The clothing supplies of the Pilgrims included hats, caps, shirts, neck-cloths, jerkins, doublets, waistcoats, breeches (stuff and leather), "hosen," stockings, shoes, boots, belts (girdles), cloth, piece-goods (dress-stuff's), "haberdasherie," etc., etc., all of which, with minor items for men's and women's use, find mention in their early narratives, accounts, and correspondence. By the will of Mr. Mullens it appears that he had twenty-one dozen of shoes and thirteen pairs of boots on board, doubtless intended as medium of exchange or barter. By the terms of the. contract with the colonists, the Merchant Adventurers were to supply all their actual necessities of Clothing food, clothing, etc., for the full term of seven years, during which the labors of the "planters" were to be for the joint account. Whether under this agreement they were bound to fully "outfit" the colonists before they embarked (and did so), as was done by Higginson's company coming to Salem in 1628-29 at considerable cost per capita, and as was done for those of the Leyden people who came over in 1629 with Pierce in the MAY-FLOWER and the TALBOT to Salem, and again in 1630 with the same Master (Pierce) in the LION by the Plymouth successors to the Adventurers (without recompense), does not clearly appear. No mention is found of any "outfitting" of the MAY-FLOWER passengers except the London apprentices. There is no doubt that a considerable supply of all the above-named articles was necessarily sent by the Adventurers on the MAY-FLOWER, both for the Pilgrims' needs on the voyage and in the new colony, as also for trading purposes. There seems to have been at all times a supreme anxiety, on the part of both Pilgrim and Puritan settlers, to get English clothes upon their red brethren of the forest, whether as a means of exchange for peltry, or for decency's sake, is not quite clear. There was apparently a greater disparity in character, intelligence, and station between the leaders of Higginson's and Winthrop's companies and their followers than between the chief men of the Pilgrims and their associates. With the former were titles and considerable representation of wealth and position. With the passengers of the MAY-FLOWER a far greater equality in rank, means, intelligence, capacity, and character was noticeable. This was due in part, doubtless, to the religious beliefs and training of the Leyden contingent, and had prompt illustration in their Compact, in which all stood at once on an equal footing. There was but little of the "paternal" nature in the form of their government (though something at times in their punishments), and there was much personal dignity and independence of the individual. An equipment having so much of the character of a uniform—not to say "livery"—as that furnished by Higginson's company to its people suggests the "hedger and ditcher" type of colonists (of whom there were very few among the Plymouth settlers), rather than the scholar, publisher, tradesman, physician, hatter, smith, carpenter, "lay reader," and soldier of the Pilgrims, and would certainly have been obnoxious to their finer sense of personal dignity and proportion. Doubtless an equivalent provision existed—though in less "all-of-a-pattern" character—in the bales and boxes of the MAY-FLOWER'S cargo for every need suggested by the list of the Higginson "outfit," which is given herewith, both as matter of interest and as affording an excellent idea of the accepted style and needs in dress of a New England settler (at least of the men) of 1620-30. One cannot fail to wonder at the noticeably infrequent mention of provision in apparel, etc., for the women and children. The inventory of the "Apparell for 100 men" furnished by Higginson's company in 1628-29 gives us, among others, the following items of clothing for each emigrant:— 4 "peares of shoes." 4 "peares of stockings." 1 "peare Norwich gaiters." 4 "shirts." 2 "suits dublet and hose of leather lyn'd with oyld skyn leather, ye hose & dublett with hooks & eyes." 1 "sute of Norden dussens or hampshire kersies lynd the hose with skins, dublets with lynen of gilford or gedlyman kerseys." 4 bands. 2 handkerchiefs. 1 "wastecoat of greene cotton bound about with red tape." 1 leather girdle. 1 "Monmouth cap." 1 "black hatt lyned in the brows with lether." 5 "Red knitt capps milf'd about 5d apiece." 2 "peares of gloves." 1 "Mandiliion lynd with cotton" [mantle or greatcoat]. 1 "peare of breeches and waistcoat." 1 "leather sute of Dublett & breeches of oyled leather." 1 "peare of leather breeches and drawers to weare with both there other sutes."

In 1628 Josselyn put the average cost of clothing to emigrants to New England at L4 each. In 1629 good shoes cost the "Bay" colonists 2s/7d per pair. In his "Two Voyages to New England" previously referred to, Josselyn gives an estimate (made about 1628) of the "outfit" in clothing needed by a New England settler of his time. He names as "Apparel for one man—and after this rate for more:—" One Hatt One Monmouth Cap Three falling bands Three Shirts One Wastcoat One Suite of Frize (Frieze) One Suite of Cloth One Suite of Canvas Three Pairs of Irish Stockings Four Pairs of Shoes One Pair of Canvas Sheets Seven ells of coarse canvas, to make a bed at sea for two men, to be filled with straw One Coarse Rug at Sea

The Furniture of the Pilgrims has naturally been matter of much interest to their descendants and others for many years. While it is doubtful if a single article now in existence can be positively identified and truthfully certified as having made the memorable voyage in the MAY-FLOWER (nearly everything having, of course, gone to decay with the wear and tear of more than two hundred and fifty years), this honorable origin is still assigned to many heirlooms, to some probably correctly. Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes in his delightful lines, "On Lending a Punch Bowl," humorously claims for his convivial silver vessel a place with the Pilgrims:—

"Along with all the furniture, to fill their new abodes, To judge by what is still on hand, at least a hundred loads."

To a very few time-worn and venerated relics—such as Brewster's chair and one or more books, Myles Standish's Plymouth sword, the Peregrine White cradle, Winslow's pewter, and one or two of Bradford's books—a strong probability attaches that they were in veritate, as traditionally avowed, part of the MAY-FLOWER'S freight, but of even these the fact cannot be proven beyond the possibility of a doubt.

From its pattern and workmanship, which are of a period antedating the "departure from Delfshaven," and the ancient tradition which is traceable to Brewster's time, it appears altogether probable that what is known as "Elder Brewster's chair" came with him on the ship. There is even greater probability as to one of his books bearing his autograph.

The sword of Myles Standish, in possession of the Pilgrim Society, may claim, with equal probability, MAY-FLOWER relation, from its evident antiquity and the facts that, as a soldier, his trusty blade doubtless stayed with him, and that it is directly traceable in his descendants' hands, back to his time; but an equally positive claim is made for similar honors for another sword said to have also belonged to the Captain, now in the keeping of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

The Peregrine White cradle "is strongly indorsed as of the MAY-FLOWER, from the facts that it is, indubitably, of a very early Dutch pattern and manufacture; that Mrs. White was anticipating the early need of a cradle when leaving Holland; and that the descent of this one as an heirloom in her (second) family is so fairly traced."

The pewter and the silver flask of Winslow not only bear very early "Hallmarks," but also the arms of his family, which it is not likely he would have had engraved on what he may have bought after notably becoming the defender of the simplicity and democracy of the "Pilgrim Republic." Long traceable use in his family strengthens belief in the supposition that these articles came with the Pilgrims, and were then very probably heirlooms. One of Governor Bradford's books (Pastor John Robinson's "Justification of Separation"), published in 1610, and containing the Governor's autograph, bears almost 'prima facie' evidence of having come with him in the MAY-FLOWER, but of course might, like the above-named relics, have come in some later ship.

In this connection it is of interest to note what freight the MAY-FLOWER carried for the intellectual needs of the Pilgrims. Of Bibles, as the "book of books," we may be sure—even without the evidence of the inventories of the early dead—there was no lack, and there is reason to believe that they existed in several tongues, viz. in English, Dutch, and possibly French (the Walloon contribution from the Huguenots), while there is little doubt that, alike as publishers and as "students of the Word," Brewster, Bradford, and Winslow, at least, were possessed of, and more or less familiar with, both the Latin and Greek Testaments. It is altogether probable, however, that Governor Bradford's well attested study of "the oracles of God in the original" Hebrew, and his possession of the essential Hebrew Bible, grammar, and lexicon, were of a later day. Some few copies of the earliest hymnals ("psalme-bookes")—then very limited in number—there is evidence that the Holland voyagers had with them in the singing of their parting hymns at Leyden and Delfshaven, as mentioned by Winslow and in the earlier inventories: These metrical versions of the Psalms constituted at the time, practically, the only hymnology permitted in the worship of the "Separatists," though the grand hymn of Luther, "Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott," doubtless familiar to them, must have commended itself as especially comforting and apposite.

Of the doctrinal tracts of their beloved Pastor, John Robinson, there is every probability, as well as some proof, that there was good supply, as well as those of Ainsworth and Clyfton and of the works of William Ames, the renowned Franeker Professor, the controversial opponent but sincere friend of Robinson: the founder of evangelical "systematic theology," [method—Methodist? D.W.] whom death alone prevented from becoming the President of Harvard College. We may be equally sure that the few cases of books in the freight of the Pilgrim ship included copies of the publications of the "hidden and hunted press" of Brewster and Brewer, and some at least of the issues of their fellows in tribulation at Amsterdam and in Scotland and England. Some few heavy tomes and early classics in English, Dutch, Latin, and Greek were also presumably among the goodly number of books brought in the MAY FLOWER by Brewster, Bradford, Winslow, Fuller, Hopkins, Allerton, Standish, and others, though it is probable that the larger part of the very considerable library of four hundred volumes, left at his death by Brewster (including sixty-two in Latin), and of the respectable libraries of Fuller, Standish, and others, named in their respective inventories, either were brought over in the later ships, or were the products of the earliest printers of New England. One is surprised and amused that the library of the good Dr. Fuller should contain so relatively small a proportion of medical works (although the number in print prior to his death in 1633 was not great), while rich in religious works pertinent to his functions as deacon. It is equally interesting to note that the inventory of the soldier Standish should name only one book on military science, "Bariffe's Artillery," though it includes abundant evidence to controvert, beyond reasonable doubt, the suggestion which has been made, that he was of the Romanist faith. Just which of the books left by the worthies named, and others whose inventories we possess, came with them in the Pilgrim ship, cannot be certainly determined, though, as before noted, some still in existence bear intrinsic testimony that they were of the number. There is evidence that Allerton made gift of a book to Giles Heale of the MAY-FLOWER (perhaps the ship's surgeon), while the ship lay at Plymouth, and Francis Cooke's inventory includes "1 great Bible and 4 olde bookes," which as they were "olde," and he was clearly not a book-buyer, very probably came with him in the ship. In fact, hardly an adult of the Leyden colonists, the inventory of whose estate at death we possess, but left one or more books which may have been his companions on the voyage.

Some of the early forms of British and Dutch calendars, "annuals," and agricultural "hand-books," it is certain were brought over by several families, and were doubtless much consulted and well-thumbed "guides, counsellors, and friends" in the households of their possessors. The great preponderance of reading matter brought by the little colony was, however, unquestionably of the religious controversial order, which had been so much a part of their lives, and its sum total was considerable. There are intimations, in the inventories of the Fathers, of a few works of historical cast, but of these not many had yet been printed. "Caesar's Commentaries," a "History of the World," and a "History of Turkey" on Standish's shelves, with the two Dictionaries and "Peter Martyr on Rome" on Dr. Fuller's, were as likely to have come in the first ship, and to have afforded as much satisfaction to the hungry readers of the little community as any of the books we find named in the lists of their little stock. It is pathetic to note, in these days of utmost prodigality in juvenile literature, that for the Pilgrim children, aside from the "Bible stories," some of the wonderful and mirth-provoking metrical renderings of the "Psalme booke," and the "horne booke," or primer (the alphabet and certain elementary contributions in verse or prose, placed between thin covers of transparent horn for protection), there was almost absolutely nothing in the meagre book-freight of the Pilgrim ark. "Milk for Babes," whether as physical or mental pabulum, was in poor supply aboard the MAY-FLOWER.

The most that can be claimed with confidence, for particular objects of alleged MAY-FLOWER relation, is that there is logical and moral certainty that there was a supply of just such things on board, because they were indispensable, and because every known circumstance and condition indicates their presence in the hands to which they are assigned, while tradition and collateral evidence confirm the inference and sometimes go very far to establish their alleged identity, and their presence with their respective owners upon the ship. A few other articles besides those enumerated in possession of the Pilgrim Society, and of other societies and individuals, present almost equally strong claims with those named, to be counted as "of MAY-FLOWER belonging," but in no case is the connection entirely beyond question. Where so competent, interested, and conscientious students of Pilgrim history as Hon. William T. Davis, of Plymouth, and the late Dr. Thomas B. Drew, so long the curator of the Pilgrim Society, cannot find warrant for a positive claim in behalf of any article as having come, beyond a doubt, "in the MAY FLOWER," others may well hesitate to insist upon that which, however probable and desirable, is not susceptible of conclusive proof.

That certain articles of household furniture, whether now existent or not, were included in the ship's cargo, is attested by the inventories of the small estates of those first deceased, and, by mention or implication, in the narratives of Bradford, Winslow, Morton, and other contemporaries, as were also many utensils and articles of domestic use. There were also beyond question many not so mentioned, which may be safely named as having very certainly been comprised in the ship's lading, either because in themselves indispensable to the colonists, or because from the evidence in hand we know them to have been inseparable from the character, social status, daily habits, home life, or ascertained deeds of the Pilgrims. When it is remembered that furnishings, however simple, were speedily required for no less than nineteen "cottages" and their households, the sum total called for was not inconsiderable.

[Bradford, in Mourt's Relation (p. 68), shows that the colonists were divided up into "nineteen families," that "so we might build fewer houses." Winslow, writing to George Morton, December 11/21, 1621, says: "We have built seven dwelling-houses and four for the use of the plantation." Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 110) calls the houses "small cottages."]

Among the furniture for these "cottages" brought on the Pilgrim ship may be enumerated: chairs, table-chairs, stools and forms (benches), tables of several sizes and shapes (mostly small), table-boards and "cloathes," trestles, beds; bedding and bed-clothing, cradles, "buffets," cupboards and "cabinets," chests and chests of drawers, boxes of several kinds and "trunks," andirons, "iron dogs," "cob-irons," fire-tongs and "slices" (shovels), cushions, rugs, and "blanckets," spinning wheels, hand-looms, etc., etc. Among household utensils were "spits," "bake-kettles," pots and kettles (iron, brass, and copper), frying-pans, "mortars" and pestles (iron, brass, and "belle-mettle"), sconces, lamps (oil "bettys"), candlesticks, snuffers, buckets, tubs, "runlets," pails and baskets, "steel yards," measures, hour-glasses and sun-dials, pewter-ware (platters, plates, mugs, porringers, etc.), wooden trenchers, trays, "noggins," "bottles," cups, and "lossets." Earthen ware, "fatten" ware (mugs, "jugs," and "crocks "), leather ware (bottles, "noggins," and cups), table-ware (salt "sellars," spoons, knives, etc), etc. All of the foregoing, with numerous lesser articles, have received mention in the early literature of the Pilgrim exodus, and were undeniably part of the MAY-FLOWER'S lading.

The MAY-FLOWER origin claimed for the "Governor Carver chair" and the "Elder Brewster chair" rests wholly upon tradition, and upon the venerable pattern and aspect of the chairs themselves. The "Winslow chair," in possession of the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth (Mass.), though bearing evidence of having been "made in Cheapside, London, in 1614," is not positively known to have been brought on the MAY-FLOWER. Thacher's "History of Plymouth" (p. 144.) states that "a sitting-chair, said to have been screwed to the floor of the MAY-FLOWER'S cabin for the convenience of a lady, is known to have been in the possession of Penelope Winslow (who married James Warren), and is now in possession of Hannah White." There are certain venerable chairs alleged, with some show of probability, to have been the property of Captain Standish, now owned in Bridgewater, but there is no record attached to them, and they are not surely assignable to either ship or owner. That some few tables —mostly small—were brought in the MAY-FLOWER, there is some evidence, but the indications are that what were known as "table-boards"—long and narrow boards covered with what were called "board-cloths"—very largely took the place of tables. The walnut-top table, said to have once been Governor Winslow's and now in possession of the Pilgrim Society, is not known to have come over with him, and probably did not. It was very likely bought for the use of the Council when he was governor. The "table-boards" mentioned were laid on "trestles" (cross-legged and folding supports of proper height), which had the great merit that they could be placed in any convenient spot and as easily folded up, and with the board put away, leaving the space which a table would have permanently occupied free for other use.

Bradford mentions that when the fire of Sunday, January 14., 1621, occurred in the "common house," the "house was as full of beds as they could lie one by another." There is a doubt, however, whether this indicates bedsteads or (probably) "pallets" only. Beds, bedding of all sorts, pillow-"beers," pillow-cases and even "mattrises," are of most frequent mention in the earliest wills and inventories. (See Appendix.) "Buffets," "cupboards," and "cabinets," all find mention in the earliest writers and inventories, and one or two specimens, for which a MAY-FLOWER history is claimed, are in possession of the Pilgrim Society and others. The "White" cabinet, of putative MAY-FLOWER connection, owned by the Pilgrim Society, is a fine example of its class, and both its "ear marks" and its known history support the probable truth of the claim made for it. Of "chests" and "chests-of-drawers" there were doubtless goodly numbers in the ship, but with the exception of a few chests (or the fragments of them), for which a MAY-FLOWER passage is vaunted, little is known of them. The chest claimed to be that of Elder Brewster, owned by the Connecticut Historical Society, was not improb ably his, but that it had any MAY-FLOWER relation is not shown. A fragment of a chest claimed to have been "brought by Edward Winslow in the MAY-FLOWER" is owned by the Pilgrim Society, and bears considerable evidence of the probable validity of such claim, but proof positive is lacking. Boxes of several kinds and sizes were part of the Pilgrims' chattels on their ship, some of them taking the place of the travellers' "trunks" of to-day, though "trunks" were then known by that name and find early mention in Pilgrim inventories, and there were no doubt some upon the Pilgrim ship. A few claiming such distinction are exhibited, but without attested records of their origin.

"Andirons, fire-dogs, and cob-irons" (the latter to rest roasting spits upon) were enumerated among the effects of those early deceased among the Pilgrims, rendering it well-certain that they must have been part of their belongings on the MAY-FLOWER. Fire-tongs and "slices" [shovels] are also frequently mentioned in early Pilgrim inventories, placing them in the same category with the "andirons and fire-dogs."

In "Mourt's Relation," in the accounts given of the state reception of Massasoit, "a green rug and three or four cushions" are shown to have performed their parts in the official ceremonies, and were, of course, necessarily brought in the MAY-FLOWER.

Spinning-wheels and hand-looms were such absolute necessities, and were so familiar and omnipresent features of the lives and labors of the Pilgrim housewives and their Dutch neighbors of Leyden, that we should be certain that they came with the Pilgrims, even if they did not find mention in the earliest Pilgrim inventories. Many ancient ones are exhibited in the "Old Colony," but it is not known that it is claimed for any of them that they came in the first ship. It is probable that some of the "cheese fatts" and churns so often named in early inventories came in the ship, though at first there was, in the absence of milch kine, no such use for them as there had been in both England and Holland, and soon was in New England.

Among cooking utensils the roasting "spit" was, in one form or another, among the earliest devices for cooking flesh, and as such was an essential of every household. Those brought by the Plymouth settlers were probably, as indicated by the oldest specimens that remain to us, of a pretty primitive type. The ancient "bake-kettle" (sometimes called "pan"), made to bury in the ashes and thus to heat above and below, has never been superseded where resort must be had to the open fire for cooking, and (practically unchanged) is in use to-day at many a sheep-herder's and cowboy's camp fire of the Far West. We may be sure that it was in every MAY-FLOWER family, and occasional ancient specimens are yet to be found in "Old Colony" garrets. Pots and kettles of all sorts find more frequent mention in the early inventories than anything else, except muskets and swords, and were probably more numerous upon the ship than any other cooking utensil. A few claimed to be from the Pilgrim ship are exhibited, chief of which is a large iron pot, said to have been "brought by Myles Standish in the MAY-FLOWER," now owned by the Pilgrim Society.

Hardly an early Pilgrim inventory but includes "a mortar and pestle," sometimes of iron, sometimes of "brass" or "belle-mettle" (bell metal). They were of course, in the absence of mills, and for some purposes for which small hand mills were not adapted, prime necessities, and every house hold had one. A very fine one of brass (with an iron pestle), nine and a half inches across its bell-shaped top,—exhibited by the Pilgrim Society, and said to have been "brought in the MAY-FLOWER by Edward Winslow,"—seems to the author as likely to have been so as almost any article for which that distinction is claimed.

The lighting facilities of the Pilgrims were fewer and cruder than those for cooking. They possessed the lamp of the ancient Romans, Greeks, and Hebrews, with but few improvements,—a more or less fanciful vessel for oil, with a protuberant nose for a wick, and a loose-twisted cotton wick. Hand-lamps of this general form and of various devices, called "betty-lamps," were commonly used, with candlesticks of various metals, —iron, brass, silver, and copper,—though but few of any other ware. For wall-lighting two or more candle sockets were brought together in "sconces," which were more or less elaborate in design and finish. One of the early writers (Higginson) mentions the abundance of oil (from fish) available for lamps, but all tallow and suet used by the early colonists was, for some years (till cattle became plentiful), necessarily imported. Some of the "candle-snuffers" of the "first comers" doubtless still remain. We may be sure every family had its candles, "betty-lamps," candlesticks, and "snuffers." "Lanthorns" were of the primitive, perforated tin variety—only "serving to make darkness visible" now found in a few old attics in Pilgrim towns, and on the "bull-carts" of the peons of Porto Rico, by night. Fire, for any purpose, was chiefly procured by the use of flint, steel, and tinder, of which many very early specimens exist. Buckets, tubs, and pails were, beyond question, numerous aboard the ship, and were among the most essential and highly valued of Pilgrim utensils. Most, if not all of them, we may confidently assert, were brought into requisition on that Monday "wash-day" at Cape Cod, the first week-day after their arrival, when the women went ashore to do their long-neglected laundrying, in the comparatively fresh water of the beach pond at Cape Cod harbor. They are frequently named in the earliest inventories. Bradford also mentions the filling of a "runlet" with water at the Cape. The "steel-yards" and "measures" were the only determiners of weight and quantity—as the hour-glass and sun dial were of time—possessed at first (so far as appears) by the passengers of the Pilgrim ship, though it is barely possible that a Dutch clock or two may have been among the possessions of the wealthiest. Clocks and watches were not yet in common use (though the former were known in England from 1540), and except that in "Mourt's Relation" and Bradford's "Historie" mention is made of the time of day as such "o'clock" (indicating some degree of familiarity with clocks), no mention is made of their possession at the first. Certain of the leaders were apparently acquainted at Leyden with the astronomer Galileo, co-resident with them there, and through this acquaintance some of the wealthier and more scholarly may have come to know, and even to own, one of the earliest Dutch clocks made with the pendulum invented by Galileo, though hardly probable as early as 1620. Pocket watches were yet practically unknown.

Except for a few pieces of silver owned by the wealthiest of their number, pewter was the most elegant and expensive of the Pilgrims' table-ware. A pewter platter said to have been "brought over in the MAY-FLOWER" is now owned by the Pilgrim Society, which also exhibits smaller pewter formerly Edward Winslow's, and bearing his "arms," for which, as previously noted, a like claim is made. Platters, dishes, "potts," ladles, bottles, "flaggons," "skelletts," cups, porringers, "basons," spoons, candlesticks, and salt "sellars," were among the many pewter utensils unmistakably brought on the good ship.

The wooden-ware of the colonists, brought with them, was considerable and various. The Dutch were long famous for its fabrication. There was but very little china, glass, or pottery of any kind in common use in western Europe in 1620; some kinds were not yet made, and pewter, wood, and leather largely filled their places. Wooden trenchers (taking the place of plates), trays, "noggins" (jug or pitcher-like cups), cups, and "lossets" (flat dishes like the bread-plates of to day), were of course part of every housewife's providings. Some few of Pilgrim origin possibly still exist. As neither coffee, tea, nor china had come into use, the cups and saucers which another century brought in—to delight their owners in that day and the ceramic hunter in this—were not among the "breakables" of the "good-wife" of the MAY-FLOWER. The "table-plenishings" had not much variety, but in the aggregate the (first) "nineteen families" must have required quite a quantity of spoons, knives, salt "sellars," etc. Forks there were none, and of the accessories of to-day (except napkins), very few. Meat was held by the napkin while being cut with the knife. Josselyn' gives a list of "Implements for a family of six persons" going to New England.

Kitchen utensils:— "1 Iron Pot. 1 Great Copper Kettle. 1 Small Kettle. 1 Lesser Kettle. 1 Large Frying pan. 1 Brass Mortar. 1 Spit. 1 Gridiron. 2 Skillets. Platters, dishes, and spoons of wood. A pair of Bellows. A Skoope, etc."

Among the implements of husbandry, etc., and mechanics' tools we find evidence of hoes, spades, shovels, scythes, "sikles," mattocks, bill-hooks, garden-rakes, hay-forks ("pitch-forks"), besides seed-grain and garden seeds. Axes, saws, hammers, "adzs," augers, chisels, gouges, squares, hatchets, an "iron jack-scrue," "holdfasts" (vises), blacksmiths' tools, coopers' tools, iron and steel in bar, anvils, chains, etc., "staples and locks," rope, lime (for mortar), nails, etc., are also known to have been in the ship. Francis Eaton, the carpenter, seems to have had a very respectable "kit," and Fletcher, the smith, was evidently fairly "outfitted."

The implements of husbandry were of the lighter (?) sort; no ploughs, harrows, carts, harness, stone-drags, or other farming tools requiring the strength of beasts for their use, were included. In nothing could they have experienced so sharp a contrast as in the absence of horses, cattle, and sheep in their husbandry, and especially of milch kine. Bradford and Window both mention hoes, spades, mattocks, and sickles, while shovels, scythes, bill-hooks (brush-scythes, the terrible weapons of the English peasantry in their great "Mon mouth" and earlier uprisings), pitchforks, etc., find very early mention in inventories and colonial records. Josselyn, in his "Two Voyages to New England," gives, in 1628, the following very pertinent list of "Tools for a Family of six persons, and so after this rate for more,—intending for New England." This may be taken as fairly approximating the possessions of the average MAY-FLOWER planter, though probably somewhat exceeding individual supplies. Eight years of the Pilgrims' experience had taught those who came after them very much that was of service.

5 Broad Howes [hoes]. 6 Chisels. 5 Narrow Howes [hoes]. 3 Gimblets. 5 Felling Axes. 2 hatchets. 2 steel hand saws. 2 frones (?) to cleave pail! (Probably knives for cleaving pail stock.) 2 hand saws. 2 hand-bills. 1 whip saw, set and files with box. Nails of all sorts. 2 Pick-axes. A file and rest. 3 Locks and 3 paire fetters. 2 Hammers. 2 Currie Combs. 3 Shovels. Brands for beasts. 2 Spades. A hand vice. 2 Augers. A pitchfork, etc. 2 Broad Axes.

Unhappily we know little from contemporaneous authority as to what grain and other seeds the Pilgrims brought with them for planting. We may be sure, however, that rye, barley, oats, wheat, pease, and beans were the bulkiest of this part of their freight, though Bradford mentions the planting of "garden seeds" their first spring.

While we know from the earliest Pilgrim chronicles that their mechanics' implements embraced axes, saws, hammers, "adzs," augers, hatchets, an "iron jack-scrue," "staples and locks," etc., we know there must have been many other tools not mentioned by them, brought over with the settlers. The "great iron-scrue," as Bradford calls it in his original MS., played, as all know, a most important part on the voyage, in forcing the "cracked and bowed" deck-beam of the ship into place. Governor Bradford tells us that "it was brought on board by one of the Leyden passengers," and one may hazard the guess that it was by either Moses Fletcher, the smith, or Francis Eaton, the "carpenter." "Staples" and "locks" found their place and mention, as well as the "chains," "manacles," and "leg-irons" named in the list of accoutrements for offence or defence, when it became necessary to chain up the Indian spy of the Neponsets (as narrated by Winslow in his "Good Newes from New England") and other evil-doers. The planters seem to have made stiff "mortar," which premises the use of lime and indicates a supply.

Among the fishing and fowling implements of the MAY FLOWER colonists are recorded, nets, "seynes," twine, fish hooks, muskets (for large game), "fowling pieces," powder, "goose-shot," "hail-shot," etc.

Such early mention is found of the nets, "seynes," etc., of their fishing equipment, as to leave no room for doubt that store of them was brought in the ship. They seem to have been unfortunate in the size of their fish-hooks, which are spoken of as "too large" even for cod. They must, as Goodwin remarks, "have been very large." Window also says, "We wanted fit and strong seines and other netting."

They seem to have relied upon their muskets to some extent for wild fowl (as witness Winslow's long and successful shot at a duck, on his visit to Massasoit), as they undoubtedly did for deer, etc. They were apparently fairly well supplied with them, of either the "matchlock" or "snaphance" (flintlock) pattern, though the planters complained to the Merchant Adventurers (in their letter of August 3, from Southampton), that they were "wanting many muskets," etc. That they had some "fowling-pieces" is shown by the fact that young Billington seems (according to Bradford) to have "shot one off in his father's cabin" aboard ship in Cape Cod harbor, and there are several other coeval mentions of them.

The arms and accoutrements (besides ordnance) of the MAY-FLOWER Pilgrims, known on the authority of Bradford and Winslow to have been brought by them, included muskets ("matchlocks"), "snaphances" (flintlocks), armor ("corslets," "cuirasses," "helmets," "bandoliers," etc.), swords, "curtlaxes" (cutlasses), "daggers," powder, "mould-shot," "match" (slow-match for guns), "flints," belts, "knapsacks," "drum," "trumpet," "manacles," "leg-irons," etc., etc. "Pistols" (brass) appear in early inventories, but their absence in the early hand-to-hand encounter at Wessagussett indicates that none were then available, or that they were not trusted. It is evident from the statement of Bradford that every one of the sixteen men who went out (under command of Standish) on the "first exploration" at Cape Cod had his "musket, sword, and corslet;" that they relied much on their armor, and hence, doubtless, took all possible with them on the ship. They probably did not long retain its use. In the letter written to the Adventurers from Southampton, the leaders complain of "wanting many muskets, much armour, &c."

Josselyn gives' the equipment he considers necessary for each man going to New England to settle:—

"Armor compleat:— One long piece [musket] five feet or five and a half long. One Sword. One bandoleer. One belt. Twenty pounds of powder. Sixty pounds of shot or lead, pistol and Goose-shot."

"Another list gives an idea of 'complete armor.'" Corselet Breast [plate or piece]. Back [ditto]. Culet (?). Gorget [throat-piece]. Tussis [thigh-pieces]. Head-piece "[morion skull-cap]."

Bradford states that they used their "curtlaxes" (cutlasses) to dig the frozen ground to get at the Indians' corn, "having forgotten to bring spade or mattock." "Daggers" are mentioned as used in their celebrated duel by Dotey and Leister, servants of Stephen Hopkins. Bradford narrates that on one of their exploring tours on the Cape the length of guard duty performed at night by each "relief" was determined by the inches of slow-match burned ("every one standing when his turn came while five or six inches of match was burning"), clearly indicating that they had no watches with them. The "drum" and "trumpet" are both mentioned in "Mourt's Relation" in the account given of Massasoit's reception, the latter as eliciting the especial attention of his men, and their efforts at blowing it.

The Ordnance (cannon) brought in the ship consisted (probably) of ten guns, certainly of six. Of these, two (2) were "sakers,"—guns ten feet long of 3 to 4 inches bore, weighing from fifteen to eighteen hundred pounds each; two (2) were "minions" (or "falcons"),—guns of 3 1/2 inch bore, weighing twelve hundred pounds (1200 lbs.) each; and two (2) were "bases,"—small guns of 1 1/4 inch bore, weighing some three hundred pounds (300 lbs.) each. These were mounted on "the Hill" fort or platform. It is probable that besides these were the four smallest cannon, called "patereros" (or "murderers"), which, at the time of De Rasiere's visit to Plymouth in 1627, were mounted on a platform (in front of the Governor's house), at the intersection of the two streets of the town, and commanded its several approaches. It is not likely that they were sent for after 1621, because the Adventurers were never in mood to send if asked, while Bradford, in speaking of the first alarm by the Indians, says, "This caused us to plant our great ordnance in places most convenient," leaving a possible inference that they had smaller ordnance in reserve. With this ordnance was of course a proper supply of ammunition adapted to its use. The "sakers" are said to have carried a four-pound ball, the "minions" a three-pound ball, and the "bases" a ball of a pound weight. There is not entire agreement between authorities, in regard to the size, weight, and calibre of these different classes of early ordnance, or the weight of metal thrown by them, but the above are approximate data, gathered from careful comparison of the figures given by several. There is no doubt that with this heavy ordnance and ammunition they stowed among their ballast and dunnage (as was the case in Higginson's ships), their "spare chains and anchors, chalk, bricks, sea-coal (for blacksmithing), iron, steel, lead, copper, red-lead, salt," etc.; all of which they also necessarily had, and from their bulk, character, and weight, would stow as low in the ship as might be.

That a considerable "stock of trading goods" was included in the MAY-FLOWER'S lading is mentioned by at least one writer, and that this was a fact is confirmed by the records of the colonists' dealings with the Indians, and the enumeration of not a few of the goods which could have had, for the most part, no other use or value. They consisted largely of knives, bracelets (bead and metal), rings, scissors, copper-chains, beads, "blue and red trading cloth," cheap (glass) jewels ("for the ears," etc.), small mirrors, clothing (e. g. "red-cotton horseman's coats—laced," jerkins, blankets, etc.), shoes, "strong waters," pipes, tobacco, tools and hard ware (hatchets, nails, hoes, fish-hooks, etc.), rugs, twine, nets, etc., etc. A fragment of one of the heavy hoes of the ancient pattern—"found on the site of the Pilgrim trading house at Manomet"—is owned by the Pilgrim Society, and speaks volumes of the labor performed by the Pilgrims, before they had ploughs and draught-cattle, in the raising of their wonderful crops of corn. Such was the MAY-FLOWER'S burden, animate and inanimate, whe —the last passenger and the last piece of freight transferred from the SPEEDWELL—her anchor "hove short," she swung with the tide in Plymouth roadstead, ready to depart at last for "the Virginia plantations."



CHAPTER IX

THE JOURNAL OF THE SHIP MAY-FLOWER

Thomas Jones, Master, from London, England, towards "Hudson's River" in Virginia

[The voyage of the MAY-FLOWER began at London, as her consort's did at Delfshaven, and though, as incident to the tatter's brief career, we have been obliged to take note of some of the happenings to the larger ship and her company (at Southampton, etc.), out of due course and time, they have been recited only because of their insuperable relation to the consort and her company, and not as part of the MAY-FLOWER'S own proper record]

SATURDAY, July 15/25, 1620 Gravesend. Finished lading. Got passengers aboard and got under way for Southampton. Dropped down the Thames to Gravesend with the tide.

[Vessels leaving the port of London always, in that day, "dropped down with the tide," tug-boats being unknown, and sail-headway against the tide being difficult in the narrow river.]

Masters Cushman and Martin, agents of the chartering—party, came aboard at London.

SUNDAY, July 16/26 Gravesend. Channel pilot aboard. Favoring wind.

MONDAY, July 17/27 In Channel. Course D.W. by W. Favoring wind.

TUESDAY, July 18/28 In Channel. Southampton Water.

WEDNESDAY, July 19/29 Southampton Water. Arrived at Southampton and came to anchor.

[Both ships undoubtedly lay at anchor a day or two, before hauling in to the quay. The MAY-FLOWER undoubtedly lay at anchor until after the SPEEDWELL arrived, to save expense]

THURSDAY, July 20/30 Lying at Southampton off north end of "West Quay."

FRIDAY, July 21/31 Lying at Southampton. Masters Carver, Cushman, and Martin, three of the agents here. Outfitting ship, taking in lading, and getting ready for sea.

SATURDAY, July 22/Aug 1 Lying off Quay, Southampton.

SUNDAY, July 23/Aug 2 Lying off Quay, Southampton.

MONDAY, July 24/Aug 3 Lying off Quay, Southampton.

TUESDAY, July 25/Aug 4 Lying off Quay, Southampton. Waiting for consort to arrive from Holland.

WEDNESDAY, July 26/Aug 5 Lying off Quay, Southampton. Pinnace SPEEDWELL, 60 tons, Reynolds, Master, from Delfshaven, July 22, consort to this ship, arrived in harbor, having on board some 70 passengers and lading for Virginia. She came to anchor off north end "West Quay."

THURSDAY, July 27/Aug. 6 Lying at Quay, Southampton, SPEEDWELL warped to berth at Quay near the ship, to transfer lading.

[Some of the cargo of the SPEEDWELL is understood to have been here transferred to the larger ship; doubtless the cheese, "Hollands," and other provisions, ordered, as noted, by Cushman]

FRIDAY, July 28/Aug. 7 Lying at Quay, Southampton, Much parleying and discontent among the passengers.

[Bradford gives an account of the bickering and recrimination at Southampton, when all parties had arrived. Pastor Robinson had rather too strenuously given instructions, which it now began to be seen were not altogether wise. Cushman was very much censured, and there was evidently some acrimony. See Cushman's Dartmouth letter of August 17 to Edward Southworth, Bradford's Historie, Mass. ed. p. 86.]

SATURDAY, July 29/Aug. 8 Lying at Quay, Southampton. Some of the passengers transferred from SPEEDWELL and some to her. Master Christopher Martin chosen by passengers their "Governour" for the voyage to order them by the way, see to the disposing of their pro visions, etc. Master Robert Cushman chosen "Assistant." The ship ready for sea this day, but obliged to lie here on account of leakiness of consort, which is forced to retrim. Ship has now 90 passengers and consort 30.

SUNDAY, July 30/Aug. 9 Lying at Southampton.

MONDAY, July 31/Aug. 10 Lying at Southampton. Letters received for passengers from Holland. One from the Leyden Pastor [Robinson] read out to the company that came from that place.

TUESDAY, Aug. 1/Aug. 11 Lying at anchor at Southampton. SPEEDWELL retrimmed a second time to overcome leakiness.

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 2/Aug. 12 Lying at anchor at Southampton. Master Weston, principal agent of the Merchants setting out the voyage, came up from Lon don to see the ships dispatched, but, on the refusal of the Planters to sign certain papers, took offence and returned to London in displeasure, bidding them "stand on their own legs," etc.

[The two "conditions" which Weston had changed in the proposed agreement between the Adventurers and Planters, the Leyden leaders refused to agree to. Bradford, op cit. p. 61. He says: "But they refused to sign, and answered him that he knew right well that these were not according to the first Agreement." Dr. Griffis has made one of those little slips common to all writers—though perfectly conversant with the facts—in stating as he does (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, etc. p. 158), with reference to the new "conditions" which some blamed Cushman for assenting to, as "more fit for thieves and slaves than for honest men," that, "nevertheless they consented to them;" while on p. 169 he says "The SPEEDWELL people [i.e. the Leyden leaders would not agree with the new conditions, without the consent of those left behind in Leyden."

The fact is that the Pilgrims did not assent to the new conditions, unwarrantably imposed by Weston, though of small consequence in any view of the case, until Cushman came over to New Plymouth in the FORTUNE, in 1621, and by dint of his sermon on the "Sin and Danger of Self-Love," and his persuasion, induced them (they being also advised thereto by Robinson) to sign them. All business up to this time had been done between the Adventurers and the Pilgrims, apparently, without any agreement in writing. It was probably felt, both by Robinson and the Plymouth leaders, that it was the least reparation they could make Cushman for their cruel and unjust treatment of him, realizing at length that, through all vicissitudes, he had proven their just, sagacious, faithful, and efficient friend. There does not appear to be any conclusive evidence that any articles of agreement between the Adventurers and colonists were signed before the MAY-FLOWER Sailed.]

THURSDAY, Aug. 3/Aug. 13 Lying at anchor at Southampton. After Master Weston's departure, the Planters had a meeting and resolved to sell some of such stores as they could best spare, to clear port charges, etc., and to write a general letter to the Adventurers explaining the case, which they did. Landed some three score firkins of butter, sold as determined.

FRIDAY, Aug. 4/Aug. 14 Lying at anchor at Southampton. Consort nearly ready for sea. Heard that the King's warrant had issued to Sir James Coventry, under date of July 23, to prepare a Patent for the Council for the Affairs of New England to supersede the Plymouth Virginia Company, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Sir Robert Rich the Earl of Warwick among the Patentees.

SATURDAY, Aug. 5/Aug. 15 Weighed anchor, as did consort, and in company dropped down Southampton Water. Took departure from Cowes, Isle of Wight, and laid course down the Solent to Channel. Winds baffling. General course S.W. by S.

SUNDAY, Aug. 6/Aug. 16 Head winds. Beating out Channel. SPEEDWELL In Company. Passed Bill of Portland.

MONDAY, Aug. 7/Aug. 17 Wind contrary. Beating out Channel. SPEEDWELL In company.

TUESDAY, Aug. 8/Aug. 18 Wind still contrary. Beating out Channel. SPEEDWELL in company.

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 9/Aug. 19 Wind ahead. Beating down Channel. Consort in company.

THURSDAY, Aug. 10/20 Wind fair. All sail set. SPEEDWELL in company. Signalled by consort, which hove to. Found to be leaking badly. On consultation of Masters and chief of passengers of both ships, it was concluded that both should put into Dartmouth, being nearest port. Laid course for Dartmouth with wind ahead.

THURSDAY, Aug. 11/21 Wind ahead. Bearing up to Dartmouth.

SATURDAY, Aug. 12/22 Made port at Dartmouth. SPEEDWELL in company, and came to anchor in harbor.

[Bradford, op. cit. Deane's ed. p. 68, note. Russell (Pilgrim Memorials, p. 15) says: "The ships put back into Dartmouth, August 13/23." Goodwin (op. cit. p. 55) says: "The port was reached about August 23." Captain John Smith strangely omits the return of the ships to Dartmouth, and confuses dates, as he says "But the next day after leaving Southampton the lesser ship sprung a leak that forced their return to Plymouth," etc. Smith, New England's Trials, 2d ed. 1622. Cushman's letter, written the 17th, says they had then lain there "four days," which would mean, if four full days, the 13th, 14th, 15th, and 16th.]

SUNDAY, Aug. 13/23 Lying at anchor with SPEEDWELL leaking badly in Dartmouth harbor. No passengers, except leaders, allowed ashore.

[Cushman in his letter to Edward Southworth, written at Dartmouth, August 17, says that Martin, the "governour" of the passengers in the MAY-FLOWER, "will not suffer them the passengers to go, ashore lest they should run away." This probably applied especially to such as had become disaffected by the delays and disasters, the apprenticed ("bound") servants, etc. Of course no responsible colonist would be thus restrained for the reason alleged.]

MONDAY, Aug. 14/24 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. SPEEDWELL at Quay taking out lading for thorough overhauling.

TUESDAY, Aug. 15/25 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor.

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 16/26 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. SPEEDWELL being thoroughly overhauled for leaks. Pronounced "as open and leaky as a sieve." Much dissatisfaction between the passengers, and discontent with the ship's "governour" Master Martin, between whom and Mr. Cushman, the "assistant," there is constant disagreement.

[Cushman portrays the contemptible character and manner of Martin very sharply, and could not have wished to punish him worse for his meannesses than he has, by thus holding him up to the scorn of the world, for all time. He says, 'inter alia': "If I speak to him, he flies in my face and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but by himself, and saith: 'They are froward, and waspish, discontented people, and I do ill to hear them.'"]

THURSDAY, Aug. 17/27 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consort being searched and mended. Sailors offended at Master Martin because of meddling.

[Cushman's letter, Dartmouth, August 17. He says: "The sailors also are so offended at his ignorant boldness in meddling and controling in things he knows not what belongs to, as that some threaten to mischief him . . . . But at best this cometh of it, that he makes himself a scorn and laughing stock unto them."]

FRIDAY, Aug. 18/28 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consort still repairing. Judged by workmen that mended her sufficient for the voyage.

SATURDAY, Aug. 19/29 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. SPEEDWELL relading.

SUNDAY, Aug. 20/30 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor.

MONDAY, Aug. 21/31 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consort relading.

TUESDAY, Aug. 22/Sept. 1 Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Both ships ready for sea.

[Bradford, Historie, Deane's ed. p. 68. He says: "Some leaks were found and mended and now it was conceived by the workmen and all, that she was sufficient, and they might proceed without either fear or danger." Bradford shows (op. cit. p. 69) note that they must have left Dartmouth "about the 21st" of August. Captain John Smith gives that date, though somewhat confusedly. Arber (the Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 343 says: "They actually left on 23 August." Goodwin (Pilgrim Republic, p. 55) says : "Ten days were spent in discharging and re-stowing the SPEEDWELL and repairing her from stem to stern," etc.)]

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 23/Sept. 2 Weighed anchor, as did consort. Laid course W.S.W. Ships in company. Wind fair.

THURSDAY, Aug. 24/Sept. 3 Comes in with wind fair. General course W.S.W. Consort in company.

FRIDAY, Aug. 25/Sept. 4 Comes in with wind fair. Course W.S.W. SPEEDWELL in company.

SATURDAY, Aug. 26/Sept. 5 Observations showed ship above 100 leagues W.S.W. of Land's End. SPEEDWELL signalled and hove to. Reported leaking dangerously. On consultation between Masters and carpenters of both ships, it was concluded to put back into Plymouth—Bore up for Plymouth. Consort in company.

SUNDAY, Aug. 27/Sept. 6 Ship on course for Plymouth. SPEEDWELL in company.

MONDAY, Aug. 28/Sept. 7 Made Plymouth harbor, and came to anchor in the Catwater, followed by consort.

TUESDAY, Aug. 29/Sept. 8 At anchor in roadstead. At conference of officers of ship and consort and the chief of the Planters, it was decided to send the SPEEDWELL back to London with some 18 or 20 of her passengers, transferring a dozen or more, with part of her lading, to the MAY-FLOWER.

WEDNESDAY, Aug. 30/Sept. 9 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead off the Barbican. Transferring passengers and lading from consort, lying near by. Weather fine.

[Goodwin notes (Pilgrim Republic, p. 57) that "it was fortunate for the overloaded MAY-FLOWER that she had fine weather while lying at anchor there, . . . for the port of Plymouth was then only a shallow, open bay, with no protection. In southwesterly gales its waters rose into enormous waves, with such depressions between that ships while anchored sometimes struck the bottom of the harbor and were dashed in pieces."]

THURSDAY, Aug. 31/Sept. 10 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Transferring cargo from SPEEDWELL.

FRIDAY, Sept. 1/Sept. 11 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Transferring passengers and freight to and from consort. Master Cushman and family, Master Blossom and son, William Ring, and others with children, going back to London in SPEEDWELL. All Of SPEEDWELL'S passengers who are to make the voyage now aboard. New "governour" of ship and assistants chosen. Master Carver "governour."

[We have seen that Christopher Martin was made "governour" of the passengers on the MAY-FLOWER for the voyage, and Cushman "assistant." It is evident from Cushman's oft-quoted letter (see ante) that Martin became obnoxious, before the ship reached Dartmouth, to both passengers and crew. It is also evident that when the emigrants were all gathered in the MAY-FLOWER there was a new choice of officers (though no record is found of it), as Cushman vacated his place and went back to London, and we find that, as noted before, on November 11 the colonists "confirmed" John Carver as their "governour," showing that he had been such hitherto. Doubtless Martin was deposed at Southampton (perhaps put into Cushman's vacant place, and Carver made "governour" in his stead.)]

SATURDAY, Sept. 2/Sept. 12 At anchor, Plymouth roadstead. Some of principal passengers entertained ashore by friends of their faith. SPEEDWELL sailed for London. Quarters assigned, etc.

SUNDAY, Sept. 3/Sept. 13 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead.

MONDAY, Sept. 4/Sept. 14 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Some Of company ashore.

TUESDAY, Sept. 5/Sept. 15 At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Ready for sea.

WEDNESDAY, Sept. 6/Sept. 16 Weighed anchor. Wind E.N.E., a fine gale. Laid course W.S.W. for northern coasts of Virginia.

THURSDAY, Sept. 7/Sept. 17 Comes in with wind E.N.E. Light gale continues. Made all sail on ship.

FRIDAY, Sept. 8/Sept. 18 Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale continues. All sails full.

SATURDAY, Sept. 9/Sept. 19 Comes in with wind E.N E. Gale holds. Ship well off the land.

SUNDAY, Sept. 10/Sept. 20 Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale holds. Distance lost, when ship bore up for Plymouth, more than regained.

MONDAY, Sept. 11/Sept. 21 Same; and so without material change, the daily record of wind, weather, and the ship's general course—the repetition of which would be both useless and wearisome —continued through the month and until the vessel was near half the seas over. Fine warm weather and the "harvest-moon." The usual equinoctial weather deferred.

SATURDAY, Sept. 23/Oct. 3 One of the seamen, some time sick with a grievous disease, died in a desperate manner. The first death and burial at sea of the voyage.

[We can readily imagine this first burial at sea on the MAY FLOWER, and its impressiveness. Doubtless the good Elder "committed the body to the deep" with fitting ceremonial, for though the young man was of the crew, and not of the Pilgrim company, his reverence for death and the last rites of Christian burial would as surely impel him to offer such services, as the rough, buccaneering Master (Jones would surely be glad to evade them).

Dr. Griffis (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 176) says "The Puritans [does this mean Pilgrims ?] cared next to nothing about ceremonies over a corpse, whether at wave or grave." This will hardly bear examination, though Bradford's phraseology in this case would seem to support it, as he speaks of the body as "thrown overboard;" yet it is not to be supposed that it was treated quite so indecorously as the words would imply. It was but a few years after, certainly, that we find both Pilgrim and Puritan making much ceremony at burials. We find considerable ceremony at Carver's burial only a few months later. Choate, in his masterly oration at New York, December 22, 1863, pictures Brewster's service at the open grave of one of the Pilgrims in March, 1621.]

A sharp change. Equinoctial weather, followed by stormy westerly gales; encountered cross winds and continued fierce storms. Ship shrewdly shaken and her upper works made very leaky. One of the main beams in the midships was bowed and cracked. Some fear that the ship could not be able to perform the voyage. The chief of the company perceiving the mariners to fear the sufficiency of the ship (as appeared by their mutterings) they entered into serious consultation with the Master and other officers of the ship, to consider, in time, of the danger, and rather to return than to cast themselves into a desperate and inevitable peril.

There was great distraction and difference of opinion amongst the mariners themselves. Fain would they do what would be done for their wages' sake, being now near half the seas over; on the other hand, they were loath to hazard their lives too desperately. In examining of all opinions, the Master and others affirmed they knew the ship to be strong and firm under water, and for the buckling bending or bowing of the main beam, there was a great iron scrue the passengers brought out of Holland which would raise the beam into its place. The which being done, the carpenter and Master affirmed that a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck, and otherwise bound, would make it sufficient. As for the decks and upper works, they would caulk them as well as they could; and though with the working of the ship they would not long keep staunch, yet there would otherwise be no great danger if they did not overpress her with sails. So they resolved to proceed.

In sundry of these stormes, the winds were so fierce and the seas so high, as the ship could not bear a knot of sail, but was forced to hull drift under bare poles for divers days together. A succession of strong westerly gales. In one of the heaviest storms, while lying at hull, [hove to D.W.] a lusty young man, one of the passengers, John Howland by name, coming upon some occasion above the gratings latticed covers to the hatches, was with the seel [roll] of the ship thrown into the sea, but caught hold of the topsail halliards, which hung overboard and ran out at length; yet he held his hold, though he was sundry fathoms under water, till he was hauled up by the same rope to the brim of the water, and then with a boathook and other means got into the ship again and his life saved. He was something ill with it.

The equinoctial disturbances over and the strong October gales, the milder, warmer weather of late October followed.

Mistress Elizabeth Hopkins, wife of Master Stephen Hopkins, of Billericay, in Essex, was delivered of a son, who, on account of the circumstances of his birth, was named Oceanus, the first birth aboard the ship during the voyage.

A succession of fine days, with favoring winds.

MONDAY Nov. 6/16 William Butten; a youth, servant to Doctor Samuel Fuller, died. The first of the passengers to die on this voyage.

MONDAY Nov. 7/17 The body of William Butten committed to the deep. The first burial at sea of a passenger, on this voyage.

MONDAY Nov. 8/18 Signs of land.

MONDAY Nov. 9/19 Closing in with the land at nightfall. Sighted land at daybreak. The landfall made out to be Cape Cod the bluffs [in what is now the town of Truro, Mass.]. After a conference between the Master of the ship and the chief colonists, tacked about and stood for the southward. Wind and weather fair. Made our course S.S.W., continued proposing to go to a river ten leagues south of the Cape Hudson's River. After had sailed that course about half the day fell amongst dangerous shoals and foaming breakers [the shoals off Monomoy] got out of them before night and the wind being contrary put round again for the Bay of Cape Cod. Abandoned efforts to go further south and so announced to passengers.

[Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 93) says: "They resolved to bear up again for the Cape." No one will question that Jones's assertion of inability to proceed, and his announced determination to return to Cape Cod harbor, fell upon many acquiescent ears, for, as Winslow says: "Winter was come; the seas were dangerous; the season was cold; the winds were high, and the region being well furnished for a plantation, we entered upon discovery." Tossed for sixty-seven days on the north Atlantic at that season of the year, their food and firing well spent, cold, homesick, and ill, the bare thought of once again setting foot on any land, wherever it might be, must have been an allurement that lent Jones potential aid in his high-handed course.]

SATURDAY Nov. 11/21 Comes in with light, fair wind. On course for Cape Cod harbor, along the coast. Some hints of disaffection among colonists, on account of abandonment of location

[Bradford (in Mourt's Relation) says: "This day before we come to harbor Italics the author's, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an Association and Agreement that we should combine together in one body; and to submit to such Government and Governors as we should, by common consent, agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this that follows word for word." Then follows the Compact. Bradford is even more explicit in his Historie (Mass. ed. p. 109), where he says: "I shall a little returne backe and begin with a combination made by them before they came ashore, being ye first foundation of their governments in this place; occasioned partly by ye discontent & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them [i.e. not any of the Leyden contingent had let fall from them in ye ship—That when they came ashore they would use their owne libertie: for none had power to command them, the patents they had being for Virginia, and not for New-England which belonged to another Government, with which ye London [or First Virginia Company had nothing to doe, and partly that such an acte by them done . . . might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more sure." Dr. Griffis is hardly warranted in making Bradford to say, as he does (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 182), that "there were a few people I 'shuffled' in upon them the company who were probably unmitigated scoundrels." Bradford speaks only of Billington and his family as those "shuffled into their company," and while he was not improbably one of the agitators (with Hopkins) who were the proximate causes of the drawing up of the Compact, he was not, in this case, the responsible leader. It is evident from the foregoing that the "appearance of faction" did not show itself until the vessel's prow was turned back toward Cape Cod Harbor, and it became apparent that the effort to locate "near Hudson's River" was to be abandoned, and a location found north of 41 degrees north latitude, which would leave them without charter rights or authority of any kind. It is undoubtedly history that Master Stephen Hopkins,—then "a lay-reader" for Chaplain Buck,—on Sir Thomas Gates's expedition to Virginia, had, when some of them were cast away on the Bermudas, advocated just such sentiments—on the same basis—as were now bruited upon the MAY-FLOWER, and it could hardly have been coincidence only that the same were repeated here. That Hopkins fomented the discord is well-nigh certain. It caused him, as elsewhere noted, to receive sentence of death for insubordination, at the hands of Sir Thomas Gates, in the first instance, from which his pardon was with much difficulty procured by his friends. In the present case, it led to the drafting and execution of the Pilgrim Compact, a framework of civil self-government whose fame will never die; though the author is in full accord with Dr. Young (Chronicles, p. 120) in thinking that "a great deal more has been discovered in this document than the signers contemplated,"—wonderfully comprehensive as it is. Professor Herbert B. Adams, of Johns Hopkins University, says in his admirable article in the Magazine of American History, November, 1882 (pp—798 799): "The fundamental idea of this famous document was that of a contract based upon the common law of England,"—certainly a stable and ancient basis of procedure. Their Dutch training (as Griffis points out) had also led naturally to such ideas of government as the Pilgrims adopted. It is to be feared that Griffis's inference (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 184), that all who signed the Compact could write, is unwarranted. It is more than probable that if the venerated paper should ever be found, it would show that several of those whose names are believed to have been affixed to it "made their 'mark.'" There is good reason, also, to believe that neither "sickness" (except unto death) nor "indifference" would have prevented the ultimate obtaining of the signatures (by "mark," if need be) of every one of the nine male servants who did not subscribe, if they were considered eligible. Severe illness was, we know, answerable for the absence of a few, some of whom died a few days later.

The fact seems rather to be, as noted, that age—not social status was the determining factor as to all otherwise eligible. It is evident too, that the fact was recognized by all parties (by none so clearly as by Master Jones) that they were about to plant themselves on territory not within the jurisdiction of their steadfast friends, the London Virginia Company, but under control of those formerly of the Second (Plymouth) Virginia Company, who (by the intelligence they received while at Southampton) they knew would be erected into the "Council for the Affairs of New England." Goodwin is in error in saying (Pilgrim Republic, p. 62), "Neither did any other body exercise authority there;" for the Second Virginia Company under Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as noted, had been since 1606 in control of this region, and only a week before the Pilgrims landed at Cape Cod (i.e. on November 3) King James had signed the patent of the Council for New England, giving them full authority over all territory north of the forty-first parallel of north latitude, as successors to the Second Virginia Company. If the intention to land south of the forty-first parallel had been persisted in, there would, of course, have been no occasion for the Compact, as the patent to John Pierce (in their interest) from the London Virginia Company would have been in force. The Compact became a necessity, therefore, only when they turned northward to make settlement above 41 deg. north latitude. Hence it is plain that as no opportunity for "faction"—and so no occasion for any "Association and Agreement"—existed till the MAY-FLOWER turned northward, late in the afternoon of Friday, November to, the Compact was not drawn and presented for signature until the morning of Saturday, November 11. Bradford's language, "This day, before we came into harbour," leaves no room for doubt that it was rather hurriedly drafted—and also signed—before noon of the 11th. That they had time on this winter Saturday—hardly three weeks from the shortest day in the year—to reach and encircle the harbor; secure anchorage; get out boats; arm, equip, and land two companies of men; make a considerable march into the land; cut firewood; and get all aboard again before dark, indicates that they must have made the harbor not far from noon. These facts serve also to correct another error of traditional Pilgrim history, which has been commonly current, and into which Davis falls (Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 60), viz. that the Compact was signed "in the harbor of Cape Cod." It is noticeable that the instrument itself simply says, "Cape Cod," not "Cape Cod harbour," as later they were wont to say. The leaders clearly did not mean to get to port till there was a form of law and authority.]

for settlement on territory under the protection of the patent granted in their interest to John Pierce, by the London Virginia Company.

[The patent granted John Pierce, one of the Merchant Adventurers, by the London Virginia Company in the interest of the Pilgrims, was signed February 2/12, 1619, and of course could convey no rights to, or upon, territory not conveyed to the Company by its charter from the King issued in 1606, and the division of territory made thereunder to the Second Virginia Company. By this division the London Company was restricted northward by the 41st parallel, as noted, while the Second Company could not claim the 38th as its southern bound, as the charter stipulated that the nearest settlements under the respective companies should not be within one hundred miles of each other.]

Meeting in main cabin of all adult male passengers except their two hired seamen, Trevore and Ely, and those too ill—to make and sign a mutual 'Compact"

[The Compact is too well known to require reprinting here (see Appendix); but a single clause of it calls for comment in this connection. In it the framers recite that, "Having undertaken to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia," etc. From this phraseology it would appear that they here used the words "northern parts of Virginia" understandingly, and with a new relation and significance, from their connection with the words "the first colony in," for such declaration could have no force or truth except as to the region north of 41 deg. north latitude. They knew, of course, of the colonies in Virginia under Gates, Wingfield, Smith, Raleigh, and others (Hopkins having been with Gates), and that, though there had been brief attempts at settlements in the "northern plantations," there were none there then, and that hence theirs would be in a sense "the first," especially if considered with reference to the new Council for New England. The region of the Hudson had heretofore been included in the term "northern parts of Virginia," although in the southern Company's limit; but a new meaning was now designedly given to the words as used in the Compact, and New England was contemplated. ]

to regulate their civil government. This done, they confirmed Master Carver their "governour" in the ship on the voyage, their "governour" for the year. Bore up for the Cape, and by short tacks made the Cape [Paomet, now Provincetown] Harbor, coming to an anchorage a furlong within the point. The bay so circular that before coming to anchor the ship boxed the compass [i.e. went clear around all points of it].

Let go anchors three quarters of an English mile off shore, because of shallow water, sixty-seven days from Plymouth (Eng.), eighty-one days from Dartmouth, ninety-nine days from Southampton, and one hundred and twenty from London. Got out the long-boat and set ashore an armed party of fifteen or sixteen in armor, and some to fetch wood, having none left, landing them on the long point or neck, toward the sea.

[The strip of land now known as Long Point, Provincetown (Mass.) harbor.] Those going ashore were forced to wade a bow-shot or two in going aland. The party sent ashore returned at night having seen no person or habitation, having laded the boat with juniper wood.

SUNDAY, Nov. 12/22 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. All hands piped to service. Weather mild.

MONDAY, Nov. 13/23 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor, unshipped the shallop and drew her on land to mend and repair her.

[Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 97) says: "Having brought a large shallop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in ye ship they now gott her out and sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up: but being much brused and shatered in ye ship with foule weather, they saw she sould be longe in mending." In 'Mourt's Relation' he says: "Monday, the 13th of November, we unshipped our shallop and drew her on land to mend and repair her, having been forced to cut her down, in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened, with the peoples lying in her, which kept us long there: for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the Carpenter had finished her." Goodwin says she was "a sloop-rigged craft of twelve or fifteen tons." There is an intimation of Bradford that she was "about thirty feet long." It is evident from Bradford's account (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 105) of her stormy entrance to Plymouth harbor that the shallop had but one mast, as he says "But herewith they broake their mast in 3 pieces and their saill fell overboard in a very grown sea."]

Many went ashore to refresh themselves, and the women to wash.

TUESDAY, Nov. 14/24 Lying at anchor. Carpenter at work on shallop. Arms and accoutrements being got ready for an exploring party inland.

WEDNESDAY, Nov. 15/25 Lying at anchor in harbor. Master and boat's crew went ashore, followed in the afternoon by an armed party of sixteen men under command of Captain Myles Standish. Masters William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley being joined to him for council. The party to be gone from the ship a day or two. Weather mild and ground not frozen.

THURSDAY, Nov. 16/26 Lying at anchor in harbor. Exploring party still absent from ship. Weather continues open.

FRIDAY, Nov. 17/27 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Weather open. Saw signal-fire on the other side of bay this morning, built by exploring party as arranged. The Master, Governor Carver, and many of the company ashore in afternoon, and met exploring party there on their return to ship. Hearing their signal-guns before they arrived at the shore, sent long-boat to fetch them aboard. They reported seeing Indians and following them ten miles without coming up to them the first afternoon out, and the next day found store of corn buried, and a big ship's kettle, which they brought to the ship with much corn. Also saw deer and found excellent water.

SATURDAY, Nov. 18/28 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Planters helving tools, etc. Carpenter at work on shallop, which takes more labor than at first supposed. Weather still moderate. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Nov. 19/29 At anchor, Gape Cod harbor. Second Sunday in harbor. Services aboard ship. Seamen ashore. Change in weather. Colder.

MONDAY, Nov. 20/30 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter and others at work on shallop, getting out stock for a new shallop, helving tools, making articles needed, etc.

TUESDAY, Nov. 21/Dec. 1 At anchor in harbor. Much inconvenienced in going ashore. Can only go and come at high water except by wading, from which many have taken coughs and colds.

WEDNESDAY, Nov. 22/Dec. 2 At anchor in harbor. Weather cold and stormy, having changed suddenly.

THURSDAY, Nov. 23/Dec. 3 At anchor in harbor. Cold and stormy. Work progressing on shallop.

FRIDAY, Nov. 24/Dec. 4 At anchor in harbor. Continues cold and stormy.

SATURDAY, Nov. 25/Dec. 5 At anchor in harbor. Weather same. Work on shallop pretty well finished and she can be used, though more remains to be done. Another exploration getting ready for Monday. Master and crew anxious to unlade and return for England. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Nov. 26/Dec. 6 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Third Sunday here. Master notified Planters that they must find permanent location and that he must and would keep sufficient supplies for ship's company and their return.

[Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 96. The doubt as to how the ship's and the colonists' provisions were divided and held is again suggested here. It is difficult, however, to understand how the Master "must and would" retain provisions with his small force against the larger, if it came to an issue of strength between Jones and Standish.]

MONDAY, Nov. 27/Dec. 7 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Rough weather and cross winds. The Planters determined to send out a strong exploring party, and invited the Master of the ship to join them and go as leader, which he agreed continued to, and offered nine of the crew and the long-boat, which were accepted. Of the colonists there were four-and-twenty, making the party in all four-and-thirty. Wind so strong that setting out from the ship the shallop and long-boat were obliged to row to the nearest shore and the men to wade above the knees to land. The wind proved so strong that the shallop was obliged to harbor where she landed. Mate in charge of ship. Blowed and snowed all day and at night, and froze withal. Mistress White delivered of a son which is called "Peregrine." The second child born on the voyage, the first in this harbor.

TUESDAY, Nov. 28/Dec. 8 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Master Jones and exploring party absent on shore with long-boat and colonists' shallop. The latter, which beached near ship yesterday in a strong wind and harbored there last night, got under way this morning and sailed up the harbor, following the course taken by the long-boat yesterday, the wind favoring. Six inches of snow fell yesterday and last night. Crew at work clearing snow from ship.

WEDNESDAY, Nov. 29/Dec. 9 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Foul weather threatening. Master Jones with sixteen men in the long-boat and shallop came aboard towards night (eighteen men remaining ashore), bringing also about ten bushels of Indian corn which had been found buried. The Master reports a long march, the exploration of two creeks, great numbers of wild fowl, the finding of much corn and beans,' etc.

[This seems to be the first mention of beans (in early Pilgrim literature) as indigenous (presumably) to New England. They have held an important place in her dietary ever since.]

THURSDAY, Nov. 30/Dec. 10 At anchor in harbor. Sent shallop to head of harbor with mattocks and spades, as desired by those ashore, the seamen taking their muskets also. The shallop came alongside at nightfall with the rest of the explorers—the tide being out—bringing a lot of Indian things, baskets, pottery, wicker-ware, etc., discovered in two graves and sundry Indian houses they found after the Master left them. They report ground frozen a foot deep.

FRIDAY, Dec. 1/11 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter finishing work on shallop. Colonists discussing locations visited, as places for settlement.

SATURDAY, Dec. 2/12 At anchor in harbor. Much discussion among colonists as to settlement, the Master insisting on a speedy determination. Whales playing about the ship in considerable numbers. One lying within half a musket-shot of the ship, two of the Planters shot at her, but the musket of the one who gave fire first blew in pieces both stock and barrel, yet no one was hurt. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Dec. 3/13 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fourth Sunday here. Scarce any of those aboard free from vehement coughs, some very ill. Weather very variable.

MONDAY, Dec. 4/14 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter completing repairs on shallop. Much discussion of plans for settlement. The Master urging that the Planters should explore with their shallop at some distance, declining in such season to stir from the present anchorage till a safe harbor is discovered by them where they would be and he might go without danger. This day died Edward Thompson, a servant of Master William White, the first to die aboard the ship since she anchored in the harbor. Burying-party sent ashore after services to bury him.

TUESDAY, Dec. 5/15 At anchor in harbor. Francis Billington, a young son of one of the passengers, put the ship and all in great jeopardy, by shooting off a fowling-piece in his father's cabin between decks where there was a small barrel of powder open, and many people about the fire close by. None hurt. Weather cold and foul.

WEDNESDAY, Dec. 6/16 At anchor in harbor. Very cold, bad weather. This day died Jasper More, a lad bound to Governor Carver. The second death in the harbor. The third exploring party got away from the ship in the afternoon in the shallop, intent on finding a harbor recommended by the second mate, Robert Coppin, who had visited it. Captain Standish in command, with whom were Governor Carver, Masters Bradford, Winslow, John Tilley and Edward Tilley, Warren and Hopkins, John Howland, Edward Dotey, and two of the colonists' seamen, Alderton and English, and of the ship's company, the mates Clarke and Coppin, the master-gunner and three sailors, eighteen in all. The shallop was a long time getting clear of the point, having to row, but at last got up her sails and out of the harbor. Sent burying-party ashore with body of little More boy, after services aboard.

THURSDAY, Dec. 7/17 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. This day Mistress Dorothy Bradford, wife of Master Bradford, who is away with the exploring party to the westward, fell over board and was drowned.

FRIDAY, Dec. 8/18 At anchor in harbor. A strong south-east gale with heavy rain, turning to snow and growing cold toward night, as it cleared. This day Master James Chilton died aboard the ship. The third passenger, and first head of a family; to die in this harbor.

SATURDAY, Dec. 9/19 At anchor in harbor. Burying-party sent ashore after services aboard, to bury Chilton. Fetched wood and water.

[The death of Chilton was the first of the head of a family, and it may readily be imagined that the burial was an especially affecting scene, especially as following so closely upon the tragic death of Mrs. Bradford (for whom no funeral or burial arrangements are mentioned?? D.W.)]

SUNDAY, Dec. 10/20 At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fifth Sunday in this harbor. The exploring party still absent. Four deaths one by drowning; very severe weather; the ship's narrow escape from being blown up; and the absence of so many of the principal men, have made it a hard, gloomy week.

MONDAY, Dec. 11/21 At anchor in harbor. Clear weather.

TUESDAY, Dec. 12/22 At anchor in harbor. Exploration party still absent.

WEDNESDAY, Dec. 13/23 At anchor in harbor. Exploration party returned to ship, where much sad intelligence met them (especially Master Bradford), as to his wife's drowning. The exploring party report finding a considerable Indian burying-place; several Indian houses; a fierce attack on them by Indians on Friday morning, but without harm; a severe gale on the same afternoon, in which their rudder-hinges broke, their mast was split in three pieces, their sail fell over board in a heavy sea, and they were like to have been cast away in making a harbor which Master Coppin thought he knew, but was deceived about. They landed on an island at the mouth of the harbor, which they named for Master Clarke, the first mate, and spent Saturday and Sunday there, and on Monday examined the harbor they found, and are agreed that it is the place for settlement. Much satisfaction with the report among the colonists.

THURSDAY, Dec. 14/24 At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. The colonists have determined to make settlement at the harbor they visited, and which is apparently, by Captain John Smith's chart of 1616, no other than the place he calls "Plimoth" thereon. Fetched wood and water.

FRIDAY, Dec. 15/25 Weighed anchor to go to the place the exploring party discovered. Course west, after leaving harbor. Shallop in company. Coming within two leagues, the wind coming northwest, could not fetch the harbor, and was faine to put round again towards Cape Cod. Made old anchorage at night. The thirty-fifth night have lain at anchor here. Shallop returned with ship.

SATURDAY, Dec. 16/26 Comes in with fair wind for Plymouth. Weighed anchor and put to sea again and made harbor safely. Shallop in company. Within half an hour of anchoring the wind changed, so if letted [hindered] but a little had gone back to Cape Cod. A fine harbor. Let go anchors just within a long spur of beach a mile or more from shore. The end of the outward voyage; one hundred and two days from Plymouth (England to Plymouth New England). One hundred and fifty-five days from London.



THE SHIPS JOURNAL WHILE SHE LAY IN PLYMOUTH HARBOR

SUNDAY, Dec. 17/27 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Services on ship. This harbor is a bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with goodly land. It is in fashion like a sickle or fish-hook.

MONDAY, Dec. 18/28 At anchor, Plymouth harbor: The Master of the ship, with three or four of the sailors and several of the Planters, went aland and marched along the coast several miles. Made careful examination of locality. Found many brooks of fine water, abundant wood, etc. The party came aboard at night weary with marching.

TUESDAY, Dec. 19/29 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. A party from the ship went ashore to discover, some going by land and some keeping to the shallop. A creek was found leading up within the land and followed up three English miles, a very pleasant river at full sea. It was given the name of "Jones River" in compliment to the Master of the ship. A bark of thirty tons may go up at high tide, but the shallop could scarcely pass at low water. All came aboard at night with resolution to fix, to-morrow, which of the several places examined they would settle upon.

WEDNESDAY, Dec. 20/30 At anchor, Plymouth harbor, many ill. Dec. After service the colonists decided to go ashore this morning and determine upon one of two places which were thought most fitting for their habitation. So a considerable party went ashore and left twenty of their number there to make a rendezvous, the rest coming on board at night. They reported that they had chosen by the most voices the site first looked at by the largest brook, near where they landed on the 11th on a large rock [Plymouth Rock].

[The "Rock" seems to have become the established landing place of the Pilgrims, from the time of the first visit of the third exploring party on December 11/21. The absurdity of the claims of the partisans of Mary Chilton, in the foolish contention which existed for many years as to whether she or John Alden was the first person to set foot upon the "Rock," is shown by the fact that, of course, no women were with the third exploring party which first landed there, while it is also certain that Alden was not of that exploring party. That Mary Chilton may have been the first woman to land at Cape Cod harbor is entirely possible, as it is that she or John Alden may have been the first person to land on the "Rock" after the ship arrived in Plymouth harbor. It was a vexatious travesty upon history (though perpetuated by parties who ought to have been correct) that the Association for building the Pilgrim Monument at Plymouth should issue a pamphlet giving a picture of the "Landing of the Pilgrims, December 21, 1620," in which women are pictured, and in which the shallop is shown with a large fore-and-aft mainsail, while on the same page is another picture entitled, "The Shallop of the MAY-FLOWER," having a large yard and square-sail, and a "Cuddy" (which last the MAY-FLOWER'S shallop we know did not have). The printed description of the picture, however, says: "The cut is copied from a picture by Van der Veldt, a Dutch painter of the seventeenth century, representing a shallop," etc. It is matter of regret to find that a book like Colonel T. W. Higginson's 'Book of American Explorers', intended for a text-book, and bearing the imprint of a house like Longmans, Green & Co. should actually print a "cut" showing Mary Chilton landing from a boat full of men (in which she is the only woman) upon a rock, presumably Plymouth Rock.]

THURSDAY, Dec. 21/31 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Wet and stormy, so the Planters could not go ashore as planned, having blown hard and rained extremely all night. Very uncomfortable for the party on shore. So tempestuous that the shallop could not go to land as soon as was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock the shallop went off with much ado with provision, but could not return, it blew so strong. Such foul weather forced to ride with three anchors ahead. This day Richard Britteridge, one of the colonists, died aboard the ship, the first to die in this harbor.

FRIDAY, Dec. 22/Jan. 1 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The storm continues, so that no one could go ashore, or those on land come aboard. This morning goodwife Allerton was delivered of a son, but dead-born. The third child born on board the ship since leaving England,—the first in this harbor.

SATURDAY, Dec. 23/Jan. 2 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sent body of Britteridge ashore for burial, the storm having prevented going before, and also a large party of colonists to fell timber, etc. Left a large number on shore at the rendezvous. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Dec. 24/Jan. 3 At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Second Sunday here. This day died Solomon Prower, one of the family of Master Martin, the treasurer of the colonists, being the sixth death this month, and the second in this harbor. A burying-party went ashore with Prower's body, after services aboard.

MONDAY, Dec. 25/Jan. 4 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Christmas Day, but not observed by these colonists, they being opposed to all saints' days, etc. The men on shore Sunday reported that they "heard a cry of some savages," as they thought, that day. A large party went ashore this morning to fell timber and begin building. They began to erect the first house about twenty feet square for their common use, to receive them and their goods. Another alarm as of Indians this day. All but twenty of the Planters came aboard at night, leaving the rest to keep court of guard. The colonists began to drink water, but at night the Master caused them to have some beer.

TUESDAY, Dec. 26/Jan. 5 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. A violent storm of wind and rain. The weather so foul this morning that none could go ashore.

WEDNESDAY, Dec. 27/Jan. 6 At anchor in harbor. Sent working party ashore. All but the guard came aboard at night.

THURSDAY, Dec. 28/Jan. 7 At anchor. All able went ashore this morning to work on a platform for ordnance on the hill back of the settlement, commanding the harbor. The Planters this day laid out their town-site and allotted ground to the several families. Many of the colonists ill from exposure. All but the guard came off to the ship at night.

FRIDAY, Dec. 29/Jan. 8 At anchor in harbor. No working-party went aland. The Planters fitting tools, etc., for their work. The weather wet and cold.

SATURDAY, Dec. 30/Jan. 9 At anchor in harbor. Very stormy and cold. No working-party sent aland. The Planters fitting tools, etc. Great smokes of fires visible from the ship, six or seven miles away, probably made by Indians.

SUNDAY, Dec. 31/Jan. 10 At anchor in harbor. The third Sunday in this harbor. Sailors given leave to go ashore. Many colonists ill.

MONDAY, Jan. 1/Jan. 11 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. This day Degory Priest, one of the colonists, died aboard the ship. A large party went ashore early to work. Much time lost between ship and shore, the ship drawing so much water as obliged to anchor a mile and a half off. The working-party came aboard at nightfall. Fetched wood and water.

TUESDAY, Jan. 2/Jan. 12 At anchor in harbor. Sent burying-party ashore with Priest's body. Weather good. Working-party aland and returned to ship at night.

WEDNESDAY, Jan. 3/Jan. 13 At anchor in harbor. Working-party aland, returned at night. They report seeing great fires of the Indians. Smoke seen from the ship. Have seen no savages since arrival.

THURSDAY, Jan. 4/Jan. 14 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Captain Standish, with four or five men, went to look for savages, and though they found some of their old houses "wigwams" could not meet with any of them.

FRIDAY, Jan. 5/Jan. 15 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Working- party went aland early. One of the sailors found a live herring upon the shore, which the Master had to his supper. As yet have caught but one cod.

SATURDAY, Jan. 6/Jan. 16 At anchor in harbor. In judgment of Masters Brewster, Bradford, and others, Master Martin, the colonists' treasurer, was so hopelessly ill that Governor Carver, who had taken up his quarters on land, was sent for to come aboard to speak with him about his accounts. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Jan. 7/Jan. 17 At anchor in harbor. Fourth Sunday here. Governor Carver came aboard to talk with Master Martin, who was sinking fast.

MONDAY, Jan. 8/Jan. 18 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. A very fan fair day. The working-party went aland early. The Master sent, the shallop for fish. They had a great tempest at sea and were in some danger. They returned to the ship at night, with three great seals they had shot, and an excellent great cod. Master Martin died this day. He had been a "governour" of the passengers on the ship, and an "assistant," and was an Adventurer. One of the Master-mates took a musket, and went with young Francis Billington to find the great inland sea the latter had seen from the top of a tree, and found a great water, in two great lakes [Billington Sea,] also Indian houses.

TUESDAY, Jan. 9/Jan. 19 At anchor in harbor. Fair day. Sent burying-party ashore after services aboard, with the body of Master Martin, and he was buried with some ceremony on the hill near the landing-place. The settlers drew lots for their meersteads and garden-plots. The common-house nearly finished, wanting only covering.

WEDNESDAY, Jan. 10/Jan. 20 At anchor in harbor. Party went aland from ship. Frosty.

THURSDAY, Jan. 11/Jan. 21 At anchor in harbor. A fair day. Party ashore from ship and coming off at night, reported Master William Bradford very ill: Many ill aboard.

FRIDAY, Jan. 12/Jan. 22 At anchor in harbor. Began to rain at noon and stopped all work. Those coming aboard ship at night reported John Goodman and Peter Browne, two of the colonists, missing, and fears entertained that they may have been taken by Indians. Froze and snowed at night. The first snow for a month. An extremely cold night.

SATURDAY, Jan. 13/Jan. 23 At anchor in harbor. The Governor sent out an armed party of ten or twelve to look for the missing men, but they returned without seeing or hearing anything at all of them. Those on shipboard much grieved, as deeming them lost. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Jan. 14/Jan. 24 At anchor in harbor. About six o'clock in the morning, the wind being very great, the watch on deck spied the great new rendezvous on shore on fire and feared it fired by Indians, but the tide being out, men could not get ashore for three quarters of an hour, when they went armed. At the landing they heard that the lost men were returned, some frost-bitten, and that the thatch of the common-house only was burnt by a spark, but no other harm done the roof. The most loss was Governor Carver's and Master Bradford's, both of whom lay sick in bed, and narrowly missed being blown up with powder. The meeting was to have been kept ashore to-day, the greater number of the people now being there, but the fire, etc., prevented. Some of those sick in the common-house were fain to return aboard for shelter. Fifth Sunday in this harbor.

MONDAY, Jan. 15/Jan. 25 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Rained much all day. They on shipboard could not go ashore nor they on shore do any labor, but were all wet.

TUESDAY, Jan. 16/Jan. 26 At anchorage. A fine, sunshining day like April. Party went aland betimes. Many ill both on ship and on shore.

WEDNESDAY, Jan. 17/Jan. 27 At anchorage. Another fine, sunshining day. Working-party went aland early. Set on shore some of the Planters' goods.

[Mourt's Relation, Dexter's ed. p. 77. Bradford states (op. cit. Mass. ed. p. 110) that they were hindered in getting goods ashore by "want of boats," as well as sickness. Mention is made only of the "long-boat" and shallop. It is possible there were no others, except the Master's skiff]

THURSDAY, Jan. 18/Jan. 28 At anchorage. Another fine, bright day. Some of the common goods [i.e. belonging to all] set on shore.

FRIDAY, Jan. 19/Jan. 29 At anchorage. A shed was begun on shore to receive the goods from the ship. Rained at noon but cleared toward night.

[Cleared toward evening (though wet at noon), and John Goodman went out to try his frozen feet, as is recorded, and had his encounter with wolves.]

SATURDAY, Jan. 20/Jan. 30 At anchorage. Shed made ready for goods from ship. Fetched wood and water.

SUNDAY, Jan. 21/Jan. 31 At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sixth Sunday in this harbor. Many ill. The Planters kept their meeting on land to-day for the first time, in the common-house.

MONDAY, Jan. 22/Feb. 1 At anchorage. Fair day. Hogsheads of meal sent on shore from ship and put in storehouse.

TUESDAY, Jan. 23/Feb. 2 At anchorage. The general sickness increases, both on shipboard and on land.