as, "Wood you can burn and glass you can see through."

Unsatisfactory. "Wood is black and glass is white." (Color differences are always unsatisfactory in this comparison unless transparency is also mentioned.) "Glass is square and wood is round." "Glass is bigger than wood" (or vice versa). "Wood is oblong and glass is square." "Glass is thin and wood is thick." "Wood is made out of trees and glass out of windows." "There is no glass in wood."

The two most frequent types of failures are misstatements regarding color and thickness. The other failures are widely scattered.

REMARKS. The test is one which all the critics agree in commending, largely because it is so little influenced by ordinary school experience. Its excellence lies mainly, however, in the fact that it throws light upon the character of the child's higher thought processes, for thinking means essentially the association of ideas on the basis of differences or similarities. Nearly all thought processes, from the most complex to the very simplest, involve to a greater or less degree one or the other of these two types of association. They are involved in the simple judgments made by children, in the appreciation of puns, in mechanical inventions, in the creation of poetry, in the scientific classification of natural phenomena, and in the origination of the hypotheses of science or philosophy.

The ability to note differences precedes somewhat the ability to note resemblances, though the contrary has sometimes been asserted by logician-psychologists. The difficulty of the test is greatly increased by the fact that the objects to be compared are not present to the senses, which means that the free ideas must be called up for comparison and contrast. Failure may result either from weakness in the power of ideational representation of objects, or from the inadequacy of the associations themselves, or from both. Probably both factors are usually involved.

Intellectual development is especially evident in increased ability to note essential differences and likenesses, as contrasted with those which are trivial, superficial, and accidental. To distinguish an egg from a stone on the basis of one being organic, the other inorganic matter requires far higher intelligence than to distinguish them on the basis of shape, color, fragibility, etc. It is not till well toward the adult stage that the ability to give very essential likenesses and differences becomes prominent, and when we get a comparison of this type from a child of 7 or 8 years it is a very favorable sign.

It would be well worth while to standardize a new test of this kind for use in the upper years and especially adapted to display the ability to give essential likenesses and differences. At year VII we must accept as satisfactory any real difference.

One point remains. In the tests of giving differences and similarities, it is well to make note of any tendency to stereotypy, by which is meant the mechanical reappearance of the same idea, or element, in successive responses. For example, the child begins by comparing fly and butterfly on the basis of size; as, "A butterfly is bigger than a fly." So far, this is quite satisfactory; but the child with a tendency to stereotypy finds himself unable to get away from the dominating idea of size and continues to make it the basis of the other comparisons: "A stone is larger than an egg," "Wood is larger than glass," etc. In case of stereotypy in all three responses, we should have to score the total response failure even though the idea employed happened to fit all three parts of the question. As a rule it is encountered only with very young children or with older children who are mentally retarded. It is therefore an unfavorable sign.

Although this test has been universally used in year VIII, all the available statistics, with the exception of Bobertag's and Bloch's, indicate that it is decidedly too easy for that year. Binet himself says that nearly all 7-year-olds pass it. Goddard finds 97 per cent passing at year VIII, and Dougherty 90 per cent at year VI. With the standard of scoring given in the present revision, and with the substitution of stone and egg instead of the more difficult paper and cloth, the test is unquestionably easy enough for year VII.

VII, 6. COPYING A DIAMOND

PROCEDURE. On a white cardboard draw in heavy black lines a diamond with the longer diagonal three inches and the shorter diagonal an inch and a half. The specially prepared record booklet contains the diamond as well as many other conveniences.

Place the model before the child with the longer diagonal pointing directly toward him, and giving him pen and ink and paper, say: "I want you to draw one exactly like this." Give three trials, saying each time: "Make it exactly like this one." In repeating the above formula, merely point to the model; do not pass the fingers around its edge.

Unlike the test of copying a square in year IV, there is seldom any difficulty in getting the child to try this one. By the age of 7 the child has grown much less timid and has become more accustomed to the use of writing materials.

Note whether the child draws each part carefully, looking at the model from time to time, or whether the strokes are made in a more or less haphazard manner with only an initial glance at the original.

After each trial, say to the child: "Is it good?" And after the three copies have been made say: "Which one is the best?" Retarded children are sometimes entirely satisfied with the most nondescript drawings imaginable, but they are more likely correctly to pick out the best of three than to render a correct judgment about the worth of each drawing separately.

SCORING. The test is passed if two of the three drawings are at least as good as those marked satisfactory on the score card. The diamond should be drawn approximately in the correct position, and the diagonals must not be reversed. Disregard departures from the model with respect to size.

REMARKS. The test is a good one. Age and training, apart from intelligence, affect it only moderately. There are few adult imbeciles of 6-year intelligence who are able to pass it, while but few subjects who have reached the 8-year level fail on it.[55]

[55] For further discussion of drawing tests, see V, 1, and X, 3.

This test was located in year VII of the 1908 scale, but was shifted to year VI in Binet's 1911 revision. The change was without justification, for Binet expressly states, both in 1908 and 1911, that only half of the 6-year-olds succeed with it. The large majority of investigations have given too low a proportion of successes at 6 years to warrant its location at that age, particularly if pen is required instead of pencil. Location at year VI would be warranted only on the condition that the use of pencil be permitted and only one success required in three trials.

VII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: NAMING THE DAYS OF THE WEEK

PROCEDURE. Say: "You know the days of the week, do you not? Name the days of the week for me." Sometimes the child begins by naming various annual holidays, as Christmas, Fourth of July, etc. Perhaps he has not comprehended the task; at any rate, we give him one more trial by stopping him and saying: "No; that is not what I mean. I want you to name the days of the week." No supplementary questions are permissible, and we must be careful not to show approval or disapproval in our looks as the child is giving his response.

If the days have been named in correct order, we check up the response to see whether the real order of days is known or whether the names have only been repeated mechanically. This is done by asking the following questions: "What day comes before Tuesday?" "What day comes before Thursday?" "What day comes before Friday?"

SCORING. The test is passed if, within fifteen seconds, the days of the week are all named in correct order, and if the child succeeds in at least two of the three check questions. We disregard the point of beginning.

REMARKS. The test has been criticized as too dependent on rote memory. Bobertag says a child may pass it without having any adequate conception of "week," "yesterday," "day before yesterday," etc. This criticism holds if the test is given according to the older procedure, but does not apply with the procedure above recommended. The "checking-up" questions enable us at once to distinguish responses that are given by rote from those which rest upon actual knowledge.

The test has been shown to be much more influenced by age, apart from intelligence, than most other tests of the scale. Notwithstanding this fault, it seems desirable to keep the test, at least as an alternative, because it forms one of a group which may be designated as tests of time orientation. The others of this group are: "Distinguishing forenoon and afternoon" (VI), "Giving the date" and "Naming the months" (IX). It would be well if we had even more of this type, for interest in the passing of time and in the names of time divisions is closely correlated with intelligence. One reason for the inferiority of the dull and feeble-minded in tests of this type is that their mental associations are weaker and less numerous. The greater poverty of their associations brings it about that their remembered experiences are less definitely located in time with reference to other events.

The test was located in year IX of the 1908 scale, but was omitted from the 1911 revision. Kuhlmann also omits it, while Goddard places it in year VIII. The statistics from every American investigation, however, warrant its location in year VII. It may be located in year VIII only on the condition that the child be required to name the days backwards, and that within a rather low time limit.

VII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: REPEATING THREE DIGITS REVERSED

PROCEDURE. The digits used are: 2-8-3; 4-2-7; 5-9-6. The test should be given after, but not immediately after, the tests of repeating digits forwards.

Say to the child: "Listen carefully. I am going to read some numbers again, but this time I want you to say them backwards. For example, if I should say 1-2-3, you would say 3-2-1. Do you understand?" When it is evident that the child has grasped the instructions, say: "Ready now; listen carefully, and be sure to say the numbers backwards." Then read the series at the same rate and in the same manner as in the other digits tests. It is not permissible to re-read any of the series.

If the first series is repeated forwards instead of backwards series exhort the child to listen carefully and to be sure to repeat the numbers backwards.

SCORING. The test is passed if one series out of three is repeated backwards without error.

REMARKS. The test of repeating digits backwards was suggested by Bobertag in 1911, but appears not to have been used or standardized previous to the Stanford investigation.

It is very much harder to repeat a series of digits backwards in the direct order at year VII, and six at year X. Reversing the order places three digits in year VII, four in year X, five in year XII, and six in "average adult." Even intelligent adults sometimes have difficulty in repeating six digits backwards, once in three trials.

As a test of intelligence this test is better than that of repeating digits in the direct order. It is less mechanical and makes a much heavier demand on attention. The digits must be so firmly fixated in memory that they can be held there long enough to be told off, one by one, backwards.

Feeble-minded children find this test especially difficult, perhaps mainly because of its element of novelty. School children are often asked to write numbers dictated by the teacher, and even the very dull acquire a certain proficiency in doing so; but the test of repeating digits backwards requires a certain facility in adjusting to a new task, exactly the sort of thing in which the feeble-minded are so markedly deficient.

As a rule the response consumes much more time than in the other digits test. This is particularly true when the series to be repeated backwards contains four or more digits. The chance of success is greatly increased if the subject first thinks the series through two or three times in the direct order before attempting the reverse order. The subject who responds immediately is likely to begin correctly, but to give the first part of the original series in the direct order. For example, 6-5-2-8 is given 8-2-6-5.

Sometimes the child gives one or two numbers and then stops, having completely lost the rest of the series in the stress of adjusting to the novel and relatively difficult task of beginning with the final digit. In such cases the feeble-minded are prone to fill in with any numbers they may happen to think of. A good method for the subject is to break the series up into groups and to give each group separately. Thus, 6-5-2-8 is given 8-2 (pause) 5-6. As a rule only the more intelligent subjects adopt this method. One 12-year-old girl attending high school was able to repeat eight digits backwards by the aid of this device.

It would be well worth while to investigate the relation of this test to imagery type. Such a study would have to make use of adult subjects trained in introspection. It would seem that success might be favored by the ability to translate the auditory impression into visual imagery, so that the remembered numbers could be read off as from a book; but this may or may not be the case. At any rate, success seems to depend largely upon the ability to manipulate mental imagery.

The degree of certainty as to the correctness of the response is usually much less than in repeating digits forwards.



CHAPTER XIV

INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VIII

VIII, 1. THE BALL-AND-FIELD TEST (SCORE 2, INFERIOR PLAN)

PROCEDURE. Draw a circle about two and one half inches in diameter, leaving a small gap in the side next the child. Say: "Let us suppose that your baseball has been lost in this round field. You have no idea what part of the field it is in. You don't know what direction it came from, how it got there, or with what force it came. All you know is that the ball is lost somewhere in the field. Now, take this pencil and mark out a path to show me how you would hunt for the ball so as to be sure not to miss it. Begin at the gate and show me what path you would take."[56]

[56] The Stanford record booklet contains the circle ready for use.

Give the instructions always as worded above. Avoid using an expression like, "Show me how you would walk around in the field"; the word around might suggest a circular path.

Sometimes the child merely points or tells how he would go. It is then necessary to say: "No; you must mark out your path with the pencil so I can see it plainly." Other children trace a path only a little way and stop, saying: "Here it is." We then say: "But suppose you have not found it yet. Which direction would you go next?" In this way the child must be kept tracing a path until it is evident whether any plan governs his procedure.

SCORING. The performances secured with this test are conveniently classified into four groups, representing progressively higher types. The first two types represent failures; the third is satisfactory at year VIII, the fourth at year XII. They may be described as follows:—

Type a (failure). The child fails to comprehend the instructions and either does nothing at all or else, perhaps, takes the pencil and makes a few random strokes which could not be said to constitute a search.

Type b (also failure). The child comprehends the instructions and carries out a search, but without any definite plan. Absence of plan is evidenced by the crossing and re-crossing of paths, or by "breaks." A break means that the pencil is lifted up and set down in another part of the field. Sometimes only two or three fragments of paths are drawn, but more usually the field is pretty well filled up with random meanderings which cross each other again and again. Other illustrations of type b are: A single straight or curved line going direct to the ball, short haphazard dashes or curves, bare suggestion of a fan or spiral.

Type c (satisfactory at year VIII). A successful performance at year VIII is characterized by the presence of a plan, but one ill-adapted to the purpose. That some forethought is exercised is evidenced, (1) by fewer crossings, (2) by a tendency either to make the lines more or less parallel or else to give them some kind of symmetry, and (3) by fewer breaks. The possibilities of type c are almost unlimited, and one is continually meeting new forms. We have distinguished more than twenty of these, the most common of which may be described as follows:—

1. Very rough or zigzag circles or similarly imperfect spirals. 2. Segments of curves joined in a more or less symmetrical fashion. 3. Lines going back and forth across the field, joined at the ends and not intended to be parallel. 4. The "wheel plan," showing lines radiating from near the center of the field toward the circumference. 5. The "fan plan," showing a number of lines radiating (usually) from the gate and spreading out over the field. 6. "Fan ellipses" or "fan spirals" radiating from the gate like the lines just described. 7. The "leaf plan," "rib plan," or "tree plan," with lines branching off from a trunk line like ribs, veins of a leaf, or branches of a tree. 8. Parallel lines which cross at right angles and mark off the field like a checkerboard. 9. Paths making one or more fairly symmetrical geometrical figures, like a square, a diamond, a star, a hexagon, etc. 10. A combination of two or more of the above plans.

Type d (satisfactory at year XII). Performances of this type meet perfectly, or almost perfectly, the logical requirements of the problem. The paths are almost or quite parallel, and there are no intersections or breaks. The possibilities of type d are fewer and embrace chiefly the following:—

1. A spiral, perfect or almost perfect, and beginning either at the gate or at the center of the field. 2. Concentric circles. 3. Transverse lines, parallel or almost so, and joined at the ends.

Up to about 4 years most children failed entirely to comprehend the task. By the age of 6 years the task is usually understood, but the search is conducted without plan. Type c is not attained by two thirds before the mental level of 8 years, and score 3 ordinarily not until 11 or 12 years.

Grading presents some difficulties because of occasional border-line performances which have a value almost midway between the types b and c or between c and d. Frequent reference to the scoring card will enable the examiner, after a little experience, to score nearly all the doubtful performances satisfactorily.

REMARKS. The ball-and-field problem may be called a test of practical judgment. Unlike a majority of the other tests, it gives the subject a chance to show how well he can meet the demands of a real, rather than an imagined, situation. Tests like this, involving practical adjustments, are valuable in rounding out the scale, which, as left by Binet, placed rather excessive emphasis on abstract reasoning and the comprehension of language. The test requires little time and always arouses the child's interest.

Our analysis of the responses of nearly 1500 subjects shows that improvement with increasing mental age is steady and fairly rapid. Occasionally, however, one meets a high-grade performance with children of 6 or 7 years, and a low-grade performance with adults of average intelligence. Like all the other tests of the scale, it is unreliable when used alone.

VIII, 2. COUNTING BACKWARDS FROM 20 TO 1

PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "You can count backwards, can you not? I want you to count backwards for me from 20 to 1. Go ahead." In the great majority of cases this is sufficient; the child comprehends the task and begins. If he does not comprehend, and is silent, or starts in, perhaps, to count forwards from 1 or 20, say: "No; I want you to count backwards from 20 to 1, like this: 20-19-18, and clear on down to 1. Now, go ahead."

Insist upon the child trying it even though he asserts he cannot do it. In many such cases an effort is crowned with success. Say nothing about hurrying, as this confuses some subjects. Prompting is not permissible.

SCORING. The test is passed if the child counts from 20 to 1 in not over forty seconds and with not more than a single error (one omission or one transposition). Errors which the child spontaneously corrects are not counted as errors.

REMARKS. The statistics on this test agree remarkably well. It is plainly too easy for year IX, and no one has found it easy enough for year VII. The main lack of uniformity has been in the adherence to a time limit. Binet required that the task be completed in twenty seconds, and Goddard and most others adhere rather strictly to this rule. Kuhlmann, however, allows thirty seconds if there is no error and twenty seconds if one error is committed. We agree with Bobertag that owing to the nature of this test we should not be pedantic about the time. While a majority of children who are able to count backwards do the task in twenty seconds, there are some intelligent but deliberate subjects who require as much as thirty-five or forty seconds. If the counting is done with assurance and without stumbling, there is no reason why we should not allow even forty seconds. Beyond this, however, our generosity should not go, because of the chance it would give for the use of special devices such as counting forwards each time to the next number wanted.

It may be said that counting backwards is a test of schooling, and to a certain extent this is true. It is reasonable to suppose that special training would enable the child to pass the test a little earlier than he would otherwise be able to do, though it is doubtful whether many children below 7 years of age have had enough of such training to influence the performance very materially. On the other hand, when the child has reached an intelligence level of 8 or at most 9 years, he is ordinarily able to count from 20 to 1 whether he has ever tried it before or not.

What psychological factors are involved in this test? It presupposes, in the first place, the ability to count from 1 to 20. But this alone does not guarantee success in counting backwards. Something more is required than a mere rote memory for the number names in their order from 1 up to 20. The quantitative relationships of the numbers must also be apprehended if the task is to be performed smoothly without a great deal of special training. In addition to being reasonably secure in his knowledge of the number relationships involved, the child must be able to give sustained attention until the task is completed. His mental processes must be dominated by the guiding idea, "count backwards." Associations which do not harmonize with this aim, or which fail to further it, must be inhibited. Even momentary relaxation of attention means a loss of directive force in the guiding idea and the dominance of better known associations which may be suggested by the task, but are out of harmony with it. Thus, if a child momentarily loses sight of the end after counting backwards successfully from 20 to 14, he is likely to be overpowered by the law of habit and begin counting forwards, 14-15-16-17, etc. We may regard the test, therefore, as a test of attention, or prolonged thought control. The ability to exercise unbroken vigilance for a period of twenty or thirty seconds is rarely found below the level of 7- or 8-year intelligence.

VIII, 3. COMPREHENSION, THIRD DEGREE

The questions for this year are:—

(a) "What's the thing for you to do when you have broken something which belongs to some one else?" (b) "What's the thing for you to do when you notice on your way to school that you are in danger of being tardy?" (c) "What's the thing for you to do if a playmate hits you without meaning to do it?"

The procedure is the same as in previous comprehension questions.[57] Each question may be repeated once or twice, but its form must not be changed. No explanations are permissible.

[57] See IV, 5, and VI, 4.

SCORING:—

Question a (If you have broken something)

Satisfactory responses are those suggesting either restitution or apology, or both. Confession is not satisfactory unless accompanied by apology. The following are satisfactory: "Buy a new one." "Pay for it." "Give them something instead of it." "Have my father mend it." "Apologize." "Tell them I'm sorry, that I did not mean to break it," etc. Of 92 correct answers, 76 suggested restitution, while 16 suggested apology, or apology and restitution.

Unsatisfactory. "Tell them I did it." "Go tell my mother." "Feel sorry." "Be ashamed." "Pick it up," etc. Mere confession accounts for over 20 per cent of all failures.

Question b (In danger of being tardy)

Satisfactory. The expected response is, "Hurry," "Walk faster," or something to that effect. One bright city boy said he would take a car. Of the answers not obviously incorrect, nearly 95 per cent suggest hurrying. The rule ordinarily recommended is to grade all other responses minus. But this rule is too sweeping to be followed blindly. One who would use intelligence tests must learn to discriminate. "I would go back home and not go to school that day" is a good answer in those cases (fortunately rare) in which children are forbidden by the teacher to enter the schoolroom if tardy. "Go back home and get mother to write an excuse" would be good policy if by so doing the child might escape the danger of incurring an extreme penalty. When teachers inflict absurd penalties for unexcused tardiness, it is the part of wisdom for children to incur no risks! When such a response is given, it is well to inquire into the school's method of dealing with tardiness and to score the response accordingly.

Unsatisfactory. "Go to the principal." "Tell the teacher I couldn't help it." "Have to get an excuse." "Go to school anyway." "Get punished." "Not do it again." "Not play hooky." "Start earlier next time," etc.

Lack of success results oftenest from failure to get the exact shade of meaning conveyed by the question. It is implied, of course, that something is to be done at once to avoid tardiness; but the subject of dull comprehension may suggest a suitable thing to do in case tardiness has been incurred. Hence the response, "I would go to the principal and explain." Answers of this type are always unsatisfactory.

Question c (Playmate hits you)

Satisfactory responses are only those which suggest either excusing or overlooking the act. These ideas are variously expressed as follows: "I would excuse him" (about half of all the correct answers). "I would say 'yes' if he asked my pardon." "I would say it was all right." "I would take it for a joke." "I would just be nice to him." "I would go right on playing." "I would take it kind-hearted." "I would not fight or run and tell on him." "I would not blame him for it." "Ask him to be more careful," etc.

Unsatisfactory responses are all those not of the above two types; as: "I would hit them back." "I would not hit them back, but I would get even some other way." "Tell them not to do it again." "Tell them to 'cut it out.'" "Tell him it's a wrong thing to do." "Make him excuse himself." "Make him say he's sorry." "Would not play with him." "Tell my mamma." "I would ask him why he did it." "He'd say 'excuse me' and I'd say 'thank you.'" "He should excuse me." "He is supposed to say 'excuse me.'"

REMARKS. All three comprehension questions of this year were used by Binet, Goddard, Huey, and others in year X; two of them in the "easy series" and one in the "hard series." The Stanford data show that they belong at the 8-year level on the standard of scoring above set forth. The three differ little among themselves in difficulty, but all of them are decidedly easier than the other five used by Binet. It would be absurd to go on using the comprehension questions as Binet bunched them, eight together, ranging in difficulty from one which is easy enough for 6-year intelligence ("What's the thing to do if you miss your train?") to one which is hard for the 12-year level ("Why is a bad act done when one is angry more excusable than the same act done when one is not angry?").

VIII, 4. GIVING SIMILARITIES; TWO THINGS

PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "I am going to name two things which are alike in some way, and I want you to tell me how they are alike. Wood and coal: in what way are they alike?" Proceed in the same manner with:—

An apple and a peach. Iron and silver. A ship and an automobile.

After the first pair the formula may be abbreviated to "In what way are ... and ... alike?" It is often necessary to insist a little if the child is silent or says he does not know, but in doing this we must avoid supplementary questions and suggestions. In giving the first pair, for example, it would not be permissible to ask such additional questions as, "What do you use wood for? What do you use coal for? And now, how are wood and coal alike?" This is really putting the answer in the child's mouth. It is only permissible to repeat the original question in a persuasive tone of voice, and perhaps to add: "I'm sure you can tell me how ... and ... are alike," or something to that effect.

A very common mistake which the child makes is to give differences instead of similarities. This tendency is particularly strong if test 5, year VII (giving differences), has been given earlier in the sitting, but it happens often enough in other cases also to suggest that finding differences is, to a much greater extent than finding similarities, the child's preferred method of making a comparison. When a difference is given, instead of a similarity, we say: "No, I want you to tell me how they are alike. In what way are ... and ... alike?" Unless the child is of rather low intelligence level this is sufficient, but the mentally retarded sometimes continue to give differences persistently in spite of repeated admonitions, or if they cease to do so for one or two comparisons, they are likely to repeat the mistake in the latter part of the test.

SCORING. The test is passed if a likeness is given in two out of four comparisons. We accept as satisfactory any real likeness, whether fundamental or superficial, though, of course, the more essential the resemblance, the better indication it is of intelligence. The following are samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory answers:—[58]

[58] For aid in classifying the responses in this and certain other tests the writer is indebted to Miss Grace Lyman.

(a) Wood and coal

Satisfactory. "Both burn." "Both keep you warm." "Both are used for fuel." "Both are vegetable matter." "Both come from the ground." "Can use them both for running engines." "Both hard." "Both heavy." "Both cost money."

Of 80 correct answers, 64, or 80 per cent, referred in one way or another to combustibility.

Unsatisfactory. Most frequent is the persistent giving of a difference instead of a similarity. This accounts for a little over half of all the failures. About half of the remainder are cases of inability to give any response. Incorrect statements with regard to color are rather common. Sample failures of this type are: "Both are black," or "Both the same color." Other failures are: "Both are dirty on the outside;" "You can't break them;" "Coal burns better;" "Wood is lighter than coal," etc.

(b) An apple and a peach

Satisfactory. "Both are round." "Both the same shape." "They are about the same color." "Both nearly always have some red on them." "Both good to eat." "Can make pies of both of them." "Both can be cooked." "Both mellow when they are ripe." "Both have a stem" (or seeds, skin, etc.). "Both come from trees." "Can be dried in the same way." "Both are fruits." "Both green (in color) when they are not ripe."

Of 82 correct answers, 25 per cent mention color; 25 per cent, form; 22 per cent, edibility; 20 per cent, having stem, seed, or skin; and 5 per cent, that both grow on trees.

Unsatisfactory. "Both taste the same." "Both have a lot of seeds." "Both have a fuzzy skin." "An apple is bigger than a peach." "One is red and one is white," etc.

Again, over 50 per cent of the failures are due to giving differences and about 18 per cent to silence.

(c) Iron and silver

Satisfactory. "Both are metals" (or mineral). "Both come out of the ground." "Both cost money." "Both are heavy." "Both are hard." "Both can be melted." "Both can be bent." "Both used for utensils." "You manufacture things out of both of them." "Both can be polished."

These are named most frequently in the following order: (1) hardness, (2) origin from the ground, (3) heaviness, (4) use in making things.

Unsatisfactory. "Both thin" (or thick). "Sometimes they are the same shape." "Both the same color." "A little silver and lots of iron weigh the same." "Both made by the same company." "They rust the same." "You can't eat them" (!)[59]

[59] One is here reminded of the puzzling conundrum, "Why is a brick like an elephant?" The answer being, "Because neither can climb a tree!" A response of this type states a fact, but because of its bizarre nature should hardly be counted satisfactory.

Of 60 failures, 32 were due to giving differences and 14 to silence or unwillingness to hazard a reply.

(d) A ship and an automobile

Satisfactory. "Both means of travel." "Both go." "You ride in them." "Both take you fast." "They both use fuel." "Both run by machinery." "Both have a steering gear." "Both have engines in them." "Both have wood in them." "Both can be wrecked." "Both break if they hit a rock."

About 45 per cent of the answers are in terms of running or travel, 37 per cent in terms of machinery or structure, the rest scattered.

Unsatisfactory. "Both black" (or some other color). "Both very big." "They are made alike." "Both run on wheels." "Ship is for the water and automobile for the land." "Ship goes on water and an automobile sometimes goes in water." "An auto can go faster." "Ship is run by coal and automobile by gasoline."

Of 51 failures, 32 were due to giving differences and 14 to failure to reply.

REMARKS. The test of finding similarities was first used by Binet in 1905. Our results show that it is fully as satisfactory as the test of giving differences. The test reveals in a most interesting way one of the fundamental weaknesses of the feeble mind. Young normal children, say of 7 or 8 years, often fail to pass, but it is the feeble-minded who give the greatest number of absurd answers and who also find greatest difficulty in resisting the tendency to give differences.[60]

[60] For further discussion of the processes involved, see VII, 5.

VIII, 5. GIVING DEFINITIONS SUPERIOR TO USE

PROCEDURE. The words for this year are balloon, tiger, football, and soldier. Ask simply: "What is a balloon?" etc.

If it appears that any of the words are not familiar to the child, substitution may be made from the following: automobile, battle-ship, potato, store.

Make no comments on the responses until all the words have been given. In case of silence or hesitation in answering, the question may be repeated with a little encouragement; but supplementary questions are never in order. Ordinarily there is no difficulty in securing a response to the definition test of this year. The trouble comes in scoring the response.

SCORING. The test is passed if two of the four words are defined in terms superior to use. "Superior to use" includes chiefly: (a) Definitions which describe the object or tell something of its nature (form, size, color, appearance, etc.); (b) definitions which give the substance or the materials or parts composing it; and (c) those which tell what class the object belongs to or what relation it bears to other classes of objects.

It is possible to distinguish different grades of definitions in each of the above classes. A definition by description (type a) may be brief and partial, mentioning only one or two qualities or characteristics, or it may be relatively rich and complete. Likewise with definitions of type b. Classificatory definitions (type c) are of particularly uneven value, the lowest order being those which subsume the object to be defined under a remote class and give few if any characteristics to distinguish it from other members of the same class; as, for example, "A football is a thing you can have fun with," or, "A soldier is a person." The best classificatory definitions are those which subsume the object under the next higher class and give the more essential traits (perhaps a number of them) which distinguish the object from others of the class named; as, for example, "A tiger is a large animal like a cat; it lives in the jungle and eats men and other animals," or, "A soldier is a man who goes to war." These shades of distinction give interesting and valuable clues to the maturity and richness of the apperceptive processes, but for purposes of scoring it is necessary merely to decide whether the definition is given in terms superior to use.

The following are samples of satisfactory definitions, those for each word being arranged roughly in the order of their value from excellent to barely passing:—

(a) Balloon

Satisfactory. "A balloon is a means of traveling through the air." "It is a kind of airship, made of cloth and filled with air so it can go up." "It is big and made of cloth. It has gas in it and carries people up in a basket that's fastened on to the bottom." "It is a thing you hold by a string and it goes up." "It is like a big bag with air in it." "It is a big thing that goes up."

Unsatisfactory. "To go up in the air." "What you go up in." "When you go up." "They go up in it." "It's full of gas." "To carry you up." "A balloon is a balloon," etc. "It is big." "They go up," etc.

(b) Tiger

Satisfactory. "It is a wild animal of the cat family." "It is an animal that's a cousin to the lion." "It is an animal that lives in the jungle." "It is a wild animal." "It looks like a big cat." "It lives in the woods and eats flesh." "Something that eats people."

Unsatisfactory. "To eat you up." "To kill people." "To travel in the circus." "What eats people." "It is a tiger," etc. "You run from it," etc.

(c) Football

Satisfactory. "It is a leather bag filled with air and made for kicking." "It is a ball you kick." "It is a thing you play with." "It is made of leather and is stuffed with air." "It is a thing you kick." "It is brown and filled with air." "It is a thing shaped like a watermelon."

Unsatisfactory. "To kick." "To play with." "What they play with." "Boys play with it." "It's filled with air." "It is a football." "It is a basket ball." "It is round." "You kick it."

(d) Soldier

Satisfactory. "A man who goes to war." "A brave man." "A man that walks up and down and carries a gun." "It is a man who minds his captain and stands still and walks straight." "It is a man who goes to war and shoots." "It is a man who stands straight and marches."

Unsatisfactory. "To shoot." "To go to war." "It is a soldier." "A soldier that marches." "He fights." "He shoots." "What fights," etc. "When you march and shoot."

Silence accounts for only a small proportion of the failures with children of 8, 9, and 10 years.

REMARKS. The "use definitions" sometimes given at this age are usually of slightly better quality than those given in year V. Younger children more often use the infinitive form, "to play with" (doll), "to drive" (horse), "to eat on" (table), etc. Use definitions of this year more often begin with "they," or "what"; as, "they go up in it" (balloon), "they kick it" (football), etc.

Why, it may be asked, is the use definition regarded as inferior to the descriptive or the classificatory definition? Is not the use to which an object may be put the most essential thing about it, for the child at least? Is it not more important to know that a fork is to eat with than to be able to name the material it is made of? Is not the use primary and does it not determine most of the physical characteristics of the object?

The above questions may sound reasonable, but they are based on poor psychology. We must rest our case upon the facts. The first lesson which the student of child psychology must learn is that it is unsafe to set up criteria of intelligence, of maturity, or of any other mental trait on the basis of theoretical considerations. Experiment teaches that normal children of 5 or 6 years, also older feeble-minded persons of the 5-year intelligence level, define objects in terms of use; also that normal children of 8 or 9 years and older feeble-minded persons of this mental level have for the most part developed beyond the stage of use definitions into the descriptive or classificatory stage. An ounce of fact is worth a ton of theory.

The test has usually been located in year IX, with the requirement of three successes out of five trials and with somewhat more rigid scoring of the individual definitions. When only two successes are required in four trials, and when scored leniently, the test belongs at the 8-year level.

VIII, 6. VOCABULARY; TWENTY DEFINITIONS, 3600 WORDS

PROCEDURE. Use the list of words given in the record booklet. Say to the child: "I want to find out how many words you know. Listen; and when I say a word you tell me what it means." If the child can read, give him a printed copy of the word list and let him look at each word as you pronounce it.

The words are arranged approximately (though not exactly) in the order of their difficulty, and it is best to begin with the easier words and proceed to the harder. With children under 9 or 10 years, begin with the first. Apparently normal children of 10 years may safely be credited with the first ten words without being asked to define them. Apparently normal children of 12 may begin with word 16, and 15-year-olds with word 21. Except with subjects of almost adult intelligence there is no need to give the last ten or fifteen words, as these are almost never correctly defined by school children. A safe rule to follow is to continue until eight or ten successive words have been missed and to score the remainder minus without giving them.

The formula is as follows: "What is an orange?" "What is a bonfire?" "Roar; what does roar mean?" "Gown; what is a gown?" "What does tap mean?" "What does scorch mean?" "What is a puddle?" etc.

Some children at first show a little hesitation about answering, thinking that a strictly formal definition is expected. In such cases a little encouragement is necessary; as: "You know what a bonfire is. You have seen a bonfire. Now, what is a bonfire?" If the child still hesitates, say: "Just tell me in your own words; say it any way you please. All I want is to find out whether you know what a bonfire is." Do not torture the child, however, by undue insistence. If he persists in his refusal to define a word which he would ordinarily be expected to know, it is better to pass on to the next one and to return to the troublesome word later. Above all, avoid helping the child by illustrating the use of a word in a sentence. Adhere strictly to the formula given above. If the definition as given does not make it clear whether the child has the correct idea, say: "Explain," or, "I don't understand; explain what you mean."

Encourage the child frequently by saying: "That's fine. You are doing beautifully. You know lots of words," etc. Never tell the child his definition is not correct, and never ask for a different definition.

Avoid saying anything which would suggest a model form of definition, as the type of definition which the child spontaneously chooses throws interesting light on the degree of maturity of the apperceptive processes. Record all definitions verbatim if possible, or at least those which are exceptionally good, poor, or doubtful.

SCORING. Credit a response in full if it gives one correct meaning for the word, regardless of whether that meaning is the most common one, and regardless of whether it is the original or a derived meaning. Occasionally half credit may be given, but this should be avoided as far as possible.

To find the entire vocabulary, multiply the number of words known by 180. (This list is made up of 100 words selected by rule from a dictionary containing 18,000 words.) Thus, the child who defines 20 words correctly has a vocabulary of 20 x 180 = 3600 words; 50 correct definitions would mean a vocabulary of 9000 words, etc. The following are the standards for different years, as determined by the vocabulary reached by 60 to 65 per cent of the subjects of the various mental levels:—

8 years 20 words vocabulary 3,600 10 years 30 words vocabulary 5,400 12 years 40 words vocabulary 7,200 14 years 50 words vocabulary 9,000 Average adult 65 words vocabulary 11,700 Superior adult 75 words vocabulary 13,500

Although the form of the definition is significant, it is not taken into consideration in scoring. The test is intended to explore the range of ideas rather than the evolution of thought forms. When it is evident that the child has one fairly correct meaning for a word, he is given full credit for it, however poorly the definition may have been stated.

While there is naturally some difficulty now and then in deciding whether a given definition is correct, this happens much less frequently than one would expect. In order to get a definite idea of the extent of error due to the individual differences among examiners, we have had the definitions of 25 subjects graded independently by 10 different persons. The result showed an average difference below 3 in the number of definitions scored plus. Since these subjects attempted on an average about 60 words, the average number of doubtful definitions per subject was below 5 per cent of the number attempted.

An idea of the degree of leniency to be exercised may be had from the following examples of definitions, which are mostly of low grade, but acceptable unless otherwise indicated:—

1. Orange. "An orange is to eat." "It is yellow and grows on a tree." (Both full credit.)

2. Bonfire. "You burn it outdoors." "You burn some leaves or things." "It's a big fire." (All full credit.)

3. Roar. "A lion roars." "You holler loud." (Full credit.)

4. Gown. "To sleep in." "It's a nightie." "It's a nice gown that ladies wear." (All full credit.)

7. Puddle. "You splash in it." "It's just a puddle of water." (Both full credit.)

9. Straw. "It grows in the field." "It means wheat-straw." "The horses eat it." (All full credit.)

10. Rule. "The teacher makes rules." "It means you can't do something." "You make marks with it," i.e., a ruler, often called a rule by school children. (All full credit.)

11. Afloat. "To float on the water." "A ship floats." (Both full credit.)

12. Eyelash. If the child says, "It's over the eye," tell him to point to it, as often the word is confused with eyebrow.

14. Copper. "It's a penny." "It means some copper wire." (Both full credit.)

15. Health. "It means good health or bad health." "It means strong." (Both full credit.)

17. Guitar. "You play on it." (Full credit.)

18. Mellow. If the child says, "It means a mellow apple," ask what kind of apple that would be. For full credit the answer must be "soft," "mushy," etc.

19. Pork. If the answer is "meat," ask what animal it comes from. Half credit if wrong animal is named.

21. Plumbing. "You fix pipes." (Full credit.)

25. Southern. If the answer is "Southern States," or "Southern California," say: "Yes; but what does 'southern' mean?" Do not credit unless explanation is forthcoming.

26. Noticeable. "You notice a thing." (Full credit.)

29. Civil. "Civil War." (Failure unless explained.) "It means to be nice." (Full credit.)

30. Treasury. Give half credit for definitions like "Valuables," "Lots of money," etc.; i.e., if the word is confused with treasure.

32. Ramble. "To go about fast." (Half credit.)

38. Nerve. Half credit if the slang use is defined, "You've got nerve," etc.

41. Majesty. "What you say to a king." (Full credit.)

45. Sportive. "To like sports." (Half credit.) "Playful" or "happy." (Full credit.)

46. Hysterics. "You laugh and cry at the same time." "A kind of sickness." "A kind of fit." (All full credit.)

48. Repose. "You pose again." (Failure.)

52. Coinage. "A place where they make money." (Half credit.)

56. Dilapidated. "Something that's very old." (Half credit.)

58. Conscientious. "You're careful how you do your work." (Full credit.)

60. Artless. "No art." (Failure unless correctly explained.)

61. Priceless. "It has no price." (Failure.)

66. Promontory. "Something prominent." (Failure unless child can explain what it refers to.)

68. Milksop. "You sop up milk." (Failure.)

73. Harpy. "A kind of bird." (Full credit.)

80. Exaltation. "You feel good." (Full credit.)

85. Retroactive. "Acting backward." (Full credit.)

92. Theosophy. "A religion." (Full credit.)

It is seen from the above examples that a very liberal standard has been used. Leniency in judging definitions is necessary because the child's power of expression lags farther behind his understanding than is true of adults, and also because for the young subject the word has a relatively less unitary existence.

REMARKS. Our vocabulary test was derived by selecting the last word of every sixth column in a dictionary containing approximately 18,000 words, presumably the 18,000 most common words in the language. The test is based on the assumption that 100 words selected according to some arbitrary rule will be a large enough sampling to afford a fairly reliable index of a subject's entire vocabulary. Rather extensive experimentation with this list and others chosen in a similar manner has proved that the assumption is justified. Tests of the same 75 individuals with five different vocabulary tests of this type showed that the average difference between two tests of the same person was less than 5 per cent. This means that any one of the five tests used is reliable enough for all practical purposes. It is of no special importance that a given child's vocabulary is 8000 rather than 7600; the significance lies in the fact that it is approximately 8000 and not 4000, 12,000, or some other widely different number.

It may seem to the reader almost incredible that so small a sampling of words would give a reliable index of an individual's vocabulary. That it does so is due to the operation of the ordinary laws of chance. It is analogous to predicting the results of an election when only a small proportion of the ballots have been counted. It is known that a ballot box contains 600 votes, and if when only 30 have been counted it is found that they are divided between two candidates in the proportion of 20 and 10, it is safe to predict that a complete count will give the two candidates approximately 400 and 200 respectively.[61] In 1914 about 1,000,000 votes were cast for governor in California, and when only 10,000 votes had been counted, or a hundredth of all, it was announced and conceded that Governor Johnson had been reelected by the 150,000 plurality. The completed count gave him 188,505 plurality. The error was less than 4 per cent of the total vote.

[61] Supposing the ballots to have been shuffled.

The vocabulary test has a far higher value than any other single test of the scale. Used with children of English-speaking parents (with children whose home language is not English it is of course unreliable), it probably has a higher value than any three other tests in the scale. Our statistics show that in a large majority of cases the vocabulary test alone will give us an intelligence quotient within 10 per cent of that secured by the entire scale. Out of hundreds of English-speaking children we have not found one testing significantly above age who had a significantly low vocabulary; and correspondingly, those who test much below age never have a high vocabulary.

Occasionally, however, a subject tests somewhat higher or lower in vocabulary than the mental age would lead us to expect. This is often the case with dull children in cultured homes and with very intelligent children whose home environment has not stimulated language development. But even in these cases we are not seriously misled, for the dull child of fortunate home surroundings shows his dullness in the quality of his definitions if not in their quantity; while the bright child of illiterate parents shows his intelligence in the aptness and accuracy of his definitions.

We have not worked out a satisfactory method of scoring the quality of definitions in our vocabulary test, but these differences will be readily observed by the trained examiner. Definitions in terms of use and definitions which are slightly inaccurate or hazy are quite characteristic of the lower mental ages. Children of the lower mental age have also a tendency to venture wild guesses at words they do not know. This is especially characteristic of retarded subjects and is another example of their weakness of auto-criticism. One feeble-minded boy of 12 years, with a mental age of 8 years, glibly and confidently gave definitions for every one of the hundred words. About 70 of the definitions were pure nonsense.

This vocabulary test was arranged and partially standardized by Mr. H. G. Childs and the writer in 1911. Many experiments since then have proved its value as a test of intelligence.

VIII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: NAMING SIX COINS

PROCEDURE is exactly as in VI, 5 (naming four coins). The dollar should be shown before the half-dollar.

SCORING. All six coins must be correctly named. If a response is changed the rule is to count the second answer and ignore the first.

REMARKS. Binet used nine pieces and required knowledge of all at year X (1908), but at year IX in the 1911 revision. Most other workers have used the same method, with the test located in either year IX or year X.

VIII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: WRITING FROM DICTATION

PROCEDURE. Give the child pen, ink, and paper, place him in a comfortable position for writing, and say: "I want you to write something for me as nicely as you can. Write these words: 'See the little boy.' Be sure to write it all: 'See the little boy.'"

Do not dictate the words separately, but give the sentence as a whole. Further repetition of the sentence is not permissible, as ability to remember what has been dictated is a part of the test. Copy, of course, must not be shown.

SCORING. Passed if the sentence is written legibly enough to be easily recognized, and if no word has been omitted. Ordinary mistakes of spelling are disregarded. The rule is that the mistake in spelling must not mutilate the word beyond easy recognition. The performance may be graded by the use of Thorndike's handwriting scale. The handwriting of 8-year-old children who have been in school not less than one year or more than two usually falls between quality 7 and quality 9 on this scale, but we shall, perhaps, not be too liberal if we consider a performance satisfactory which does not grade below quality 6, provided it is not seriously mutilated by errors, omissions, etc.[62]

[62] See scoring card for samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory performances.

REMARKS. This test found a place in year VIII of Binet's 1908 scale, but has been omitted from all the other revisions, including Binet's own. Bobertag did not even regard the test as worthy of a trial. The universal criticism has been that it is a test of schooling rather than of intelligence. That the performance depends, in a certain sense, upon special instruction is self-evident. Without such instruction no child of 8 years, however intelligent, would be able to pass the test. Nature does not give us a conventionalized language, either written or spoken. It must be acquired. It is also true that a high-grade feeble-minded child, say 8 years of age and of 6-year intelligence, is sometimes (though not always) able to pass the test after two years of school instruction. It is exceedingly improbable, however, that a feeble-minded subject with less than 6-year intelligence will ever be able to pass this test, however long he remains in school.

The conclusions to be drawn from these facts are as follows: (1) Inability to pass the test should not be counted against the child unless it is known that he has had at least a full year of the usual school instruction. (2) Ability to pass the test after only two years of school instruction is almost certain proof that the child has reached a mental level of at least 6 years. (3) Failure to pass the test must be regarded as a grave symptom in the case of the child 9 or more years of age who is known to have attended school as much as two years. (4) For mental levels higher than 8 years the test has hardly any diagnostic value, since feeble-minded persons of 8- or 9-year intelligence can usually be taught to write quite legibly.

If the limitations above set forth are kept in mind, the test is by no means without value, and is always worth giving as a supplementary test. Learning to write simple sentences from dictation is no mean accomplishment. It demands, in the first place, a fairly complete mastery of rather difficult muscular cooerdinations. Moreover, these cooerdinations must be firmly associated with the corresponding letters and words, for if the writing cooerdinations are not fairly automatic, so much attention will be required to carry them out that the child will not be able to remember what he has been told to write. The necessity of remembering the passage acts as a distraction, and writing from dictation is therefore a more difficult task than writing from copy.



CHAPTER XV

INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR IX

IX, 1. GIVING THE DATE

PROCEDURE. Ask the following questions in order:—

(a) "What day of the week is it to-day?" (b) "What month is it?" (c) "What day of the month is it?" (d) "What year is it?"

If the child misunderstands and gives the day of the month for the day of the week, or vice versa, we merely repeat the question with suitable emphasis, but give no other help.

SCORING. An error of three days in either direction is allowed for c, but a, b, and d must all be given correctly. If the child makes an error and spontaneously corrects it, the change is allowed, but corrections must not be called for or suggested.

REMARKS. Binet originally located this test in year IX, but unfortunately moved it to year VIII in the 1911 revision. Kuhlmann, Goddard, and Huey all retain it in year IX, where, according to our own data, it unquestionably belongs. With the exception of Binet's 1911 results, the statistics for the test are in remarkably close agreement for children in France, Germany, England, and Eastern and Western United States. It seems that practically all children in civilized countries have ample opportunity to learn the divisions of the year, month, and week, and to become oriented with respect to these divisions. Special instruction is doubtless capable of hastening time orientation to a certain degree, but not greatly. Binet tells of a French ecole maternelle attended by children 4 to 6 years of age, where instruction was given daily in regard to the date, and yet not a single one of the children was able to pass this test. This is a beautiful illustration of the futility of precocious teaching. In spite of well-meant instruction, it is not until the age of 8 or 9 years that children have enough comprehension of time periods, and sufficient interest in them, to keep very close track of the date. Failure to pass the test at the age of 10 or 11 years is a decidedly unfavorable sign, unless the error is very slight.

The fact that normal adults are occasionally unable to give the day of the month is no argument against the validity of the test, since the system of tests is so constructed as to allow for accidental failures on any particular test. As a matter of fact, very nearly 100 per cent of normal 12-year-old children pass this test.

The unavoidable fault of the test is its lack of uniformity in difficulty at different dates. It is easier for school children to give the day of the week on Monday or Friday than on Tuesday, Wednesday, or Thursday. Mistakes in giving the day of the month are less likely to occur at the beginning or end of the month than at any other time, while mistakes in naming the month are most likely to occur then.

It is interesting to compare the four parts of this test in regard to difficulty. Binet and Bobertag both state that ability to name the year comes last, but they give no figures. Our own data show that the four parts of the test are of almost exactly the same difficulty and that this is true at all ages.

IX, 2. ARRANGING FIVE WEIGHTS

Use the five weights, 3, 6, 9, 12, and 15 grams. Be sure that the weights are identical in appearance. The weights may be made as described under V, 1, or they may be purchased of C. H. Stoelting & Co., Chicago, Illinois. If no weights are at hand one of the alternative tests may be substituted.

PROCEDURE. Place the five boxes on the table in an irregular group before the child and say: "See the boxes. They all look alike, don't they? But they are not alike. Some of them are heavy, some are not quite so heavy, and some are still lighter. No two weigh the same. Now, I want you to find the heaviest one and place it here. Then find the one that is just a little lighter and put it here. Then put the next lighter one here, and the next lighter one here, and the lightest of all at this end (pointing each time at the appropriate spot). Do you understand?" Whatever the child answers, in order to make sure that he does understand, we repeat the instructions thus: "Remember now, that no two weights are the same. Find the heaviest one and put it here, the next heaviest here, and lighter, lighter, until you have the very lightest here. Ready; go ahead."

It is best to follow very closely the formula here given, otherwise there is danger of stating the directions so abstractly that the subject could not comprehend them. A formula like "I want you to arrange the blocks in a gradually decreasing series according to weight" would be Greek to most children of 10 years.

If the subject still seems at a loss to know what to do, the instructions may be again repeated. But no further help of any kind may be given. Do not tell the subject to take the blocks one at a time in the hand and try them, and do not illustrate by hefting the blocks yourself. It is a part of the test to let the subject find his own method.

Give three trials, shuffling the boxes after each. Do not repeat the instructions before the second and third trials unless the subject has used an absurd procedure in the previous trial.

SCORING. The test is passed if the blocks are arranged in the correct order twice out of three trials. Always record the order of arrangement and note the number and extent of displacement. Obviously an arrangement like 12-6-15-3-9 is very much more serious than one like 15-12-6-9-3, but we require that two trials be absolutely without error.

Scoring is facilitated if the blocks are marked on the bottom so that they may be easily identified. It is then necessary to exercise some care to see that the subject does not examine the bottom of the blocks for a clue as to the correct order.

REMARKS. Binet originally located this test in year IX, but in his 1911 revision changed it to year VIII. Other revisions have retained it in year IX. The correct location depends upon the weights used and upon the procedure and scoring. Kuhlmann uses weights of 3, 9, 18, 27, 36, and 45 grams, and this probably makes the test easier. Bobertag tried two sets of boxes, one set being of larger dimensions than the other. The larger gave decidedly the more errors. If we require only one success in three trials the test could be located a year or two lower in the scale, while three successes as a standard would require that it be moved upward possibly as much as two years.

Much depends also on whether the child is left to find his own method, and on this there has been much difference of procedure. Kuhlmann, Bobertag, and Wallin illustrate the correct method of making the comparison by first hefting and arranging the weights while the subject looks on. We prefer to keep the test in its original form, and with the procedure and scoring we have used it is well located in year IX.

Wallin carries his assistance still further by saying, after the first block has been placed, "Now, find the heaviest of the four," and after the second has been placed, "Now, find the heaviest of the three," etc. Finally, when the arrangement has been made, he tells the subject to try them again to make sure the order is correct, allowing the subject to make whatever changes he thinks necessary. This procedure robs the test of its most valuable features. The experiment was not devised primarily as a test of sensory discrimination, for it has long been recognized that individuals who have developed as far as the 9- or 10-year level of intelligence are ordinarily but little below normal in sensory capacity.

Psychologically, the test resembles that of comparing weights in V, 1. Success depends, in the first place, upon the correct comprehension of the task and the setting of a goal to be attained; secondly, upon the choice of a suitable method for realizing the goal; and finally, upon the ability to keep the end clearly in consciousness until all the steps necessary for its attainment have been gone through. Elementary as are the processes involved, they represent the prototype of all purposeful behavior. The statesman, the lawyer, the teacher, the physician, the carpenter, all in their own way and with their own materials, are continually engaged in setting goals, choosing means, and inhibiting the multitudinous appeals of irrelevant and distracting ideas.

In this experiment the subject may fail in any one of the three requirements of the test or in all of them. (1) He may not comprehend the instructions and so be unable to set the goal. (2) Though understanding what is expected of him, he may adopt an absurd method of carrying out the task. Or (3) he may lose sight of the end and begin to play with the blocks, stacking them on top of one another, building trains, tossing them about, etc. Sometimes the guiding idea is not completely lost, but is weakened or rendered only partially operative. In such a case the subject may compare some of the blocks carefully, place others without trying them at all, but continue in his half-rational, half-irrational procedure until all the blocks have been arranged.

It is essential, therefore, to supplement the mere record of success or failure by jotting down a brief but accurate description of the performance. Note any hesitation or inability to grasp the instructions. Note especially any absurd procedure, such as placing all the blocks without hefting any of them, comparing only some of them, holding them up and shaking them, hefting two at once in the same hand, etc. The ideal method, of course, is to try all the blocks carefully before placing any of them, then to make a tentative arrangement, and finally, to correct this tentative arrangement by means of individual comparisons. A slight departure from this method does not always bring failure, but it renders success less probable. As a rule it is only the very intelligent children of 10 years who think to test out their first arrangement by making a final and additional trial of each block in turn. Contrary to what might be supposed, success is slightly favored by hefting the blocks successively with one hand rather than by taking one in each hand for simultaneous comparison, but as the child cannot be expected to know this, we must regard the two methods as equally logical.

The test of arranging weights has met universal praise. Its special advantage is that it tests the subject's intelligence in the manipulation of things rather than his capacity for dealing with abstractions. It tests his ability to do something rather than his ability to express himself in language. It throws light upon certain factors of motor adaptation and practical judgment which play a great part in the everyday life of the average human being. It depends as little upon school, perhaps, as any other test of the scale, and it is readily usable with children of all nations without danger of being materially altered in translation Moreover, it is always an interesting test for the child. Bobertag goes so far as to say that any 8- or 9-year child who passes this test cannot possibly be feeble-minded. This may be true; but the converse is hardly the case; that is, the failure of older children is by no means certain proof of mental retardation. The same observation, however, applies equally well to many other of the Binet tests, some of which correlate more closely with true mental age than this one. A rather considerable fraction of normal 12-year-olds fail on it, and it is in fact somewhat less dependable than certain other tests if we wish to differentiate between 9-year and 11-year intelligence. But it is a test we could ill afford to eliminate.[63]

[63] Compare with V, 1.

IX, 3. MAKING CHANGE

PROCEDURE. Ask the following questions in the order here given:—

(a) "If I were to buy 4 cents worth of candy and should give the storekeeper 10 cents, how much money would I get back?" (b) "If I bought 13 cents worth and gave the storekeeper 15 cents, how much would I get back?" (c) "If I bought 4 cents worth and gave the storekeeper 25 cents, how much would I get back?"

Coins are not used, and the subject is not allowed the help of pencil and paper. If the subject forgets the statement of the problem, it is permissible to repeat it once, but only once. The response should be made in ten or fifteen seconds for each problem.

SCORING, The test is passed if two out of three problems are answered correctly in the allotted time. In case two answers are given to a problem, we follow the usual rule of counting the second and ignoring the first.

REMARKS. Problems of this nature, when thoroughly standardized, are extremely valuable as tests of intelligence. The difficulty of the test, as we have used it, does not lie in the subtraction of 4 from 10, 12 from 15, etc. Such subtractions, when given as problems in subtraction, are readily solved by practically all normal 8-year-olds who have attended school as much as two years. The problems of the test have a twofold difficulty: (1) The statement of the problem must be comprehended and held in mind until the solution has been arrived at; (2) the problem is so stated that the subject must himself select the fundamental operation which applies. The latter difficulty is somewhat the greater of the two, addition sometimes being employed instead of subtraction.

It is just such difficulties as this that prove so perplexing to the feeble-minded. High-grade defectives, although they require more than the usual amount of drill and are likely to make occasional errors, are nevertheless capable of learning to add, subtract, multiply, and divide fairly well. Their main trouble comes in deciding which of these operations a given problem calls for. They can master routine, but as regards initiative, judgment, and power to reason they are little educable. The psychology and pedagogy of mental deficiency is epitomized in this statement.

There has been little disagreement as to the proper location of the test of making change, but various procedures have been employed. Coins have generally been employed, in which case the subject is actually allowed to make the change. Most other revisions have also given only a single problem, usually 4 cents out of 20 cents, or 4 out of 25, or 9 out of 25. It is evident that these are not all of equal difficulty. There is general agreement, however, that normal children of 9 years should be able to make simple change.

IX, 4. REPEATING FOUR DIGITS REVERSED

The series are 6-5-2-8; 4-9-3-7; 3-6-2-9.

PROCEDURE AND SCORING. Exactly as in VII, alternate test 2.[64]

[64] See discussion, p. 207 ff.

IX, 5. USING THREE WORDS IN A SENTENCE

PROCEDURE The words used are:—

(a) Boy, ball, river. (b) Work, money, men. (c) Desert, rivers, lakes.

Say: "You know what a sentence is, of course. A sentence is made up of some words which say something. Now, I am going to give you three words, and you must make up a sentence that has all three words in it. The three words are 'boy,' 'ball,' 'river.' Go ahead and make up a sentence that has all three words in it." The others are given in the same way.

Note that the subject is not shown the three words written down, and that the reply is to be given orally.

If the subject does not understand what is wanted, the instruction may be repeated, but it is not permissible to illustrate what a sentence is by giving one. There must be no preliminary practice.

A curious misunderstanding which is sometimes encountered comes from assuming that the sentence must be constructed entirely of the three words given. If it appears that the subject is stumbling over this difficulty, we explain: "The three words must be put with some other words so that all of them together will make a sentence."

Nothing is said about hurrying, but if a sentence is not given within one minute the rule is to count that part of the test a failure and to proceed to the next trio of words.

Give only one trial for each part of the test.

Do not specially caution the child to avoid giving more than one sentence, as this is implied in the formula used and should be understood.

SCORING. The test is passed if two of the three sentences are satisfactory. In order to be satisfactory a sentence must fulfill the following requirements: (1) It must either be a simple sentence, or, if compound, must not contain more than two distinct ideas; and (2) it must not express an absurdity.

Slight changes in one or more of the key words are disregarded, as river for rivers, etc.

The scoring is difficult enough to justify rather extensive illustration.

(a) Boy, ball, river

Satisfactory. An analysis of 128 satisfactory responses gave the following classification:—

(1) Simple sentence containing a simple subject and a simple predicate; as: "The boy threw his ball into the river." "The boy lost his ball in the river." "The boy's ball fell into the river." "The boy swam into the river after his ball," etc. This group contains 76 per cent of the correct responses.

(2) A sentence with a simple subject and a compound predicate; as: "A boy went to the river and took his ball with him." About 8 per cent of all were of this type.

(3) A complex sentence containing a relative clause (2 per cent only); as: "The boy ran after his ball which was rolling toward the river."

(4) A compound sentence containing two independent clauses (about 14 per cent); as: "The boy had a ball and he lost it in the river."

Unsatisfactory. The failures fall into four chief groups:—

(1) Sentences with three clauses (or else three separate sentences).

(2) Sentences containing an absurdity.

(3) Sentences which omit one of the key words.

(4) Silence, due ordinarily to inability to comprehend the task.

Group 1 includes 78 per cent of the failures; group 2, about 12 per cent; and group 3 and 4 about 5 per cent each. Samples of group 1 are: "There was a boy, and he bought a ball, and it fell into the river." "I saw a boy, and he had a ball, and he was playing by the river." Illustration of an absurd sentence, "The boy was swimming in the river and he was playing ball."

(b) Work, money, men

Satisfactory:—

(1) Sentence with a simple subject and simple predicate (including 75 per cent of 116 satisfactory responses); as: "Men work for their money." "Men get money for their work," etc.

(2) A complex sentence with a relative clause (12 per cent of correct answers); as: "Men who work earn much money." "It is easy for men to earn money if they are willing to work," etc.

(3) A compound sentence with two independent, cooerdinate clauses (13 per cent); as: "Men work and they earn money." "Some men have money and they do not work."

Unsatisfactory:—

(1) Three clauses; as: "I know a man and he has money, and he works at the store."

(2) Sentences which are absurd or meaningless; as: "Men work with their money."

(3) Omission of one of the words.

(4) Inability to respond.

(c) Desert, rivers, lakes

Satisfactory:—

(1) Sentences with a simple subject and a simple predicate (including 84 per cent of 126 correct answers); as: "There are no rivers or lakes in the desert." "The desert has one river and one lake," etc.

(2) A complex sentence with a relative clause (only 2 per cent); as: "In the desert there was a river which flowed into a lake."

(3) A compound sentence with two independent, cooerdinate clauses (11 per cent); as: "We went to the desert, and it had no rivers or lakes."

(4) A compound, complex sentence (3 per cent of all); as: "There was a desert, and near by there was a river that emptied into a lake."

Unsatisfactory:—

(1) Sentences with three clauses (40 per cent of all failures); as: "A desert is dry, rivers are long, lakes are rough."

(2) Sentences containing an absurdity (12 per cent of the failures): as: "a desert is dry, rivers are long, lakes are filled with swimming boys." "The lake went through the desert and the river." "There was a desert and rivers and lakes in the forest." "The desert is full of rivers and lakes."

(3) Omission of one of the words (40 per cent of the failures).

(4) Inability to respond (8 per cent).

REMARKS. The test of constructing a sentence containing given words was first used by Masselon and is known as "the Masselon experiment." Meumann, who used it in a rather extended experiment,[65] finds it a good test of intelligence and a reliable index as to the richness, definiteness, and maturity of the associative processes. As Meumann shows, it is instructive to study the qualitative differences between the responses of bright and dull children, apart from questions of sentence structure. These differences are especially discernible in (a) the logical qualities of the associations, and (b) the definiteness of statement. As regards (a), bright children are much more likely to use the given words as keystones in the construction of a sentence which would be logically suggested by them. For example, donkey, blows, suggest some such sentence as, "The donkey receives blows because he is lazy." In like manner we have found that the words work, money, men usually suggest to the more intelligent children a sentence like "Men work for their money" (or "because they need money," etc.), while the dull child is more likely to give some such sentence as "The men have work and they don't have much money." That is, the sentence of the dull child, even though correct in structure and free enough from outright absurdity to satisfy the standard of scoring which we have set forth, is likely to express ideas which are more or less nondescript, ideas not logically suggested by the set of words given.

[65] "Ueber eine neue Methode der Intelligenzpruefung und ueber den Wert der Kombinationsmethoden," in Zeitschrift fuer Paedagogische Psychologie und Experimentelle Paedagogik (1912), pp. 145-63.

The experiment is one of the many forms of the "completion test," or "the combination method." As we have already noted, the power to combine more or less separate and isolated elements into a logical whole is one of the most essential features of intelligence. The ability to do so in a given case depends, in the first place, upon the number and logical quality of the associations which have previously been made with each of the given elements separately, and in the second place, upon the readiness with which these ideational stores yield up the particular associations necessary for weaving the given words into some kind of unity. The child must pass from what is given to what is not given but merely suggested. This requires a certain amount of invention. Scattered fragments must be conceived as the skeleton of a thought, and this skeleton, or partial skeleton, must be assembled and made whole. The task is analogous to that which confronts the palaeontologist, who is able to reconstruct, with a high degree of certainty, the entire skeleton of an extinct animal from the evidence furnished by three or four fragments of bones. It is no wonder, therefore, that subjects whose ideational stores are scanty, and whose associations are based upon accidental rather than logical connections, find the test one of peculiar difficulty. Invention thrives in a different soil.

Binet located this test in year X. Goddard and Kuhlmann assign it the same location, though their actual statistics agree closely with our own. Our procedure makes the test somewhat easier than that of Binet, who gave only one trial and used the somewhat more difficult words Paris, river, fortune. Others have generally followed the Binet procedure, merely substituting for Paris the name of a city better known to the subject. Binet's requirement of a written response also makes the test harder.

Perhaps the greatest obstacle to uniformity in the use of the test comes from the difficulty of scoring, particularly in deciding whether the sentence contains enough absurdity to disqualify it, and whether it expresses three separate ideas or only two. It is hoped that the rather large variety of sample responses which we have given will reduce these difficulties to a minimum.

An additional word is necessary in regard to what constitutes an absurdity in (b). A sentence like "There are some rivers and lakes in the desert" is not an absurdity in certain parts of Western United States. In Professor Ordahl's tests at Reno, Nevada, many children whose intelligence was altogether above suspicion gave this reply. The statement is, indeed, perfectly true for the semi-arid region in the vicinity of Reno known as "the desert." On the other hand, such sentences as "The desert is full of rivers and lakes," or "There are forty rivers and lakes in the desert," can hardly be considered satisfactory. Similar difficulties are presented by (c), though not so frequently. "Men who work do not have money" expresses, unfortunately, more truth than nonsense.

IX, 6. FINDING RHYMES

PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "You know what a rhyme is, of course. A rhyme is a word that sounds like another word. Two words rhyme if they end in the same sound. Understand?" Whether the child says he understands or not, we proceed to illustrate what a rhyme is, as follows: "Take the two words 'hat' and 'cat.' They sound alike and so they make a rhyme. 'Hat,' 'rat,' 'cat,' 'bat' all rhyme with one another."

That is, we first explain what a rhyme is and then we give an illustration. A large majority of American children who have reached the age of 9 years understand perfectly what a rhyme is, without any illustration. A few, however, think they understand, but do not; and in order to insure that all are given equal advantage it is necessary never to omit the illustration.

After the illustration say: "Now, I am going to give you a word and you will have one minute to find as many words as you can that rhyme with it. The word is 'day.' Name all the words you can think of that rhyme with 'day.'"

If the child fails with the first word, before giving the second we repeat the explanation and give sample rhymes for day; otherwise we proceed without further explanation to mill and spring, saying, "Now, you have another minute to name all the words you can think of that rhyme with 'mill,'" etc. Apart from the mention of "one minute" say nothing to suggest hurrying, as this tends to throw some children into mental confusion.

SCORING. Passed if in two out of the three parts of the experiment the child finds three words which rhyme with the word given, the time limit for each series being one minute. Note that in each case there must be three words in addition to the word given. These must be real words, not meaningless syllables or made-up words. However, we should be liberal enough to accept such words as ding (from "ding-dong ") for spring, Jill (see "Jack and Jill") for mill, Fay (girl's name) for day, etc.

REMARKS. At first thought it would seem that the demands made by this test upon intelligence could not be very great. Sound associations between words may be contrasted unfavorably with associations like those of cause and effect, part to whole, whole to part, opposites, etc. But when we pass from a-priori considerations to an examination of the actual data, we find that the giving of rhymes is closely correlated with general intelligence.

The 9-year-olds who test at or above 10 years nearly always do well in finding rhymes, while 9-year-olds who test as low as 8 years seldom pass. When a test thus shows high correlation with the scale as a whole, we must either accept the test as valid or reject the scale altogether. While the feeble-minded do not do as well in this test as normal children of corresponding mental age, the percentage successes for them rises rapidly between mental age 8 and mental age 10 or 11.

Closer psychological analysis of the processes involved will show why this is true. To find rhymes for a given word means that one must hunt out verbal associations under the direction of a guiding idea. Every word has innumerable associations and many of these tend, in greater or less degree, to be aroused when the stimulus word is given. In order to succeed with the test, however, it is necessary to inhibit all associations which are not relevant to the desired end. The directing idea must be held so firmly in mind that it will really direct the thought associations. Besides acting to inhibit the irrelevant, it must create a sort of magnetic stress (to borrow a figure from physics) which will give dominance to those associative tendencies pointing in the right direction. Even the feeble-minded child of imbecile grade has in his vocabulary a great many words which rhyme with day, mill, and spring. He fails on the test because his verbal associations cannot be subjugated to the influence of a directing idea. The end to be attained does not dominate consciousness sufficiently to create more than a faint stress. Instead of a single magnetic pole there is a conflict of forces. The result is either chaos or partial success. Mill may suggest hill, and then perhaps the directing idea becomes suddenly inoperative and the child gives mountain, valley, or some other irrelevant association. The lack of associations, however, is a more frequent cause of failure than inability to inhibit the irrelevant.

If any one supposes that finding rhymes does not draw upon the higher mental powers, let him try the experiment upon himself in various stages of mental efficiency, say at 9 A.M., when mentally refreshed by a good night of sleep and again when fatigued and sleepy. Poets questioned by Galton on this point all testified to the greater difficulty of finding rhymes when mentally fatigued. In this and in many other respects the mental activities of the fatigued or sleepy individual approach the type of mentation which is normal to the feeble-minded.

It is important to note that adults make a less favorable showing in this test than normal children of corresponding mental age, Mr. Knollin's "hoboes" of 12-year intelligence doing hardly as well as school children of 10-year intelligence. Those who are habitually employed in school exercises probably acquire an adeptness in verbal associations which is later gradually lost in the preoccupations of real life.

There has been more disagreement as to the proper location of this test than of any other test of the Binet scale. Binet placed it in year XII of the 1908 scale, but shifted it to year XV in 1911. Kuhlmann retains it in year XII, while Goddard drops it down to year XI. However, when we examine the actual statistics for normal children we do not find very marked disagreement, and such disagreement as is present can be largely accounted for by variations in procedure and by differing conclusions drawn from identical data. In the first place, Binet gave but one trial. This, of course, makes the test much harder than when three trials are given and only two successes are required. To make one trial equal in difficulty to three trials we should perhaps need to demand only two rhymes, instead of three, in the one trial. In the second place, the word used by Binet (obeissance) is much harder than one-syllable words like day, mill, and spring. Finally, the wide shift of the test from year XII to year XV was not justified by the statistics of Binet himself, and the figures of Kuhlmann and Goddard are really in exceptionally close agreement with our own, notwithstanding the fact that Goddard required three successes instead of two. In four series of tests, considered together, we have found 62 per cent passing at year IX, 81 per cent at year X, 83 per cent at year XI, and 94 per cent at year XII.