WEDNESDAY, Jan. 24/Feb. 3 At anchor in harbor. Fair weather. Party on shore from ship and returned at night.

THURSDAY, Jan. 25/Feb. 4 At anchorage. Weather good. Party set ashore and came aboard at night.

FRIDAY, Jan. 26/Feb. 5 At anchorage. Weather good. Party set ashore. The sickness increases.

SATURDAY, Jan. 27/Feb. 6 At anchorage. Weather fair. Good working weather all the week, but many sick. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Jan. 28/Feb. 7 At anchorage, Plymouth harbor. Seventh Sunday in this harbor. Meeting kept on shore. Those of Planters on board who were able, and some of the ship's company, went ashore, and came off after service.

MONDAY, Jan. 29/Feb. 8 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Morning cold, with frost and sleet, but after reason ably fair. Both long-boat and shallop carrying Planters' goods on shore. Those returning reported that Mistress Rose Standish, wife of Captain Standish, died to-day.

TUESDAY, Jan. 30/Feb. 9 At anchorage. Cold, frosty weather, so no working-party went on shore from ship. The Master and others of the ship's company saw two savages that had been on the island near the ship [Clarke's Island]. They were gone so far back again before they were discovered that could not speak with them. The first natives actually seen since the encounter on the Cape.

WEDNESDAY, Jan. 31/Feb. 10 At anchor in harbor. Still cold and frosty, with sleet. No party went on shore. Eight of the colonists have died this month on the ship and on shore.

THURSDAY, Feb. 1/Feb. 11 At anchor in harbor. Weather better, and some of those on board the ship went on shore to work, but many ill.

FRIDAY, Feb. 2/Feb. 12 At anchorage. The same.

SATURDAY, Feb. 3/13 At anchorage. Weather threatening. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Feb. 4/14 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The eighth Sunday in this harbor, and now inexpedient to think of getting away, till both Planters and crew in better condition as to health.

[Bradford, Historie, p. 92; Young, Chronicler, p. 198. Bradford says (op. cit. Mass. ed, pp. 120, 121): "The reason on their parts why she stayed so long was ye necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well toward ye ende of December before she could land anything here, or they able to receive anything ashore. After wards, ye 14 of January the house which they had made for a general randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire aboard for shelter. Then the sickness begane to fall sore amongst them, and ye weather so bad as they could not make much sooner dispatch. Againe, the Governor & chiefe of them seeing so many dye, and fall down sick dayly, thought it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, and the danger they stood in from ye Indians, till they could procure some shelter; and therefore thought it better to draw some more charge upon themselves & friends ["demurrage?"] than hazard all. The Mr. and sea-men likewise; though before they hasted ye passengers a shore to be goone [gone], now many of their men being dead, and of ye ablest of them [as is before noted, and of ye rest many lay sick & weake, ye Mr, durst not put to sea till he saw his men begine to recover, and ye hart of winter over."]]

A very rainy day with the heaviest gusts of wind yet experienced. The ship in some danger of oversetting, being light and unballasted.

MONDAY, Feb. 5/15 At anchor in harbor. Clearing weather.

TUESDAY, Feb. 6/16 At anchor in harbor. Cold and clear.

WEDNESDAY, Feb. 7/17 At anchor in harbor. Much colder.

THURSDAY, Feb. 8/18 At anchorage. Hard, cold weather.

FRIDAY, Feb. 9/19 At anchorage. Cold weather continues. Little work possible. The little house for the sick people on shore took fire this afternoon, by a spark that kindled in the roof. No great harm done. The Master going ashore, killed five geese, which he distributed among the sick people. He also found a good deer the savages had killed, having also cut off his horns. A wolf was eating him. Cannot conceive how he came there.

SATURDAY, Feb. 10/20 At anchor in harbor. Getting goods on shore, but sickness makes both Planters and crew shorthanded. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Feb. 11/21 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Ninth Sunday in this harbor.

MONDAY, Feb. 12/22 At anchorage. Getting goods on shore.

TUESDAY, Feb. 13/23 At anchorage. Rainy.

WEDNESDAY, Feb. 14/24 At anchorage. More sickness on ship and on shore than at any time, and more deaths. Rainy, clearing.

[The sickness and mortality had rapidly increased and was now at its height]

THURSDAY, Feb. 15/25 At anchorage. Northerly wind and frost.

FRIDAY, Feb. 16/26 At anchorage. Northerly wind continues, which continues the frost. Those from shore reported that one of the Planters, being out fowling and hidden in the reeds, about a mile and a half from the settlement, saw twelve Indians marching toward the plantation and heard many more. He hurried home with all speed and gave the alarm, so all the people in the woods at work returned and armed themselves, but saw nothing of the Indians. Captain Standish's and Francis Cooke's tools also stolen by Indians in woods. A great fire toward night seen from the ship, about where the Indians were discovered.

SATURDAY, Feb. 17/27 At anchorage. All the colonists on the ship able to go on shore went this morning to attend the meeting for the establishment of military orders among them. They chose Captain Standish their captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. Two savages appeared on the hill, a quarter of a mile from the plantation, while the Planters were consulting, and made signs for Planters to come to them. All armed and stood ready, and sent two towards them, Captain Standish and Master Hopkins, but the natives would not tarry. It was determined to plant the great ordnance in convenient places at once. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Feb. 18/28 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The Feb. tenth Sunday in this harbor. Many sick, both on board the ship and on shore.

MONDAY, Feb. 19/Mar. 1 At anchorage. Got one of the great guns on shore with the help of some of the Planters.

TUESDAY, Feb. 20/Mar. 2 At anchorage. Getting cannon ashore and mounted.

WEDNESDAY, Feb. 21/Mar. 3 At anchorage. The Master, with many of the sailors, went on shore, taking one of the great pieces called a minion, and with the Planters drew it up the hill, with another piece that lay on the shore, and mounted them and a saller and two bases—five guns —on the platform made for them. A hard day's work. The Master took on shore with him a very fat goose he had shot, to which the Planters added a fat crane, a mallard, and a dried neat's tongue (ox tongue), and Planters and crew feasted together. When the Master went on shore, he sent off the Governor to take the directions of Master Mullens as to his property, as he was lying near to death,—as also Master White. Master Mullens dictated his will to the Governor, which he noted down, and Giles Heale, the chirurgeon, and Christopher Joanes, of the crew, witnessed, they being left aboard to care for the sick, keep the ship, etc. Master Mullens and Master White both died this day. Two others also died. Got the men aboard about nightfall.

THURSDAY, Feb. 22/Mar. 4 At anchorage. Large burial-party went ashore with bodies of Masters Mullens and White, and joined with those on shore made the chief burial thus far had. The service on shore, the most of the people being there, Master Mullens being one of the chief subscribing Adventurers, as well as one of the chief men of the Planters, as was Master White. Their deaths much deplored.

FRIDAY, Feb. 23/Mar. 5 At anchorage. Party from the ship went on shore to help finish work on the ordnance.

SATURDAY, Feb. 24/Mar. 6 At anchorage. Same. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Feb. 25/Mar. 7 At anchorage in Plymouth harbor. Eleventh Sunday in this harbor. Mistress Mary Allerton, wife of Master Isaac Allerton, one of the chief men of the colonists, died on board this day, not having mended well since the birth of her child, dead-born about two months agone.

MONDAY, Feb. 26/Mar. 8 At anchor in harbor. Burying-party went ashore to bury Mistress Allerton, services being held there.

TUESDAY, Feb. 27/Mar. 9 At anchorage. The sickness and deaths of the colonists on shore have steadily increased, and have extended to the ship, which has lost several of its petty officers, including the master gunner, three quarter-masters, and cook, and a third of the crew, many from scurvy.

[There can be no doubt that both planters and ship's crew suffered severely from scurvy. The conditions all favored it, the sailors were familiar with it, and would not be likely to be mistaken in their recognition of it, and Dr. Fuller, their competent physician, would not be likely to err in his diagnosis of it. Tuberculosis was its very natural associate.]

WEDNESDAY, Feb. 28/Mar. 10 At anchorage. The last day of the month. The fifty-third day the ship has lain in this harbor, and from the present rate of sickness and death aboard, no present capacity or prospect of getting away, those better being yet weak. The Planters have lost seventeen this month, their largest mortality.

THURSDAY, Mar. 1/11 At anchorage. Blustering but milder weather.

FRIDAY, Mar. 2/12

At anchorage. Same.

SATURDAY, Mar. 3/13 At anchorage. Wind south. Morning misty [foggy]. Towards noon warm and fine weather. At one o'clock it thundered. The first heard. It rained sadly from two o'clock till midnight. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Mar. 4/14 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The twelfth Sunday in this harbor. Cooler. Clear weather.

MONDAY, Mar. 5/15 At anchorage. Rough weather.

TUESDAY, Mar. 6/16 At anchorage. Same.

WEDNESDAY, Mar. 7/17 At anchor in harbor. Wind full east, cold but fair. The Governor went this day with a party of five, to the great ponds, discovered by one of the ship's mates and Francis Billington. Some planting done in the settlement.

THURSDAY, Mar. 8/18 At anchor in harbor. Rough easterly weather.

FRIDAY, Mar. 9/19 At anchorage. Same. Many sick aboard.

SATURDAY, Mar. 10/20 At anchorage. Same. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Mar. 11/21 At anchorage, Plymouth harbor. The thirteenth Sunday the ship has lain in this harbor. Many of crew yet ill, including boatswain.

MONDAY, Mar. 12/22 At anchorage. Easterly weather.

TUESDAY, Mar. 13/23 At anchorage. The sickness and mortality on ship and on shore continue.

WEDNESDAY, Mar. 14/24 At anchorage. Same.

THURSDAY, Mar. 15/25 At anchorage. Same.

FRIDAY, Mar. 16/26 At anchorage. A fair, warm day, towards noon. The Master and others went ashore to the general meeting. The plantation was startled this morning by a visit from an Indian who spoke some English and bade "Welcome." He is from Monhiggon, an island to the eastward some days' sail, near where Sir Ferdinando Gorges had a settlement. He was friendly, and having had much intercourse with Englishmen who came to fish in those parts, very comfortable with them. He saw the ship in the harbor from a distance and supposed her to be a fishing vessel. He told the Governor that the plantation was formerly called "Patuxet" [or Apaum], and that all its inhabitants had been carried off by a plague about four years ago. All the afternoon was spent in communication with him. The Governor purposed sending him aboard the ship at night, and he was well content to go and went aboard the shallop to come to the ship, but the wind was high and water scant [low], so that the shallop could not go to the ship. The Governor sent him to Master Hopkins's house and set a watch over him.

SATURDAY, Mar. 17/27 At anchor in harbor. The Master and others came off to the ship. Samoset the Indian went away back to the Massasoits whence he came. A reasonably fair day. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Mar. 18/28 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The fourteenth Sunday the ship has lain at this anchorage. A fair day. The sickness stayed a little. Many went on shore to the meeting in the common-house. Samoset the savage came again, and brought five others with him.

[This Sunday visit was doubtless very much to the dislike of the good brethren, or at least of the leaders, but policy dictated every possible forbearance. Their consciences drew the line at trade, however, and they got rid of their untimely visitors as soon as possible without giving offense. Massasoit's men seem to have shown, by leaving their peltry with them, a confidence in their new white neighbors that is remarkable in view of the brevity of their friendship.]

They left their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from the town, as instructed. The Planters gave them entertainment, but would not truck with them.

["Truck—to trade." All early and modern lexicographers give the word, which, though now obsolete, was in common use in parts of New England fifty years ago.]

They sang and danced after their manner, and made semblance of amity and friendship. They drank tobacco and carried pounded corn to eat. Their faces were painted. They brought a few skins which they left with the Planters, and returned the tools which Captain Standish and Francis Cooke left in the woods. The Planters dismissed them with a few trifles as soon as they could, it being Sunday, and they promised soon to return and trade. Samoset would not go with them, feigning sick, and stayed. Those on shore from the ship came off to her at night.

MONDAY, Mar. 19/29 At anchorage. A fair day. The Planters digging and sowing seeds.

TUESDAY, Mar. 20/30 At anchorage. A fine day. Digging and planting of gardens on shore. Those sick of the crew mending.

WEDNESDAY, Mar. 21/31 At anchorage. A fine warm day. Beginning to put ship in trim for return voyage. Bringing ballast, etc. Some, including the Masters-mates, went on shore, who on return reported that the Planters sent the Indian Samoset away. A general meeting of the Planters was held at the common-house, to conclude laws and orders, and to confirm the military orders formerly proposed, and twice broken off by the savages coming, as happened again. After the meeting had held an hour or so, two or three savages appeared on the hill over against the town, and made semblance of daring the Planters. Captain Standish and another, with their muskets, went over to them, with the two Masters-mates of the ship, who were ashore, also armed with muskets. The savages made show of defiance, but as our men drew near they ran away. This day the carpenter, who has long been ill of scurvy, fitted the shallop to carry all the goods and furniture aboard the ship, on shore.

THURSDAY, Mar. 22/Apr. 1 At anchorage. A very fair, warm day. At work on ship getting ready for sea, bringing ballast aboard, etc. Another general meeting of the Planters which all able attended. They had scarce been an hour together when Samoset the Indian came again with one Squanto, the only native of Patuxet (where the Planters now inhabit) surviving, who was one of the twenty captives carried away from this place by Captain Hunt, to England. He could speak a little English. They brought three other Indians with them. They signified that their great Sagamore, Masasoyt, was hard by, with Quadequina his brother, and all their men. They could not well express what they would in English, but after an hour the king came to the top of the hill, over against the plantation, with his train of about sixty men. Squanto went to him and brought a message that one should be sent to parley with him, and Master Edward Winslow went, to know hisnmind, and signify the wish of the Governor to have trading and peace with him, the Governor sending presents to the king and his brother, with something to eat and drink.

[Edward Winslow gives us here another proof of that rare self-sacrifice, that entire devotion to his work, and that splendid intrepidity which so signally characterized his whole career. At this most critical moment, the fate of the little colony trembling in the balance, when there was evident fear of treachery and surprise on the part of both the English and the savages; though the wife of his youth lay at the point of death (which came but two days later), and his heart was heavy with grief; forgetting all but the welfare of his little band of brethren, he goes forward alone, his life in his hand, to meet the great sachem surrounded by his whole tribe, as the calm, adroit diplomatist, upon whom all must depend; and as the fearless hostage, to put himself in pawn for the savage chief.]

The king, leaving Master Winslow with brother, came over the brook, with some twenty of his men, leaving their bows and arrows behind them, and giving some six or seven of their men as hostages for Master Winslow. Captain Standish, with Master Williamson, the ship's-merchant, as interpreter,

[It would seem from the frequent mention of the presence of some of the ship's company, Master Jones, the "Masters-mates," and now the "ship's-merchant," that the ship was daily well represented in the little settlement on shore. The presence of Master Williamson on this occasion is perhaps readily accounted for. Every other meeting with the Indians had been unexpected, the present one was anticipated, and somewhat eagerly, for upon its successful issue almost everything depended. By this time Standish had probably become aware that Tisquantum's command of English was very limited, and he desired all the aid the ship's interpreter could give. By some means, the sachem and the colonists succeeded in establishing on this day a very good and lasting understanding.]

and a guard of half a dozen musketeers, met the king at the brook,

[The guard was probably made thus small to leave the body of the colonists as strong a reserve force as possible to meet any surprise attack on the part of the Indians. Colonel Higginson, in his Book of American Explorers, gives a cut of this meeting of Massasoit and his pineses with Standish and his guard of honor, but it is defective in that the guard seems to have advanced to the hill ("Strawberry," or later "Watson's") to meet the sachem, instead of only to "the brook;" and more especially in that there are but two officers with the "six musketeers," where there ought to be three, viz. Standish, in command, Edward Window, as the envoy and hostage (in full armor), and "Mr. Williamson," the ship's-merchant or purser, as interpreter, perhaps acting as lieutenant of the guard. It is always matter of regret when books, especially text-books, written by authors of some repute, and published by reputable houses, fail, for want of only a little care in the study of the available history of events they pictorially represent, to make their pictures and the known facts correspond.]

and they saluted each other, and the guard conducted the Sagamore to one of the new houses then building, where were placed a green rug and three or four cushions. Then came the Governor with drum and trumpet, and a guard of musketeers, and they drank to each other in some strong waters, and the Governor gave the king and his followers meat, and they made a treaty in King James's name, and drank tobacco together. His face was painted a sad red, and his head and face were oiled, which made him look greasy. All his followers were more or less painted. So after all was done, the Governor conducted him to the brook, and his brother came, and was also feasted, and then conveyed him to the brook, and Master Winslow returned. Samoset and Squanto stayed in the town and the Indians stayed all night in the woods half a mile away. The last of the colonists on board the ship went ashore to remain to-day.

FRIDAY, Mar. 23/Apr. 2 At anchor. A fair day. Some of the ship's company went on shore. Some of the Indians came again, and Captain Standish and Master Allerton went to see the king, and were welcomed by him. This morning the Indians stayed till ten or eleven of the clock, and the Governor, sending for the king's kettle, filled it with pease, and they went their way? Making ready for sea, getting ballast, wood, and water from the shore, etc. The Planters held a meeting and concluded both of military orders and some laws, and chose as Governor, for the coming year, Master John Carver, who was "governor" on the ship.

SATURDAY, Mar. 24/April 3 At anchorage. The ship's company busy with preparations for the return voyage, bringing ballast, wood, and water from the shore, etc., the ship having no lading for the return. This day died, on shore, Mistress Elizabeth Winslow, wife of Master Winslow. Many still sick. More on the ship than on shore.

SUNDAY, Mar. 25/April 4 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The fifteenth Sunday in this port. Many of the crew dead and some still sick, but the sickness and mortality lessening.

MONDAY, Mar. 26/April 5 At anchor. Bringing ballast from shore and getting ship in trim.

TUESDAY, Mar. 27/April 6 At anchorage. Getting ballast, overhauling rigging, getting wood, water, etc., from shore.

WEDNESDAY, Mar. 28/April 7 At anchorage. Same.

THURSDAY, Mar. 29/April 8 At anchorage. The Master offered to take back any of the colonists who wished to return to England, but none desired to go. Getting in stores and ballast.

FRIDAY, Mar. 30/April 9 At anchorage. Hastening all preparations for sailing. Getting ballast, etc. Water butts filled.

SATURDAY, Mar. 31/April 10 At anchorage. Setting up rigging, bending light sails, etc. Getting ballast and wood from the beach and island. The colonists have lost thirteen by death the past month, making in all half of their number.

SUNDAY, April 1/11 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The sixteenth Sunday the ship has lain at anchor here, and to be the last, being nearly ready to sail. Most of the crew ashore on liberty. In the sixteen weeks the ship has lain here, half of her crew (but none of her officers) have died, and a few are still weak. Among the petty officers who have died have been the master gunner, boatswain, and three quartermasters, beside the cook, and more than a third of the sailors. A bad voyage for the owner, Adventurers, ship, and crew.

MONDAY, April 2/12 Still at anchor, but making last preparations for voyage. Ship's officers made farewells on shore. Governor Carver copied out, and Giles Heale and Chris. Jones witnessed, Master Mullens's will, to go to England.

TUESDAY, April 3/13 Still at anchorage, but (near) ready to sail with a fair wind. Master Williamson, the ship's-merchant [purser], appointed by Master Mullens an overseer of his will, takes copy of same to England for probate, with many letters, keepsakes, etc., etc., to Adventurers and friends. Very little lading, chiefly skins and roots. Make adieus to Governor Carver and company.

WEDNESDAY, April 4/14 Still at anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sails loosened and all ready for departure except Governor's letters. Last visits of shore people to ship. Sail with morning tide, if wind serves. One hundred and ten days in this harbor.

THURSDAY, April 5/15 Got anchors, and with fair wind got underway at full tide. Many to bid adieu. Set colors and gave Planters a parting salute with the ensign and ordnance. Cleared the harbor without hindrance, and laid general course E.S.E. for England with a fine wind. Took departure from Cape Cod early in the day, shook off the land and got ship to rights before night. All sails set and the ship logging her best.



And so the MAY-FLOWER began her speedy, uneventful, homeward run, of but thirty-one days, arriving in England May 6, 1621, having been absent, on her "round voyage," from her sailing port, two hundred and ninety-six days.



THE END OF THE VOYAGE AND OF THIS JOURNAL



AUTHOR'S NOTE. Of the "Log" Of the MAY-FLOWER, the author is able to repeat the assurance given as to the brief Journal of the SPEEDWELL, and is able to say, in the happy phrase of Griffis, "I have tried to state only recorded facts, or to give expression to well grounded inferences."



APPENDIX

In view of the natural wish of many of "restricted facilities," to consult for themselves the full text of certain of the principal letters and documents which have imparted much of the most definite and valuable information concerning the Pilgrim movement, it has been thought well to include certain of them here verbatim, that they may be of ready availability to the reader. The list comprises copies of—

I. The Agreement of the Merchant Adventurers and Planters;

II. The Letter of the Leyden Leaders to John Carver and Robert Cushman (at London), May 31/June 10, 1620;

III. The Letter of Robert Cushman to John Carver (then at Southampton), Saturday, June 10/20, 1620;

IV. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, June 10/20, 1620;

V. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, Sunday, June 11/21, 1620;

VI. The Letter of Rev. John Robinson to John Carver at London, June 14/24, 1620;

VII. The Letter of the Planters to the Merchant Adventurers from Southamp ton, August 3, 1620;

VIII. The Letter of Robert Cushman (from Dartmouth) to Edward Southworth, Thursday, August 17,1620;

IX. The MAY-FLOWER Compact;

X. The Nuncupative Will of Master William Mullens; and

XI. The Letter of "One of the Chiefe of ye Companie" (The Merchant Adventurers), dated at London, April 9, 1623—

Many other early original documents frequently referred to in this volume are of no less interest than those here given, but most of them have either had such publication as to be more generally known or accessible, or involve space and cost disproportionate to their value in this connection.

I THE AGREEMENT OF THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS AND PLANTERS

Anno: 1620, July 1.

1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10li., and ten pounds to be accounted a single share.

2. That he goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 10li. either in money or other provisions, be accounted as haveing 20li. in stock, and in ye devission shall receive a double share.

3. The persons transported & ye adventurers shall continue their joynt stock & partnership togeather, ye space of 7 years, (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits & benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in ye comone stock untill ye division.

4. That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon ye sea; imploying the rest of their severall faculties upon ye land; as building houses, tilling, and planting ye ground, & makeing shuch comodities as shall be most usefull for ye collonie.

5. That at ye end of ye 7 years, ye capitall & profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods and chatels, be equally devided betwixte ye adventurers, and planters; wch done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure.

6. Whosoever cometh to ye colonie hereafter, or putteth any into ye stock, shall at the ende of ye 7. years be alowed proportionably to ye time of his so doing.

7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share in ye devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation and devision.

8. That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of ten years, have noe other shar in ye devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land.

9. That such persons as die before ye 7. years be expired, their executors to have their parte or sharr at ye devision, proportionably to ye time of their life in ye collonie.

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon stock & goods of ye said collonie.

Governor Bradford adds:—

"The chief and principal differences betwene these & the former [original] conditions, stood in those 2. points; that ye houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to ye planters at ye 7. years end. 2ly, yt they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for ye more comforte of themselves and their families, espetialy such as had families."

[Apparently, as has been noted, neither these articles of agreement, nor their predecessors which received the approval of the Leyden leaders, were ever signed by the contracting parties, until Robert Cushman brought the later draft over in the FORTUNE, in 1621, and the planter body (advised thereto by Pastor Robinson, who had previously bitterly opposed) signed them. Much might be truly said on either side of this controversy—indeed was said at the time; but if the Pilgrims were to abandon their contention, whatever its merits, in a year's time, as they did, it would seemingly have been much better not to have begun it, for it undoubtedly cost them dear.]



II LETTER OF THE LEYDEN LEADERS TO JOHN CARVER AND ROBERT CUSHMAN, AT LONDON

May 31/June 10, 1620.

To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, &c.

Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse letters at ye coming of Mr. [Thomas] Nash & our pilott, which is a great incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of praising God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of ye new conditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For ye former wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to alter ye same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them to ye censure of ye godly wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those are, viz. yt the marchants should have ye halfe of mens houses and lands at ye dividente; and that persons should be deprived of ye 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them than all men one of another. This we have only by relation from Mr. Nash, & not from any writing of your owne, & therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the bounds of your comission, which was to proceed upon ye things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such matters as these are, &c. Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (yt under God) we much relie upon him & put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since therfor, good brethren, we have plainly opened ye state of things with us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus beseeching ye Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of difficulties, to assiste us herin; raising such means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore children & servants, as we may with comforte behould ye hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine Your perplexed, yet hopful bretheren, June 10, New Stille Ano: 1620. SAMUEL FULLER, EDWARD WINSLOW, WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC ALLERTON.



III THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (AT LONDON), TO JOHN CARVER (AT SOUTHAMPTON)

Saturday, June 10/20, 1620.

To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, &c.

Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affection & complaints, & what it is you would have of me I know not; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in ye bussines: Yet know you yt all that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended yt our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not made aquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith yt in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, (i.e. Leyden, London, and Southampton) we will, with going up & downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass over ye sourer before we will goe. And to speake ye trueth, they is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a vaiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente (to Southampton) 3. or 4. letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you with them. I always feared ye event of ye Amsterdamers (members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth's church there) striking in with us. I trow you must excomunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quareling; but let them pass.

We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, count upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200li. & odd moneys of all ye venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, & shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400li. I would have had some thing shortened at first of beare (beer) & other provissions in hope of other adventurs, & now we could have, both in Amsterd & Kente, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to build & and shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, then was a schisme amongst us 3. at ye first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to prevente ye making of ye provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely he yt is in a societie & yet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if then be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we yt should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet your money which you ther [Southampton] must have, we will get provided for you instantly. 500li. you say will serve; for ye rest which hear & in Holand is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe, of whom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see him shipped, for he [i.e. his going] is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke ye best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and ye Lord guid us all. Your loving freind, ROBART CUSHMAN. London June 10. Ano: 1620.



IV THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS

(Probably written at London, Saturday, June 10/20, 1620.)

Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess yt have come to me, that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceedings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but yt partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all ye viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of ye alteration of one clause in ye conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For ye articles first brought over by John Carver were never seene of any of ye adventurers hear, excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at ye first ther was 500li. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all ye rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we had not altered yt clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my faulte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter ye equitie of yt condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob: [Robinson's] inconveniences, that without ye alteration of yt clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser than my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves & bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against yt clause in ye conditions, which as yey were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as great on ye other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they misse & mistake both ye very ground of ye article and nature of ye project.

For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses & lands, it had been better for ye poore. True, and yt showeth ye inequalitie of ye condition; we should more respect him yt ventureth both his money and his person, then him yt ventureth but his person only.

2. Consider whereaboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a store house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At ye least, we must not in such bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therefore complaine not before you have need.

3. This will hinder ye building of good and faire houses, contrarie to ye advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for ye presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strength; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, ships, munition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, that a comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up.

4. The Govet may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, ye Govet laboure is spared.

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civil or religious.

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it may not be worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, (the Adventurers) why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I will not say what I have heard since these complaints came first over [from Leyden].

7. Our freinds with us yt adventure mind not their owne profite, as did ye old adventurers. A. Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente, brethern looke too it, that make profit your maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. Though some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if we can.

8. It will break ye course of comunitie, as may be showed by many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons.

9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c. A. As it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still upon it, and if such profite in yt way come, our labour shall be ye less on ye land, and our houses & lands will be of less value.

10. Our hazard is greater than theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not ye motion & resolution been always in our selves? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes & conditions! If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys.

Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirr about them.

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly this is all I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of ye 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to ye adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men of discretion & conscience, and so fitt to be trusted our selves with that. But indeed ye ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering every day, &c.

As for them of Amsterdam, [i.e. the members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth's church there] I had thought they would as soon gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as ye Spanish Inquisition. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the Company think me to be ye Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be content to stay with good will, having but ye cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full little did I expect these things which are now come to pass, &c. Yours, R. CUSHMAN.



V THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS, LONDON

(Sunday, June 11/21, 1620.)

Salutations, &c. I received your letter [of May 31/June 10] yesterday, by John Turner, with another ye same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring of ye place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her,[London] togeather with ye demurrs and retirings ther,[Leyden] had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, & at his comeing aquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only ye pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further consideration, I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to acquainte Mr. Weston with ye fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, which hath made him often say, that save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with ye bussines any more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, & how it stood both on our credits & undoing, at ye last he gathered up him selfe a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste, for a greater we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without troubling them any further; and if ye ship fale too small, it fitteth well yt such as stumble at strawes already, may rest them ther a while, least worse blocks come in ye way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is; I hope our freinds they, if they be quitted of ye ship hire, will be indusced to venture ye more. All yt I now require is yt salt and netts may ther be boughte, and for all ye rest we will here provid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it a month or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholds tarie ther, and bring ye ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of kine.

You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come hence on tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have answered to my complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for their censurs; and if I had more minde to goe & dispute & expostulate with them, then I have care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours & jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let them beat ye eair; I hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute ye mater, & other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as I canot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne ye reproofe to your selves, & send an other, and let me come againe to my Combes. But setting aside my naturall infirmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of persons, see into ye equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, in all these turmoils, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love & affection. I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days. Your pore brother, ROBART CUSHMAN. [London] June 11. 1620 [O.S.].



VI A LETTER OF MR. JOHN ROBINSON TO JOHN CARVER, JUNE 14. (N.S.), 1620

[Professor Arber ("The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers," p. 317) has apparently failed to notice that in the original MS. of Bradford, this letter is dated "June 14, 1620, N. Stile," which would make it June 4., O.S., while Arber dates it "14/24 June," which is manifestly incorrect. A typographical error in Arber (p. 317) directs the letter to "Leyden" instead of to London. ]

June 14. 1620. N. Stile.

My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to comend to God by my best & most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand by our generall letters ye estate of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be great want of money & means to doe needfull things. Mr. [Edward] Pickering, you know before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robert Cushman presumed of I know not how many 100li. from him, & I know not whom. Yet it seems strange yt we should be put to him to receive both his & his partners [William Greene's] adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, yt in regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a 100li. more. But they is in this some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in ye whole course. Besids, wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay anything, if he had againe his money in his purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this commone bussines; and when we had in hand an other course with ye Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon ye conditions by him shortly after propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That he should have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but yt I can well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; whereas others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. But yt he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine means, and course, and ye same knowne to us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard yt wen he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and referred it to ye others; and would come to Georg Morton [in London] & enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been some accessarie unto it. Wlether he hath failed of some helps from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through with things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone & so encrease ye charge of shiping above yt is meete, or whether he hath thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking yt therby Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are yt things are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks himselfe mery with our endeavors aboute buying a ship, [the SPEEDWELL], but we have done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those tow: ye one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man & of spetiall abilities in his kind, yet) most unfitt to deale for other by reason of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak truly) that we have had nothing from him but termes & presumptions. The other, yt we have so much relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing ye perticuler course & means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. [Thomas] Brewer, you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, excepte in ye course of buying [ships?] in former letters specified. Aboute ye conditions, you have our reason for our judgments of what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, yt the greatest pane of ye Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing they perticuler land & building houses, but upon fishing, trading, &c. So as ye land & house will be but a trifell for advantage to ye adventurers, and yet the devission of it a great discouragmente to ye planters, who would with singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. The same consideration of comone imploymente constantly by the most is a good reason not to have ye 2, daies in a week denyed ye few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to comone good. Consider also how much unfite that you & your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word what persons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, & how many, & perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie you have not been at London all this while, but ye provissions could not want you. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare, you & yours well allways in ye Lord, in whom I rest. Yours to use, JOHN' ROBINSON.



VII THE LETTER OF THE PLANTERS TO THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS (FROM SOUTHAMPTON)

Aug. 3. Ano. 1620.

Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see ye most of you hear, but espetially because ther should any difference at all be conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it meete (though brefly) to show you ye just cause & reason of our differing from those articles last made by Robert Cushman, without our comission or knowledg.

And though he might propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it. Our maine diference is in ye 5.& 9. article, concerning ye deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoying whereof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, yt when ye greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with some additions then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and a day set for ye paimente of moneys, those in Holland paid in theirs. After yt, Robert Cushman, Mr. [John] Pierce, & Mr. [Christopher] Martine, brought them into a better forme, & write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts [Cushmans] shewing them and delivering Mr. [William] Mullins a coppy thereof under his hand (which we have), he payed in his money. And we of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estats & were ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte ye vioage. Judge therefore we beseech you indifferently of things, and if a faulte have bene comited, lay it where it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to stand for ye one, then you have for ye other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to further ye provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to ye end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all men yt we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also ye good & inriching of our freinds who have adventured your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to ye rest, promising you againe by leters in ye behalfe of the whole company, that if large profits should not arise within ye 7. years, yt we will continue togeather longer with you, if ye Lord give a blessing.—[Bradford adds in a note, "It is well for them yt this was not accepted."]—This we hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured yt if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c. We are in shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to cleare ye Haven [Southampton] & withall put our selves upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are like to insue, & trust to ye good providence of God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching ye Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in ye bonds of peace & love, we take leave & rest, Yours, &c

Aug. 3. 1620.

["It was subscribed with many names of ye cheefest of ye company." —Bradford, "Historie," Mass. ed. p. 77.]



VIII THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (FROM SOUTHAMPTON) TO EDWARD SOUTHWORTH

To his loving friend Ed[ward] S[outhworth] at Henige House, in ye Duks Place [London], these, &c.

Dartmouth [Thursday] Aug. 17, [Anno 1620.]

Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your wife, with loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For besids ye eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body Hath seased me, which will not in all licelyhoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it it is a bundle of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more & more these 14. days, as that allthough I doe ye acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; but ye will of God be done. Our pinass [the SPEEDWELL] will not cease leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath been as full of crosses, as our, selves have been of crokednes. We put in hear to trime her, & I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And though she was twice trimed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and lekie as a seine; and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher ye water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and are like to lye 4. more, and by yt time ye wind will happily turne as it did at Hamton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not have a months victialls when we come in ye countrie. Near 700li. hath bene bestowed at Hamton upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith he neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts he crieth out of unthankfulness for his paines & care, that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. Also he so insulteh over our poore people with shuch scorne and contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart to see his dealing, and ye mourning of our people. They complaine to me, & alass! I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, & waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others yt would lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might departe; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling & controuling in things he knows not what belongs too, as yt some threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave ye shipe & goe their way. But at ye best this cometh of it, yt he maks him selfe a scorne & laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming ye conditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile ye trueth, and say Mr. Robinson was in ye falte who charged them never to consente to those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed them to chose them they did chose. But he and they will rue too late, they may now see, & all be ashamed when it is too late, that they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hamton to have left ye whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, and better ye vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of ye cheefe of them which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe on those conditions. And Mr. Martine, he said he never received no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to ye marchants, for a pine [pennie], they were bloudsuckers, & I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions wth the marchants, nor ever spake with them.

But did all that money flie to Hamton, or was it his owne? Who will goe lay out money so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, or on what conditions? I tould him of ye alteration longe agoe, & he was contente; but now he dominires, & said I had betrayed them into ye hands of slaves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2 ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li. in, & if he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him, —["This was found true afterwards.] W[illiam] B"[radford]]—as I am persuaded, &c. Freind, if ever we make a plantation, God works a mirakle; especially considering how scante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited amongst our selves, & devoyd of good tutors and regimente. Violence will break all. Wher is ye meek & humble spirite of Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified ye wals of Jerusalem, and ye state of Israell? Is not ye sound of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not ye philosophers and all wise men observed yt, even in setled comone welths, violente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, to ruine; how much more in ye raising of comone wealths, when ye mortar is yet scarce tempered yt should bind ye wales [walls]. If I should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our ruine, I should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart; only this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly, it may be ye Lord will be yet entreated one way or other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape even ye gasping of hunger starved persons; but God can doe much, & his will be done. It is better for me to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, & expect it howerly; haveing received ye sentance of death, both within me & with out me. Poore William Ring & my selfe doe strive who shall be meate first for ye fishes; but we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after ye flesh no more, but looking unto ye joye yt is before us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light in comparison of ye joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire earnestly, & wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke them in ye face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, & many things more which I have for borne. I write it as upon my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be spoken of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body feeble, ye Lord make me strong in him, and keepe both you & yours. Your loving freind, ROBART CUSHMAN.

Dartmouth, Aug. 17, 1620.



IX THE MAY-FLOWER COMPACT

In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king, defender of ye faith, &c., haveing under taken, for ye glorie of God, and advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant & combine our selves together into a civill body politick, for our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends aforesaid: and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, actes, constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete & convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we have here under subscribed our names at Cape-Codd ye 11. of November, in ye year of ye raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland ye eighteenth, and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano. Dom. 1620



X A COPY OF THE NUNCUPATIVE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM MULLENS

[Undoubtedly taken by Governor Carver on board the MAY-FLOWER.]

[Although the dictation must, apparently, have been taken on the day of Master Mullens's death, February 21/March 3, 1620, Governor Carver evidently did not write out his notes, and have them witnessed, till April 2, 1621, some weeks later.]

"April, 1621.

In the name of God, Amen: I comfit my Soule to God that gave it and my bodie to the earth from whence it came. Alsoe I give my goodes as followeth: That fforty poundes wch is in the hand of good-man Woodes I give my wife tenn poundes, my sonne Joseph tenn poundes, my daughter Priscilla tenn poundes, and my eldest sonne tenn poundes. Alsoe I give to my eldest sonne all my debtes, bonds, bills (onelye yt forty poundes excepted in the handes of goodman Wood) given as aforesaid wth all the stock in his owne handes. To my eldest daughter I give ten shillinges to be paied out of my sonnes stock Furthermore that goodes I have in Virginia as followeth To my wife Alice halfe my goodes. 2. to Joseph and Priscilla the other halfe equallie to be devided betweene them. Alsoe I have xxi dozen of shoes, and thirteene paire of bootes wch I give into the Companies handes for forty poundes at seaven years end if they like them at that rate. If it be thought to deare as my Overseers shall thinck good. And if they like them at that rate at the devident I shall have nyne shares whereof I give as followeth twoe to my wife, twoe to my sonne William, twoe to my sonne Joseph, towe to my daughter Priscilla, and one to the Companie. Allsoe if my sonne William will come to Virginia I give him my share of land furdermore I give to my two Overseers Mr. John Carver and Mr. Williamson, twentye shillinges apeece to see this my will performed desiringe them that he would have an eye over my wife and children to be as fathers and freindes to them, Allsoe to have a speciall eye to my man Robert wch hathe not so approved himselfe as I would he should have done.

This is a Coppye of Mr. Mullens his Will of all particulars he hathe given. In witnes whereof I have sette my hande John Carver, Giles Heale, Christopher Joanes."



XI THE LETTER OF "ONE OF THE CHIEFE OF YE COMPANIE" [THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS] DATED AT LONDON, APRIL 9, 1623

Loving friend, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I little thought to have seen Mr. John Pierce till he had brought some good tidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought us ye wofull tidings of his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin ye goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Pierce &c., and ye companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, &c. Now with great trouble & loss, we have got Mr. John Pierce to assigne over ye grand patente to ye companie, which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke yt the hand of God was justly against him, both ye first and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for ye company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you & us tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd & disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingness to part with his royall lordship, and ye high rate he set it at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with charge aboute ye passengers, 640li., &c.

We have agreed with 2 merchants for a ship of 140 tunes, caled ye Anne, which is to be ready ye last of this month, to bring 60 passengers & 60 tune of goods, &c—[Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 167.]



ADDENDA

Governor Winslow, in his "Hypocrisie Unmasked" (pp. 89,90), indicates that the representatives of the Leyden congregation (Cushman and Carver) sought the First (or London) Virginia Company as early as 1613. It is beyond doubt that preliminary steps toward securing the favor, both of the King and others, were taken as early as 1617, and that the Wincob Patent was granted in their interest, June 9/19, 1619. But the Leyden people were but little advanced by the issue of this Patent. They became discouraged, and began early in 1620 (perhaps earlier) negotiations with the Dutch, which were in progress when, at the instance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Thomas Weston undertook (February 2/12, April 1/11, 1620) to secure the Leyden party, avowedly for the London Virginia Company, but really for its rival, the Second Virginia Company, soon to be merged in the "Council of Affairs for New England." It was then, and under these influences, that the Leyden leaders "broke off," as Bradford puts it, their negotiations with the Dutch authorities, who, however, apparently about the same time, determined to reject their propositions. While the renewal of the Leyden leaders' negotiations, through Weston, were, "on their face" (and so far as the Pilgrims were concerned), with the First Virginia Company, with whom, through Sir Edwin Sandys and other friends, their original efforts were made, they were, as stated, subverted by Gorges's plans and Weston's cooperation, in the interest of the Second Virginia Company. The Merchant Adventurers were represented, in the direct negotiations for the Patent only, by John Pierce, who, at that time, was apparently dealing honestly, and was not, so far as appears, in Gorges's confidence, though later he proved a traitor and a consummate rascal, albeit he always acted, apparently, alone. The so-called "Pierce Patent" (which displaced the Wincob) was rendered worthless by the landing of the Pilgrims north of 41 deg. north latitude. The third Patent (Pierce's second) was from the Council for New England to Pierce, for the colonists, but was exchanged by him for a "deed-pole" to himself, though at last surrendered to the colony under stress.



ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

All business without any agreement in writing Anxiety to get English clothes upon their red brethren As 1620 did not begin until March 25 Borowed houres from their sleep Crime—for such it was, in inception, nature, and results Forks there were none Genius,—proverbially indifferent to detail Lanterns—only "serving to make darkness visible" Malevolence rarely exercised except toward those one has wronged Meat was held by the napkin while being cut with the knife Not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them Old Style and the New Style dates Personal inference rather than a verity Redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it The old adage, "second thief best owner" Theft of the MAY-FLOWER colony Thinke ye best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting Transplantation to the "northern parts of Virginia" Welcome lies acquired a hold on the public mind

THE END