One of the men who had been wounded at the first coming of the ship was seen by Banks. A ball had gone through his arm and grazed his chest. He did not seem to have any pain, and the wound though exposed to the air, was perfectly healthy, and he was greatly pleased to receive a musket ball like the one which had wounded him.

When leaving the bay they nearly grounded, being set by the current towards a small island, but the boats towed them clear. Very soon after they struck on an unseen rock, which was named Whale Rock, but almost immediately got clear, with no "perceptible damage," into twenty fathoms.

BLOWN OFF THE LAND.

Progress was now very slow, owing either to want of, or adverse wind. On 10th December they discovered two bays separated by a low neck of land, Knuckle Point; one bay was named Doubtless Bay and the other Sandy Bay; the country is described as nothing but irregular white sandhills, and Cook concluded from its appearance that the island was here very narrow and exposed to the open sea on the west. This he soon proved to be correct. Foster, in his account of the Second Voyage, says that when the Endeavour was passing Doubtless Bay, M. de Surville was anchored under the land, in the Saint Jean Baptiste, and saw Cook's ship, though himself unseen. In the account of De Surville's voyage, published by the Academie Francaise, it is stated that New Zealand was not sighted till 12th December 1769, and owing to bad weather no anchorage was gained till 17th. No mention whatever is made of the Endeavour being sighted, and M. l'Abbe Rochon, the editor, thinks it most probable that neither navigator knew anything of the movements of the other. De Surville mentions having lost anchors in a place he calls Double Bay, during a storm "ABOUT 22nd December," and it may possibly have been the one Cook encountered on the 28th off the north end of the island. They were blown out of sight of land on the 13th, the main topsail being split, and next day both fore and mizzen topsails were lost, but they managed to bring up under shelter of a small island off Knuckle Point. On the 15th the latitude was found to be 34 degrees 6 minutes South, with land visible to the south-west, and a large swell was coming from the west, so Cook concluded this was the most northerly point of the island, and named it North Cape.

After beating about for some days against westerly winds, they ran up north, returning southwards 23rd December, and the following day sighted land to the south-east, which proved to be Tasman's Three Kings. Here Banks provided the Christmas dinner, shooting several solan geese, which were made into a pie, and were "eaten with great approbation; and in the evening all hands were as drunk as our forefathers used to be upon like occasions."

On the 27th, when about thirty leagues west of North Cape, and about the same latitude as the Bay of Islands, no land in sight, the wind rose so that they had to bring to, under the mainsail, but moderated a little the next day so that they could run in towards the land. Again it freshened up and blew a perfect hurricane, accompanied by heavy rain, and a "prodidgeous high sea," which caused the ship to go greatly to leeward. On the 30th, Cape Maria van Diemen was seen about six leagues off, the land extending east and south. On the last day of the year their position was given as "34 degrees 42 minutes South, Cape Maria van Diemen North-East by North about 5 leagues." Cook says:

"I cannot help thinking but what it will appear a little strange that, at this season of the year, we should be three weeks in getting fifty leagues, for so long is it since we pass'd Cape Brett; but it will hardly be credited that in the midst of summer and in the latitude of 35 degrees South such a gale of wind as we have had could have happened, which for its strength and continuance was such as I hardly was ever in before. Fortunately at this time we were a good distance from land, otherwise it would have proved fatal to us."

VEGETABLE SHEEP.

On 2nd January 1770 Cook fixed the position of Cape Maria van Diemen, giving it as 34 degrees 30 minutes South, 187 degrees 18 minutes West of Greenwich. Admiral Wharton remarks that this is extraordinarily correct, seeing that the ship was never close to the Cape, and the observations were all taken in very bad weather. The latitude is exact, and the longitude only three miles out. He missed seeing Kaipara Harbour, one of the few good ones on the west coast, and describes the land as having a most desolate and inhospitable appearance, nothing but sandhills with hardly a sign of vegetation on them, and says: "If we was once clear of it, I am determined not to come so near again if I can avoid it, unless we have a very favourable wind indeed." On the 11th, a high mountain, its summit covered with snow, was seen, and named Mount Egmont; Wharton gives its height as 8,300 feet, and describes it as a magnificent conical mountain surrounded on three sides by the sea. Banks notes on the sides of the hill "many white lumps in companies which bore much resemblance to flocks of sheep." These were a peculiar plant, Raoulia mammillaris (Hooker), known in New Zealand as vegetable sheep. Fires were seen, the first sign of inhabitants on the west coast.

On the 14th, thinking he was in the entrance of a large bay, Cook ran in under the southern coast, and finding it broken into promising-looking bays, determined to run into one and careen the ship, as she was very foul; it is now called Ship Cove, in Queen Charlotte's Sound. Here they were at once visited by canoes, whose fully armed occupants commenced acquaintance by "heaving a few stones against the ship." Tupia opened a conversation, and a few ventured on board, but did not make a long stay. Cook then landed to look for water, and soon found an excellent supply, and "as to wood the land is here an entire forest." Whilst he was away, the crew got out the nets, and caught about 300 pounds of fish. Some natives also came off with fish, and though it was not good, Cook ordered it to be bought, in order to open up trade with them. However, they soon found these people were inclined to be quarrelsome and threatening, and as the ship was in an awkward position, being already hove down for cleaning, a charge of small shot was fired at the worst offender, which quickly taught them to behave better in future.

They had long suspected the natives were addicted to cannibalism, and now they proved it, as they purchased the bone of a forearm of a man, from which the flesh had been recently picked, and were given to understand that a few days before a strange canoe had arrived, and its occupants had been killed and eaten. They only ate their enemies, but held all strangers to be such. The place where the ship was careened was, according to Wharton, about 70 miles from Massacre Bay, where Tasman's men were killed, and Cook endeavoured to find out if there were any traditions of visits from ships to the neighbourhood, but could gain no information. The natives became friendly as time went on, and brought good fish which they sold for nails, cloth, paper (a great favourite at first, but when they found it would not stand water, worthless), and Cook says: "In this Traffic they never once attempted to defraud us of any one thing, but dealt as fair as people could do."

The surrounding country was too thickly timbered for them to see much, but one day, being out in a boat trying to find the end of the inlet, Cook took the opportunity of climbing a thickly timbered hill, and from there saw, far away to the eastward, that the seas which washed both west and eastern coasts were united, and that one part of New Zealand, at any rate, was an island, and he had thus solved one of the problems he had given him in England. They also saw that much of their immediate neighbourhood was not mainland as they had thought, but consisted of a number of small islands.

A MORE SENSIBLE PEOPLE.

The population of the district was estimated at only some three or four hundred, and appeared to subsist on fish and fern roots. They were evidently poorer than those seen previously, and their canoes are described as "mean and almost without ornament." They soon understood the value of iron, and readily took spike nails when trading, and greatly preferred "Kersey and Broadcloth to the Otaheite cloth, which show'd them to be a more sensible people than many of their neighbours," says Cook.

An old man, who had previously paid several visits, complained that one of the ships boats had fired on and wounded two Maoris, one of whom was since dead. On enquiry, Cook found that the Master and five petty officers, fishing beyond the usual limits, were approached by two canoes in what they thought was a threatening manner and had fired to keep them off. A second native assured Cook no death had occurred, and enquiry failed to discover one; but Cook very severely condemned the action of his men as totally unjustifiable. The ship had, by this time, been brought into fairly good trim, being clean, freshly caulked and tarred, and broken ironwork all repaired, so preparations were made to push through the straits; but, before leaving, two posts were set up, one near the watering place, and the other on the island, Motuara, on which the name of the ship and the date of the visit had been cut, and possession was taken of this land, the king's health being drunk, and the empty bottle presented to the old man who had complained about the shooting, and who was greatly delighted with his present; he also was given some silver threepenny pieces, dated 1763, and spike nails marked with the broad arrow.

On getting out into the strait a very strong current nearly drove them on to a small island, the anchor would not hold, and only a change in the current, probably caused by the tide, saved them. The southern point of the North Island was named "Cape Pallisser, in honour of my worthy friend, Captain Pallisser," and the north point of the South Island was called Cape Campbell, after Captain John Campbell, F.R.S., who had been one of Cook's strongest supporters as Observer for the Royal Society.

When through the straits Cook was turning south, but finding some of his people were not quite satisfied as to the part they had passed being an island, he took a northerly course till Cape Turnagain was recognised, when he at once went about for the south. Banks says:

"At this time there were two parties on board, one who wished that the land in sight might, and the others that it might not, prove to be a continent. I myself have always been most firm in the former wish, though sorry I am to say that my party is so small that there are none heartily of it than myself, and one poor midshipman, the rest begin to sigh for roast beef."

The east coast was followed down to Banks Peninsula, which was at first thought might be an island, and is marked by dotted lines as doubtful in Cook's chart, when Gore thought he had seen land to the east, and Cook, though convinced it was a mistake, ran out to make sure. On returning the winds proved contrary, and their progress was very slow, but they several times succeeded in running close in to the land, and from what they could see concluded it was very barren, with high ranges in the interior and with very few evidences of inhabitants. A favourable breeze springing up from the north, they tried to make the most of it, "and by that means carried away the main topgallant mast and fore topmast steering-sail boom, but these were soon replaced by others." A high bluff was named after Admiral Saunders, and near were several bays, "wherein there appear'd to be anchorage and shelter from South-West, Westerly, and North-West winds." One of these is now Otago Harbour, the port of Dunedin.

THE TRAPS.

On 26th February it blew hard from west-south-west, so they stood southward. They lost the fore-sail, and then the wind moderated, only to come on with increased fury about daylight, when their main topsail went. The storm continued for forty-eight hours, and half that time they lay to, heading south. After being lost for seven days the land was again sighted near Cape Saunders, and at night a large fire was seen on shore. On 6th March, being satisfied that he had passed the south point of the island, Cook altered his course to the west, and nearly ran on some partially submerged rocks a few miles to the south-east of Stewart Island, to which he gave the suggestive name of the Traps. They were again blown off, but picked up the land again at the western end of Foveaux Straits. Again they had to run off, returning to near Dusky Bay, which he wished to enter as he thought it looked a likely harbour, but the difficulty of getting out again and consequent waste of time prevented him. Off Cape Foulwind—suggestive name—they were again blown out to sea, but soon recovered their position, and Cook describes the land:

"No country upon earth can appear with a more rugged and barren aspect than this does from the sea, for as far inland as the eye can reach nothing is to be seen but the summits of these rocky mountains, which seem to lay so near one another as not to admit any vallies between them."

On the 24th they rounded the north point of the South Island, and on the 27th Cook writes: "As we have now circumnavigated the whole of this country, it is time for me to think of quitting it." He had thus carried out to the fullest extent the instructions to determine the situation and nature of the land seen by Tasman in 1642, and had done it in the most conclusive manner possible—by sailing round it—and thus upset Mr. Dalrymple's favourite theory that it formed part of a continent.

In Admiralty Bay, which he entered to refit for the homeward voyage, the sails were found to require a thorough overhaul, for, as Banks says, they:

"were ill-provided from the first, and were now worn and damaged by the rough work they had gone through, particularly on the New Zealand coast, and they gave no little trouble to get into order again."

The two points forming the bay were appropriately named after the Secretaries of the Admiralty, Stephens and Jackson.

The opinion was expressed that European fruits, grain, etc., would grow well in New Zealand, and an agricultural population would be successful. Timber of excellent quality was plentiful, and it was believed that New Zealand flax promised to be of considerable commercial value. Fish was found in great quantities, the lobsters and oysters being specially remarkable for quality and quantity. No quadrupeds except dogs and rats were seen, and birds did not seem very plentiful. The minerals, in Cook's opinion, did not appear of much value, but he admitted that he was not an authority on the subject. Banks notes the southern islanders appeared to be an inferior race to those of the north, the latter probably more closely allied to the Otaheitan type; many of their customs were similar, and their language practically identical. Tupia had no difficulty in making himself understood.

It would seem that even at this time founding a colony in the southern hemisphere had been under discussion, for Cook says that if a settlement were decided on in New Zealand, he would recommend the Estuary of the Thames and the Bay of Islands as most suitable for the purpose.

Speaking of his chart of New Zealand, Cook points out frankly the places where he thinks he may have fallen into error, and gives his reasons for so thinking, and the opinions of others are worth recording.

A DULL SAILOR.

Admiral Wharton says:

"Never has a coast been as well laid down by a first explorer, and it must have required unceasing vigilance and continual observation in fair weather and foul, to arrive at such a satisfactory conclusion, and with such a dull sailor as the Endeavour was, the six and a half months occupied in the work (2,400 miles of coast) must be counted as a short interval in which to do it."

M. Crozet, second to M. Marion du Fresne in command of the French expedition that was out in the following year, says:

"As soon as I obtained information of the voyage of Cook, I carefully compared the chart I had prepared of that part of the coast of New Zealand along which we had coasted, with that prepared by Captain Cook and his officers. I found it of an exactitude and of a thoroughness of detail which astonished me beyond all power of expression. I doubt whether our own coasts of France have been delineated with more precision. I think therefore that I cannot do better than to lay down our track of New Zealand on the chart prepared by the celebrated English navigator."

CHAPTER 10. 1770. AUSTRALIA.

The next thing to be done was to decide the course to be taken towards England. Cook would have liked to have returned by the Horn and thus settle the existence or non-existence of a large body of land in the South Pacific, but the time of year and the condition of his ship suggested that would be to court disaster. The same reasons held good against a direct course to the Cape of Good Hope, with the added disadvantage of there being no probability of any fresh discoveries, as that part of the Ocean had been frequently traversed.

"It was therefore resolved to return by way of the East Indies by the following route. Upon leaving this coast to the Westward until we fall in with the East coast of New Holland, and then to follow the direction of that coast to the Northward or what other direction it might take us, until we arrive at its Northern extremity; and if it should be found impracticable then to Endeavour to fall in with the Land or Islands discovered by Quiros."

This extract from Cook's Journal shows that he made no claim to the discovery of Australia, and settles the stupid story that his connection with the discovery of the east coast was an accident. It was a course laid down after thorough consideration of the best charts, very poor at best, in his possession.

BOTANY BAY.

The good ship Endeavour got under way on 31st March 1770, with a favourable wind and clear sky, heading a little north of west. On the 16th a change in the birds denoted the neighbourhood of land, and after a touch of contrary wind, on 19th April 1770 Lieutenant Hicks sighted land extending from north-east to west, distant five or six leagues. This was the looked-for east coast of New Holland, and the ship was at the entrance of Bass Straits, but on his chart Cook shows by a dotted line that he felt uncertain whether van Diemen's Land was joined to New Holland or no. The low hill which was first seen was named Point Hicks after its discoverer, and its position is given as 38 degrees 0 minutes South, 211 degrees 7 minutes West. Three waterspouts were seen a short distance from the ship, and are remarkable as being the first ones mentioned in the log. The course was altered to the north, and the country is described as rather low, not very hilly, covered with green woods, and the shore of white sand. Cape Howe was named the following day, and the position fixed as 37 degrees 28 minutes South, 210 degrees 3 minutes West, which Wharton says is almost exact. The country now appeared to be improving in character, and smoke proved the existence of inhabitants, but none were visible till Cape Dromedary and Bateman's Bay were passed, when some were seen on the shore, but too far away for observation. Cook wished to land at Jervis Bay, but the wind was against him, and he could not afford time to beat in. An attempt was unsuccessfully made at a place that has been identified a little north of Five Islands, near Illawarra, but the surf was too heavy. At daylight on Sunday, 29th April, a bay was discovered, and the Master was sent in to sound the entrance, the ship following closely, and soon the Endeavour anchored for the first time in Australian waters, about two miles within the entrance of Sting Ray, now Botany, Bay. (For note see below.) The time when the name of the Bay was changed has been much disputed, but it is probable it was done some time after leaving the place. It was called Sting Ray on account of the big haul of that fish made soon after their arrival and the name stands in all the logs; Banks refers to it under that name in a general description of the country, written when leaving Cape York. Cook is however, decisive, for under date 6th May he says: "The great quantity of plants Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander found in this place occasioned my giving it the name of Botany Bay."

On coming to an anchor, Cook, Banks, and Tupia went on shore, and Canon Bennett, a second cousin of Mrs. Cook's, and one who knew her personally, relates that the family legend was that on reaching the shore Cook ordered the midshipman to "Jump out, Isaac," and Isaac Smith (afterwards Admiral) also a cousin of Mrs. Cook's, was the first Englishman to set his foot on the soil of New South Wales. The few natives who were near ran away, excepting two, who came forward to oppose any landing. A musket was fired over them, and they retired to where they had left their spears, and then one threw a stone at the boat, and as they were too far away for any serious damage to be done, Cook fired a charge of small shot at him. He then ran off to a small hut near, picked up a wooden shield, and returned to take up his position alongside his comrade, and they threw a couple of spears, receiving a second discharge of small shot in return, which caused them to retire slowly. As Banks, suspicious of some gummy substance on the points of the spears, suggested poison, they were not followed up. The huts, found near the landing-place, were constructed of sticks covered with pieces of bark somewhat similar to those seen in Tierra del Fuego. Some children found carefully covered up were left undisturbed, but forty or fifty spears were taken, and payment in the shape of beads, cloth, nails, etc., was left, but still untouched, on visiting the camp the next morning. The canoes from which the natives were seen fishing are described by Cook as the worst he ever saw, being merely sheets of bark tied with withies at the end and kept open in the middle by a stick.

Considerable difficulty was experienced in obtaining water, and whilst the crew were procuring it, Cook made a survey of the harbour. He describes the country as lightly timbered, with a sandy soil growing a plentiful crop of coarse grass, of which a quantity was cut for the sheep. The soil was interspersed with rocks and swamps, but at the head of the bay appeared richer. A few natives were seen, who ran away when observed, and though one or two spears were thrown no damage was done to any one. Large heaps of oyster, mussel, and cockle shells were found, amongst them, says Cook, "being some of the largest oyster shells I ever saw." An account, said to have been obtained from the blacks, published in a work on Australian discovery (anonymous, Sydney), agrees as far as it goes with those of Cook and Banks, and it is almost unnecessary to say the ship was at first taken for a large bird.

SUTHERLAND'S DEATH.

Whilst here, a seaman named Forbes (Forby, in the Muster Roll) Sutherland, died of consumption, from which he had suffered throughout the voyage, was buried on shore, and the point named Point Sutherland in his memory. The anonymous pamphlet referred to above, says that Cook does not give the cause of Sutherland's death, and that he had been fatally wounded by the blacks whilst trying to secure a metal plate he had found affixed to a tree, recording that the Dutch had previously been on the spot. The pamphlet goes on to say that Cook suppressed these facts in order to have the credit of being the first discoverer, but that the plate had been secured by some one and deposited in the British Museum. Unfortunately, Cook does give the cause of Sutherland's death, and the plate is not in the British Museum, nor has it ever been heard of there. Before leaving, an inscription was cut on a tree near the watering place, giving the ship's name and date; the English colours were displayed on shore every day during their stay, but they could not establish any friendly intercourse with the blacks. A plate has since been attached to the rocks about fifteen feet above high water, and as near as possible to the supposed place of landing.

After leaving Botany Bay the coast was followed up to the north, and Cook noted an "entrance" which he thought might prove a safe anchorage, to which he gave the name of Port Jackson, after Mr. George Jackson, one of the Secretaries to the Admiralty. Within this entrance is now the city of Sydney, and it was to this place that Captain Phillip removed his headquarters when he had discovered the unsuitability of Botany Bay for settlement. Broken Bay, named from the number of small islands therein, was passed, and the voyage was rendered very slow by the light northerly winds, and passing Cape Hawke, he found the set of the current had placed him twelve miles in advance, when reckoned by the log, of his real position given by observation.

Almost the only thing to be seen beyond the outline of the coast was the constantly recurring smoke; one point received the name of Smoky Cape on account of the great quantity seen in its vicinity. Cook, of course, was unaware that these "smokes" were probably, many of them, signals from one party of blacks to another of the arrival of something strange on the coast. That these "smokes" are used by the blacks as a means of communication is a well recognised fact, and the news they can convey by this means is perfectly astonishing to a white man.

The country appeared to increase in height with:

"an agreeable variety of Hills, Ridges, and Valleys, and large plains all clothed with wood, which to all appearance is the same as I have before mentioned as we could discover no visible difference in the soil."

After escaping a reef off Point Danger they discovered a bay, which Cook called Morton Bay after the Earl of Morton, P.R.S.; now wrongly spelt as Moreton Bay. Here, from the colour of the water, they supposed a river emptied into the sea; the surmise was correct, for they were at the mouth of the Brisbane River. At the same time some curiously-shaped hills were given the name of the Glasshouses, from their resemblance to the buildings in which glass is manufactured, and the resemblance is most striking.

After rounding Breaksea Spit, Cook found himself in a large bay, and conjectured, from the birds and the direction of their flight, that there was fresh water to the south-west; and rightly, for here the Mary River enters Hervey's Bay. On 23rd May they landed for the second time, and Cook says this was "visibly worse than the last place," that is Botany Bay. They managed to shoot a bustard of 17 1/2 pounds, and Banks says it was "as large as a good turkey, and far the best we had eaten since we left England." It was so much appreciated that its name was conferred on Bustard Head and Bustard Bay. This bird is known in Australia as the Plain Turkey. Oysters of good quality were also obtained, and Banks made the personal acquaintance of the green tree ant and the Australian mosquito, neither of which were appreciated.

CAPE CAPRICORN.

On 24th May a moderately high, white, barren-looking point was passed, which being found by observation to be directly under the tropic was named Cape Capricorn, and soon after the mouth of the Fitzroy was crossed, with the remark from Cook that from general appearances he believed there was a river in the immediate vicinity. Soundings becoming very irregular, he ran out between the Keppel Islands, on one of which natives were seen. Cape Townshend was named after Charles Townshend, one of the Lords of the Admiralty when the Endeavour left England, and not the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as stated by Wharton.

Rounding the point into Shoalwater Bay they had to haul sharp up to the west to get within the Northumberland Islands, and the water was found to be so shallow that they anchored and sounded from the boats, gradually working nearer in, as Cook was anxious to clean the ship's bottom, which was very foul; and he desired to take advantage of the full moon in these dangerous waters. They landed to take some observations and look for water. The observations were unsatisfactory, for the compass was unreliable, a fault attributed to the ironstone in the neighbourhood, of which signs were very evident, and water was not to be found. The country is reported on as follows: "No signs of fertility is to be seen upon the Land; the soil of the uplands is mostly a hard, reddish clay."

Passing Cape Hillsborough, they entered Whitsunday Passage, described by Cook as "one continued safe harbour, besides a number of small bays and coves on each side, where ships might lay as it were in a Basin." The land on both sides was green and pleasant-looking, but on account of the moonlight Cook could not waste any time in landing.

Entering Cleveland Bay, the compass was again very much disturbed; the cause was found to be Magnetical, now Magnetic, Island, lying just off the present Port of Townsville. Blacks were seen, near Rockingham Bay, through the glasses; they were said to be very dark and destitute of clothing, but no communication with them was possible.

ON THE ROCKS.

On 10th June, after leaving a small bay north of Cape Grafton, where they had searched in vain for a watering place, the watch had just turned in, the lead had been cast and given seventeen fathoms, when the unfortunate ship brought all hands on deck, with a crash on a sunken rock. Soundings taken all round showed her to be on the very edge of a coral reef. Making but little water, an attempt was made to warp her off, but unsuccessfully. Steps were then taken to lighten her; decayed stores, oil jars, staves, casks, ballast, and her six quarter-deck guns were thrown overboard, some forty to fifty tons, but with no effect. The tide now rising, the leaks increased rapidly, two pumps being kept constantly at work. Thinking things could only go from bad to worse, Cook determined to heave her off at all hazards, and every one who could be spared from the pumps was sent to the capstan or windlass, and at length, after a stay of twenty-three hours on the rocks, she was hove into deep water. Now, however, it was a case of all hands to the pumps, and for a time it seemed as if they were slowly gaining on the in-rushing water, but suddenly there was an increase reported in the well, casting a shadow of gloom over all, but not for an instant staying the steady beat of the pumps. Shortly it was discovered that a fresh hand had been sent to the well and had sounded from a different mark than his predecessor, accounting for the sixteen to eighteen inches difference in the depth of water reported. This discovery acted like a charm: each one redoubled his exertions, and by morning they had gained considerably on the leak, so sail was made, and they slowly crawled in towards the land.

Midshipman Monkhouse had been on a ship which was leaking at the rate of forty-eight inches per hour, and had seen the operation called "fothering" so successfully performed on her, that, without further repair, she had sailed from Virginia to London. This being brought to Cook's ear, he gave Monkhouse the charge of carrying out a similar experiment. A studding sail was taken, on which oakum and wool was lightly sewn and smothered with dirt; it was then lowered over the bows and dragged by ropes over the place where the worst of the leak was situated, and there secured, with the result, according to Banks, that in a quarter of an hour after it was in position they were able to pump the ship clear, and Cook says one pump was sufficient to keep her free.

Of the conduct of the crew, Cook says:

"In justice to the ship's company, I must say that no men ever behaved better than they have done on this occasion; animated by the behaviour of every Gentleman on board, every man seem'd to have a just sense of the Danger we were in, and exerted himself to the very utmost."

Banks adds his testimony:

"Every man exerts his utmost for the preservation of the ship. The officers during the whole time never gave an order that did not show them to be perfectly composed and unmoved by the circumstances, however dreadful they might appear."

A point off which the reef was situated was given the suggestive name of Cape Tribulation, and some small islands near, Hope Islands, because, as Cook says, he hoped, at the time of their greatest danger, they might be able to reach them. What a prospect to hope for! No possibility of ever seeing a friendly sail, and but little probability of ever being able to reach a civilised port.

THE ENDEAVOUR RIVER.

A boat sent off to search for some spot where temporary repairs could be executed, soon returned and reported a small river had been found which appeared suitable. This was the Endeavour River, and into it the ship was safely taken, and deep water being found close to the bank, a stage was rigged, and most of the stores and ballast were taken on shore; a hospital was erected for the sick, "which amounted at this time to some eight or nine afflicted with different disorders, but none very dangerously ill." Green and Tupia were showing symptoms of scurvy, but the remainder appear to have been free from it.

As soon as the ship was sufficiently lightened she was warped a little further up the river, and at the top of the tide her bows were hauled well into the bank, so that when the tide fell they were able to examine the leak. The damage was found to be very serious; the rock had cut through four planks into the timbers, and three other planks had been badly injured. The manner in which the ship had been injured was "hardy credible, scarce a splinter was to be seen, but the whole was cut away as if done with a blunt-edged tool." A piece of the rock was found wedged in the hole, and had greatly assisted in arresting the influx of water. The sheathing and false keel were very badly damaged, but it was believed that she was not much injured aft, as she made but little water when once the main wound was dry.

At what is believed to be the exact spot at which the Endeavour was beached, a monument has been erected by the inhabitants of Cooktown, a seaport now at the mouth of the river.

There being no danger from the natives the crew were allowed as much liberty as possible, and a good supply of fish, a few pigeons and a small quantity of vegetables, in the shape of yam tops, cabbage palm, and wild plantains, had a very beneficial effect on their health. The longitude was calculated from an observation of "the Emersion of Jupiter's First Satelite," as 214 degrees 42 minutes 30 seconds West, which Wharton remarks on as being an excellent observation, the true longitude being 214 degrees 45 minutes West.

INCENDIARISM BY BLACKS.

On 4th July the good ship was afloat again, so well repaired that only about an inch of water per hour was taken in, easily kept under by the pumps. She was laid over on a sandbank on the opposite side of the river and more carefully examined, the sheathing being found to be very badly damaged. The carpenter, in whom Cook had every confidence, reported that, with the means at his disposal, he could not make a satisfactory job, but he thought they might push on to some place where greater facilities could be obtained. She was therefore taken alongside the staging, the stores and ballast replaced, everything got ready for the prosecution of the voyage, and the Master sent off in the pinnace to look for a passage to the north-east; but was unsuccessful. He was again sent out, but again reported badly; the shoals appeared to get worse the further he went. He, however, brought back with him three turtles weighing about 800 pounds, which were most welcome as the crew had now been some months without fresh meat; a second trip to where these were caught resulted in getting three or four more, and a large supply of shell-fish. They had made several attempts to get on good terms with the few natives they had seen, and on one occasion two or three who were fishing had a long and animated conversation with Tupia, in which neither party could understand the other, though one or two were persuaded to visit the camp. Shortly before the last of the stores were taken in, Cook and Banks received friendly overtures from a small party, and ten of them visited the ship. They were offered various gifts, but seemed to set little value on anything except the turtles. They made signs they wanted them, and when they found these signs ignored, attempted to carry off two, and when their aim was frustrated, went ashore to where some of the crew were at work. One of them took a lighted stick from under the pitch kettle, and, making a wide circuit round the place, fired the grass as he ran. Fortunately there were not many things left ashore, and the powder had just been safely got on board, so the most serious damage appears to have been the premature roasting of a young pig. They then went off to where others of the crew were washing, and drying the fishing nets, and another attempt was made to burn the grass; but a charge of small shot caused a retreat, and on their way they set fire to the undergrowth to cover their repulse. Banks was greatly impressed with the manner in which the grass and undergrowth burnt, and declared he would never pitch tents again without first burning the grass for some distance round.

Gore, Banks, and three men made a few days' excursion up the river, but, with the exception of a kangaroo being shot by Gore, the first ever killed by a European, they met with nothing worth noting. On 18th July Cook, Banks, and Solander went up a hill some six or eight miles along the coast to see if they could form any idea of the general run of the coast and the surrounding reefs, and Cook says: "In whatever direction we looked, it [the sea] was covered with shoals as far as the eye could see."

Before leaving the river, Banks gives some notes as to the country, and puts it down as "in every respect the most barren country we have yet seen." The animals were not numerous; he gives kangaroo, wolf (the dingo or native dog), bats (flying foxes), wild cats (dasyurus), and opossums. Amongst the birds, several kinds of duck, shags, pelicans, crows, and flock pigeons, all, with the exception of the last, difficult to shoot. Of the crow he says: "A crow in England though in general sufficiently wary is, I must say, a fool to a New Holland crow." None of the beasts or birds seem to have come amiss to the pot; all that was necessary was the meat should not be salt, "that alone was sufficient to make it a delicacy." He quotes the description given by a sailor of an animal he saw:

"It was as black as the devil and had wings, indeed I took it for the devil, or I might have catched it, for it crawled away very slowly through the grass."

After some little trouble Banks discovered this to have been a large bat (flying fox). Of the insect life seen, he was particularly struck by the white ants and their nests, and formed a very respectful opinion of the mosquito.

Cook's opinion agrees fairly well with that of Banks, but on the whole he thought the east coast was not so barren and desolate as Dampier had described the west coast, and adds:

"We are to consider that we see this country in the pure state of nature; the Industry of Man has had nothing to do with any part of it, and yet we find all such things as Nature hath bestowed upon it, in a flourishing state. In this Extensive Country, it can never be doubted, but what most sorts of grain, Fruit, roots, etc., of every kind would flourish here were they once brought hither, planted and cultivated by the hands of Industry; and here are provender for more cattle, at all seasons of the year, than ever can be brought into the country."

This is a fair example of the observations and deductions to be found scattered through Cook's Journals, and an improvement on the would-be scientific and classical rubbish put into his mouth by his editors.

A MASTHEAD WATCH.

At last, on 4th August, they got away from the Endeavour River, only to find themselves surrounded by difficulties. Cook or one of the other officers was continually at the masthead on the look-out, and at length, by keeping very close in shore, they managed to creep past Cape Flattery, and thought the worst was over, but a landing at Point Lookout showed a very unsatisfactory prospect. In hopes of getting a better view Cook went out to Lizard Island, and from there could see, far away to the east, the white breakers on the Great Barrier Reef. This island, on which the only living things to be seen were lizards, they found, from the large piles of shells and remains of fires, was visited periodically by the blacks; a remarkable voyage for their miserable canoes.

Having only three months' supplies at short allowance left, Cook, after a consultation with his officers, made out through an opening in the Barrier Reef that he had seen from Lizard Island, and observes:

"Having been entangled among Islands and Shoals more or less ever since the 26th May, in which time we have sailed 360 leagues by the Lead, without ever having a Leadsman out of the chains, when the ship was under sail, a Circumstance that perhaps never happened to any ship before, and yet it was here absolutely necessary."

But their satisfaction in getting outside was diminished when it was found that the increased working of the ship's timbers necessitated the continual use of one pump.

Cook was afraid that being forced outside the Barrier Reef he would be unable to put to the proof the opinion he had formed that New Guinea and New Holland were not joined. He did not know till after his return to England, that the point had already been settled in 1606, by Louis Vaez de Torres, and he readily yields the honour of the discovery in the Introduction to his Second Voyage. The log of Torres's voyage was lost for many years, and was found at Manilla, when that place was taken by Admiral Cornish in 1762. Cook had with him a copy of De Brye's Voyages, published in 1756, which contained three charts that he found to be "tolerably good" with regard to New Guinea, and he evidently formed the opinion that both the Spaniards and the Dutch had circumnavigated that island.

"I always understood, before I had a sight of these maps, that it was unknown whether or no New Holland and New Guinea was one continued land, and so it is said in the very History of Voyages these maps are bound up in. However, we have now put this wholly out of dispute; but as I believe it was known before, but not publickly, I claim no other merit than the clearing up of a doubtful point."

With this question of New Guinea and New Holland in view, he again made to the west, sighting the Barrier again on 15th August, and on the following morning, the wind having changed in the night, the breakers were heard very distinctly. The lead gave no bottom at 140 fathoms, but at daybreak the reef was not a mile away, and they found themselves in a dead calm, rapidly drifting with the current towards the breakers. The yawl and long-boat were got out, the pinnace being under repair, and the sweeps were used from the gun-room ports. By six o'clock she was heading north again, but:

"not above 80 or 100 yards from the breakers. The same sea that washed the side of the ship rose in a breaker prodigiously high the very next time it did rise, so that between us and destruction was only a dismal valley, the breadth of one wave, and even now no ground could be felt with 120 fathoms."

A PERILOUS POSITION.

The carpenter had by this time fastened a temporary streak on the pinnace, and it was sent off to assist in towing. Cook had almost given up hope, but he says:

"In this truly terrible situation, not one man ceased to do his utmost, and that with as much calmness as if no danger had been near."

Admiral Wharton draws special attention to the fact that in the very height of the danger, Green, Charles Clerke, and Forwood, the gunner, were engaged in taking a Lunar for the longitude. Green notes:

"These observations were very good, the limbs of the sun and moon very distinct, and a good horizon. We were about 100 yards from the reef, where we expected the ship to strike every minute, it being calm, no soundings, and the swell heaving us right on."

When things seemed perfectly hopeless, a small breath of air, "so small that at any other time in a calm we should not have observed it," came, and every advantage being taken, the distance from the reef was slightly increased, but then again it fell calm. A small opening of the reef was seen and an attempt was made to push through, but the ebb tide was found to be "gushing out like a mill stream." Advantage was taken of this, and they succeeded in getting about a quarter of a mile away, but the current was so narrow they soon lost it. A second opening was seen, and, the tide having changed, they were carried rapidly through Providential Channel and safely anchored in nineteen fathoms of water. Cook says:

"It is but a few days ago that I rejoiced at having got without the Reef, but that joy was nothing when compared to what I now felt at being safe at an anchor within it."

Having arrived at a place of safety, Cook resolved to remain till he had his boats in thorough repair and had made a complete study of his difficulties. From the masthead it appeared as if the shoals and reefs offered less obstruction than he had previously towards the north, and he hoped, by keeping as close to the shore as possible, to be able to solve the problem of the passage between New Guinea and New Holland. At this place, boats that had been out fishing brought back a sort of cockle, some requiring two men to lift them, and containing "as much as twenty pounds of good wholesome meat."

TAKE POSSESSION.

Proceeding slowly through a network of reefs, shoals, and islands, the boats always sounding ahead, he had the satisfaction of passing the straits between Cape York and New Guinea, leaving Torres's track considerably to the north. On getting clear of the straits, they landed for the last time in Australian waters, and hoisting the English flag:

"took possession of the whole Eastern Coast from the above latitude (38 degrees 0 minutes South) down to this place by the name of New Wales. We fired three volleys of small arms, which were answer'd by the like number from the ship."

Admiral Wharton says that in the King's and the Admiralty's copies of Cook's Journal the name is given as New South Wales, and in a letter written to Mr. John Walker, of Whitby, dated 13th September 1771, Cook says: "The East coast of New Holland, or what I call New South Wales."

After a narrow escape of running on a reef near Booby Island, from which they were only saved by letting go the anchors with all sails set, they left the difficulties of the New Holland coast behind and sighted New Guinea on 29th August.

***

FOOTNOTE: STING RAY BAY.

"The great number of New Plants, etc., our Gentlemen Botanists have collected in this place occasion'd my giving in [sic] the Name of Botanist Bay."

Extract from the only page known to exist of the Journal of the first voyage written by Cook, and dated 6th May, 1770. It was, July 1911, purchased by Mr. F.T. Sabin for 451 pounds.

CHAPTER 11. 1770 TO 1771. NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND.

The water on the New Guinea coast was very shallow, and kept them far out in running westward, but on 3rd September they got a little nearer in, so Cook decided to attempt a landing, and then to leave, as he considered it was only wasting valuable time to go over ground that had already been explored by the Dutch. Banks says the crew were rather sickly, they:

"were pretty far gone with the longing for home, which the physicians have gone so far as to esteem a disease under the name of Nostalgia. Indeed, I can find hardly anybody in the ship clear of its effects, but the Captain, Dr. Solander, and myself, and we three have ample constant employment for our minds, which I believe to be the best if not the only remedy for it."

They were also on short allowance of food, which would necessarily have a depressing effect, and when they learnt that Cook would return to civilisation where fresh supplies could be obtained, there was a marked improvement in the general health.

Calling in at the island of Savu, some supplies were obtained, and the country is described as very lovely, although there had been no rain for seven months; the contrast with the monotonous and barren-looking country of New Holland was very marked.

AT BATAVIA.

According to strict orders from the Admiralty, Cook on 30th September collected all logs and journals that had been kept on board the ship, and enjoined every one that they were on no account to divulge where they had been on their arrival at Batavia. Off Java Head the main topsail was split in a squall, and Cook remarks that all his sails are now in such a condition that "they will hardly stand the least puff of wind." No observations had been possible since leaving Savu, and the strong western current had thrown out their dead reckoning, causing them to run past the Straits of Sunda; but, picking themselves up on 1st October, they got into the straits, and after a wearisome beat up arrived in Batavia on the 10th; and Hicks was sent on shore to announce their arrival, and offer an apology for failing to salute the Dutch flag in a proper manner—the reason being that they had only three guns available.

The ship was thoroughly surveyed, and on the carpenter's report, Cook applied to the Governor for a convenient place in which to heave down and repair, and for permission to purchase such stores as might be necessary. Every assistance was promised, and on Cook's finding a difficulty in getting any private person to cash the bills he would have to draw for his expenses, the Governor ordered the officer in charge of the port to supply whatever amount might be necessary.

During a heavy thunderstorm on the 12th, a Dutch East Indiaman, about two cables away from the Endeavour, had mainmast "split all to shivers." The Endeavour was also struck:

"and in all probability we should have shared the same fate as the Dutchman, had it not been for the electric chain which we had but just before got up; this carried the Lightning or Electrical matter over the side clear of the ship."

On 25th October Cook reopened communication with the Admiralty, forwarding to Mr. Stephens, by the Dutch East Indiaman Kronenberg, Captain F. Kelgar, a packet containing a copy of his Journal (sold to Mr. John Corner in 1890), charts of the South Seas, New Zealand, and the East Coast of Australia. He also wrote a letter giving an outline of his voyage up to date, and concludes:

"In this Journal, I have with undisguised Truth and without gloss, inserted the whole transactions of the Voyage, and made such remarks and have given such descriptions of things as I thought was necessary, in the best manner I was capable of. Although the discoverys made in the Voyage are not great, yet I flatter myself they are such as may merit the Attention of their Lordships, and altho' I have failed in discovering the so much talked of Southern Continent (which perhaps do not exist), and which I myself had much at heart, yet I am confident that no part of the failure of such discovery can be laid to my charge. Had we been so fortunate not to have run ashore, much more would have been done in the latter part of the Voyage than what was, but as it is, I presume this Voyage will be found as compleat as any before made to the South Seas on the same account.

PRAISES HIS CREW.

"The plans I have drawn of the places I have been at, were made with all the care and accuracy that Time and Circumstances would admit of. Thus far I am certain that the Latitude and Longitude of few parts of the World are better settled than these, in this I was very much assisted by Mr. Green, who let slip no one opportunity for making observations for settling the Longitude during the whole course of the Voyage, and the many valuable discoverys made by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander in Natural History and other things useful to the learned World, cannot fail of contributing very much to the success of the Voyage. In justice to the officers and the whole of the crew, I must say, they have gone through the fatigues and dangers of the Whole Voyage with that cheerfulness and alertness that will always do honour to the British Seamen, and I have the satisfaction to say that I have not lost one man by Sickness during the whole Voyage. I hope that the repairs wanting to the Ship will not be so great as to detain us any length of time; You may be assured that I shall make no unnecessary delay either here or at any other place, but shall make the best of my way home."

Banks, too, notes that there were no sick on board, and contrasts the rosy, healthy appearance of the crew with the pallid faces of the Europeans of Batavia. But on 26th October a series of disastrous entries commence in the Journal.

"Set up the ship's tents for the reception of the ship's company, several of them begin to be taken ill, owing as I suppose to the extream hot weather."

Batavia had an ill-omened reputation, and it has been estimated that from 1735 to 1755 no less than 1,000,000 deaths took place, chiefly from malarial fever and dysentery, and Cook had soon cause to regret that the Dutch had undertaken the repairs of the ship, leaving his men to look on. He knew well the evil effects of want of occupation in such a climate, though he could not guess what it was to cost him. Up to this time he had only seven deaths to record since leaving Plymouth; three from drowning, two frozen (Mr. Banks's servants), one consumption, and one alcoholic poisoning: probably a record never equalled in the history of navigation. On 5th November Mr. Monkhouse, the surgeon, died, and Cook, Banks, and Solander were very ill. The two last went up into the hills, but Cook would not leave his ship.

Meanwhile the repairs went on; the ship was found to be worse than had been expected; two planks and a half had been rasped by the rocks to the thickness of one eighth of an inch for a distance of six feet:

"and here the worms had made their way quite into the timbers, so that it was a matter of surprise to every one who saw her bottom, how we had kept her above water, and yet in this condition we had sailed some hundreds of leagues in as dangerous a navigation as in any part of the world, happy in being ignorant of the continual danger we were in."

By the 14th her bottom was thoroughly repaired, and Cook speaks highly of the Dutch workmen:

"I do not believe there is a Marine Yard in the World where work is done with more alertness than here, or where there are better conveniences for heaving ships down, both in point of safety and Despatch."

The water, a perquisite of the Commodore of the Dutch East Indian fleet, was very unsatisfactory, and was found to keep very badly at sea, although its keeping properties had been loudly vaunted by the Commodore. Cook was present at his appointment:

"one of the grandest sights Batavia afforded; that may be too, and yet it did not recompense us for our trouble. I thought that the whole was but ill conducted, and the fleet appeared to be very badly mann'd."

A seaman who had run from a Dutch ship entered on the Endeavour, was claimed by the Dutch on the grounds that he was a Dane from Elsinore. Cook promised he should be given up if he proved not to be a British subject, and enquiry by Mr. Hicks resulted in a report to the Governor that he was an Irishman, so the matter dropped. His name was James Marra, and he will be again met with as gunner's mate on the Resolution.

DEATH OF TUPIA.

Before leaving Batavia there had been seven deaths, including Mr. Reynolds, artist, and Tupia and his boy servant, and Cook gives the number of sick as "forty or more." Hoping the sea breezes might have a beneficial effect, preparations were hurried forward, and they managed to leave the day after Christmas Day, being duly saluted by the garrison with fourteen guns, and the Earl of Elgin with thirteen guns and three cheers, "all of which we return'd."

Calling at Prince's Island in the straits of Sunda, where some of the Batavian water was replaced by better, the sailors were allowed to purchase whatever they fancied in hopes of diminishing the dysentery which was rampant. Every precaution that could be thought of was tried, but in vain. Mr. Banks lost Messrs. Sporing and Parkinson, and on 29th January Mr. Green died; he had been long ill, but Cook says he would not take proper care of himself. To judge from his own Journal, he must have been rather a difficult man to get on with, but his services as observer were invaluable, and he at all times and seasons was devoted to his special duty: indeed, at times he appears to have thought that every other work should give way to his. It is a somewhat suggestive fact that Banks hardly makes any reference to Mr. Green throughout his Journal. On 27th February the terrible list of losses was closed by the deaths of three of the crew, making in all thirty deaths since their arrival at Batavia.

It was afterwards discovered that the season in Batavia had been unusually unhealthy, and several ships that had called in there had to report heavy losses. Cook says:

"Thus we find that ships which have been little more than twelve months from England have suffer'd as much or more by sickness than we have done, who have been out near three times as long. Yet their sufferings will hardly, if at all, be mentioned or known in England; when, on the other hand, those of the Endeavour, because her voyage is uncommon, will very probably be mentioned in every News Paper, and, what is not unlikely, with Additional hardships we never Experienced; for such are the dispositions of men in general in these Voyages, that they are seldom content with the Hardships and Dangers which will naturally occur, but they must add others which hardly ever had existence but in their imaginations, by magnifying the most Trifling accidents and Circumstances to the greatest Hardships, and unsurmountable Dangers without the immediate interposition of Providence, as if the whole merit of the Voyages consisted in the real dangers and Hardships they underwent, or that the real ones did not happen often enough to give the mind sufficient anxiety. Thus Posterity are taught to look upon these Voyages as hazardous to the highest degree."

AT THE CAPE.

On 6th March land was sighted at daylight, about two leagues away, near Cape Natal, and on the 15th the Cape of Good Hope was seen. The first thing to be done was to provide shelter ashore for his sick, of whom he landed twenty-eight, and during the stay the remainder of the crew were given every possible opportunity of being on land, as Cook recognised the value of an entire change of life in shaking off the remnants of sickness. He lost three more of his men here, and hearing from a Dutch ship just in from Europe that war was threatening between England and Spain, he hurried up his preparations for departure and got all his men on board, though some were still very ill. In addition he managed to enter some half-dozen men for the voyage home.

In writing of the Cape, Cook draws attention to the fact:

"that a stranger is at once struck with surprise and disappointment, for no country we have seen this voyage affords so barren a prospect as this, and not only so in appearance but in reality."

Then further on he says:

"Notwithstanding the many disadvantages this country labours under, such is the industry, economy, and good management of the Dutch, that not only the necessary, but all the Luxuries of Life are raised here in great abundance, and are sold as cheap, if not cheaper, than in any part of Europe, some few articles excepted."

On the other hand, he complains of the exorbitant charges made by the Dutch East India Company for naval stores. As at Batavia, they were sold at a certain fixed price from which there was no deviation.

Calling in at St. Helena, they found H.M.Ss. Portland and Swallow, with a convoy, in the roads, and received some few much-needed stores from them, together with the information that all danger of war between Spain and England was over. They all sailed in company on 5th May, but after a few days Cook explained to Captain Elliott, of the Portland, who had come on board the Endeavour, that his ship, sails, and rigging were naturally not in very good order after his lengthy voyage, and therefore he should probably be unable to keep up with the other ships. He requested the Portland to take charge of letters, charts, and journals for the Admiralty. These papers only arrived in England three days in advance of the Endeavour. For some days the good Bark kept within easy reach of the fleet, and was able to obtain extra medical advice for Mr. Hicks, who was suffering from consumption when he left England, but had held out well till stricken with the Batavian fever, when he gradually sank and died on 25th May; Mr. Charles Clerke was appointed third lieutenant, in place of Mr. Gore, promoted. Since leaving the Cape they had also lost their Master, Mr. Molineaux, of whose intelligence Cook speaks very highly, but deplores his want of steadiness, the true cause of his early death. Mr. Pickersgill was appointed to the vacancy.

ANCHOR IN THE DOWNS.

On the 21st June they were still in sight of some of the convoy, but during the night they had their main topgallant sail split, and the topmast sprung, in a heavy squall; in fact, their gear was in such a bad state that something gave way daily. On 7th July they spoke a brig from London, three days out from Scilly, and learnt that no account of their proceedings had yet been made public, and that wagers were being laid that the Endeavour was lost. On 10th July Nicholas Young, who had sighted New Zealand, sighted the Land's End, and the Lizard was seen the next day. On Saturday, 13th July 1771, "at 3 o'clock in the P.M. anchor'd in the Downs and soon after I landed in order to repair to London."

Before leaving, Cook wrote to Mr. Stephens informing him of his arrival, and announcing that he was coming up to the Admiralty to lay before their Lordships a full account of the whole voyage, and that the ship was to await further orders. He hopes that the appointments that he has made will meet with approval, and requests that his charts, plans, and drawings may be laid before the authorities.

On 2nd August, Stephens wrote to him at Mile End, saying he had received the papers sent from Batavia, those by the Portland and those from the Downs, and that they had been laid before their Lordships. He goes on:

"I have the pleasure to acquaint you that their Lordships extremely well approve of the whole of your proceedings and that they have great satisfaction in the account you have given them of the good behaviour of your officers and men and of the cheerfulness and alertness with which they went through the fatigues and dangers of their late Voyage."

He also notifies at the same time that the appointments made have all been confirmed.

Cook himself was appointed Commander of the Scorpion on 29th August, but owing to other arrangements being made did not put in an appearance on his new ship. Isaac Smith and Isaac Manly were appointed respectively Master's mate and midshipman, taking part in the Second Voyage, being too young for further promotion.

The newspapers, of course, blossomed out into paragraphs on the subject of the voyage, more or less correct, and Bingley's Journal on 23rd July stated:

"In consequence of this discovery, more ships will be destined in search of this new terrestrial acquisition."

Evidently it was quickly decided that Cook's rest was to be short. On 27th the same Journal says:

"His Majesty's Ship, the Endeavour, which is lately arrived in the River from the East Indies, lost by the unhealthiness of the climate, 70 of her hands, tho' they were picked men, and had been several times in the Indies. However, those who survive will have made their fortunes by traffic, having brought home some of the richest goods made in the east, which they are suffered to dispose of without the inspection of the Custom House officers. This, our correspondent says, is allowed them by the Government as a reward for their hard and dangerous service during a voyage of three years."

The amount of the "richest goods made in the East" obtained from New Zealand, Australia, and Otaheite would be but a poor reward for three years' strenuous service; and Cook here finds his premonition as to his losses being exaggerated, only too true.

It is worthy of note that the number of punishments throughout the voyage was remarkably small, those entered in the ship's log being twenty-one, and the heaviest sentence, two dozen lashes for theft. In one case, that of Mathew Cox, A.B., for disobedience and mutinous conduct, the culprit proceeded civilly against Cook, on arrival in England, and the Admiralty solicitors were instructed to defend. The case was probably allowed to drop, as no result can be found.

LAST OF THE ENDEAVOUR.

The good ship which had so bravely borne her part, was not given much rest; but after being paid off at Woolwich, was despatched, under lieutenant James Gordon, to the Falkland Islands on 16th October, and returned with "perishable and unserviceable" stores; in 1772 and 1773 she again made voyages to the same destination, the last one to bring away the garrison and stores, as those islands were to be handed over to Spain. She was paid off at Woolwich in September 1774, and shortly afterwards was sold out of the Navy for the sum of 645 pounds. She is then believed to have been employed as a collier in the North Seas. Mr. Gibbs, of the firm of Gibbs and Canning of Newport, Rhode Island, one day pointed out to the English Consul the remains of an old vessel falling into decay, and informed him that it was Captain Cook's ship, the Endeavour. His story was that the French Government being anxious to compete with England in the whale fishery, offered a bounty to the ships in that trade sailing under the French flag. A Mr. Hayden purchased the old ship from a Dunkirk firm and re-christened her La Liberte, loaded her with oil and consigned her, under French colours, to Gibbs and Canning at Newport. She was chased by an English ship, but escaped, and after laying alongside a wharf for some months received a cargo, but running aground in trying to leave the harbour, she was found in such a bad condition that she was allowed to remain to drop to pieces. Enquiries into this story gave satisfactory results, and a box made from her timbers was presented to J. Fennimore Cooper, the American author, with letters authenticating, as far as possible, the vessel from which the wood had been taken. Miss Cooper mentions this box in her preface to her father's Red Rover, and several other relics of the old ship are still to be found in the neighbourhood of Newport.

CHAPTER 12. 1771. PREPARATIONS FOR SECOND VOYAGE.

After reporting himself to the Admiralty on his arrival in England, Cook proceeded to his home at Mile End Old Town, where he was for some time employed in completing his Charts and Journals, and on 14th August, the Annual Register announces, he was introduced to His Majesty at St. James's, when he:

"presented his Journal of his Voyage, with some curious maps and charts of different places that he had drawn during the voyage; he was presented with a captain's commission."

He also found time to write two long and instructive letters to his old master and good friend, Mr. John Walker of Whitby, which are to be found in Dr. Young's work. They give a rapid glance at the different places visited, with a few pithy remarks as to their peoples and productions; mention the pleasing reception he had from the king, and he alludes to the probability of being despatched on a second voyage with two ships.

Edgeworth, in his Memoirs, states that about this time Cook was a frequent visitor at Denham Place, the home of Mr. Louis Way, F.R.S., but as that gentleman died in this year, and Edgeworth also refers to events of a later date as occurring at the same time, it is more probable that these visits were paid after the Second Voyage to Mr. Benjamin Way, also F.R.S., and a Director of the South Sea Company. In another place Edgeworth infers that Banks, Solander, and Cook were members of a club which met at Slaughter's Coffee House in 1765. Of course, this is an error, for Cook was then engaged in Newfoundland, and unknown to the Royal Society, whose members composed the club spoken of; in fact, Cook, though a frequent guest in after times, was never a member of the Royal Societies Club.

Fanny Burney (Madame d'Arblay) says that in September her father, Dr. Charles Burney, spent a few days at Hinchinbroke, Lord Sandwich's place, in order to meet Cook, Banks, and Solander, and it is evident that the second voyage had been resolved on, for Dr. Burney's son, James, was introduced to Cook by Lord Sandwich, with a view to going on the expedition. Shortly after this, Sandwich met Dr. Burney at Lord Oxford's, Houghton, and asked him if he could recommend any one capable of writing the history of the voyage of the Endeavour; he gave Dr. Hawkesworth's name, and was requested to introduce him to Lord Sandwich on his return to town.

The object of the Second Voyage was, to use Cook's own words:

"To put an end to all diversity of opinion about a matter so curious and important, was His Majesty's principal motive in directing this voyage to be undertaken, the history of which is now submitted to the public, i.e., the existence of another continent in the South."

The discussion on the subject had been resumed with renewed vigour after the return of the Endeavour, and Dalrymple led one party, who held that Cook had not set the matter at rest as he had left far too much space untraversed.

WHITBY SHIPS AGAIN.

The two ships that were to be employed were probably selected in the Thames by Cook himself, and, like the good ship Endeavour, were built by Fishburn of Whitby, and purchased from Captain W. Hammond of Hull. The reasoning which guided Cook in his selection is thus laid down by him in his introduction to the account of the Second Voyage:

"The success of such undertakings as making discoveries in distant parts of the world, will principally depend on the preparations being well adapted to what ought to be the first consideration, namely, the preservation of the adventurers and ships; and this will chiefly depend on the kind, the size, and the properties of the ships chosen for the service. These primary considerations will not admit of any other, that may interfere with the necessary properties of the ships. Therefore, in chusing the ships, should any of the most advantageous properties be wanting, and the necessary room in them be, in any degree, diminished for less important purposes, such a step would be laying a foundation for rendering the undertaking abortive in the first instance. The ship must not be of great draught, but of sufficient capacity to carry a proper quantity of provisions and stores for the crew, and of such construction that she will bear to take the ground, and of such a size that she can be conveniently laid on shore if necessary for repairing any damages or defects, and these qualities are to be found in North Country built ships, such as are built for the coal trade, and in none other."

The larger of the two chosen was 462 tons, purchased for 4,151 pounds, and received into the Royal Navy under the name of the Drake. She was fitted as a sloop at Deptford, at a cost of 6,568 pounds (this sum, probably, covering both the original alterations which proved unsatisfactory and those made immediately before sailing), and at the time of her purchase was about fourteen months old. The second ship was of 336 tons, also fitted at Deptford as a sloop, was eighteen months old at time of purchase, cost 2,103 pounds, and was received under the name of Raleigh.

The complement of the Raleigh was eighty, but two additional carpenters' mates were added to each ship later on. Cook was also instructed not to bear, as was then usual, any servants on the books, but to enter A.B.s instead, and each officer who was entitled to a servant was "to be paid an allowance by Bill equal to the wages of the number of servants respectively allowed them."

On 25th December the names of the two ships were changed, the Drake becoming the Resolution, and the Raleigh the Adventure. The lieutenants appointed to the Resolution were Robert Pallisser Cooper, Charles Clerke, and Richard Pickersgill, and Mr. Tobias Furneaux, Commander, and Joseph Shank first lieutenant, of the Adventure. Of these officers Cook writes:

"I had all the reason in the World to be perfectly satisfied with the choice of the officers. The Second and Third Lieutenants, the Lieutenant of Marines, two of the Warrant officers, and several of the Petty officers had been with me during the former voyage. The others were men of known abilities, and all of them on every occasion showed their zeal for the service in which they were employed during the whole voyage."

ALTERATIONS TO THE RESOLUTION.

Two days after receiving his orders, Cook hoisted his pendant and superintended the alterations that were to be made for the accommodation of Mr. Banks and his party of scientists. These comprised Dr. Solander, Zoffani, the portrait painter, Dr. Lynd of Edinburgh, to secure whose services Parliament had made a special grant of 4000 pounds (though "what discoveries they expected him to make I could not understand," says Cook), and nine others, draughtsmen and servants; at least three more than had been thought necessary when the vessel was purchased. These alterations were:

"to raise her upper works about a foot, to lay a spar deck upon her from the quarter-deck to the forecastle (she having at this time a low waist), and to build a round house or coach for my accommodation, so that the great cabin might be appropriated to the use of Mr. Banks alone."

The Comptroller of the Navy, Captain Pallisser, was strongly opposed to these alterations as likely to be detrimental to the ship's sailing qualities, and though his opinions were overborne, they in the end proved to be correct.

When he had seen the alterations fairly on the way, Cook applied for three weeks' leave of absence, on the plea that he had "some business to transact in Yorkshire, as well as to see an aged father," and his application was at once granted. He therefore went to Ayton, where for the first time for seventeen years he was again amongst his own people. From Ayton he went on to Whitby, and was met some miles out from that town by many of the leading men of the place. From the Walkers he received the heartiest of welcomes, and it is related that the old housekeeper, Mary Prowd, had been carefully instructed that a Commander in His Majesty's Navy was a very different person from one of her master's apprentices, and must be received with all the marks of respect due to his rank. She promised obedience, but, alas, when the time came her memory fled, and opening wide her arms, she exclaimed: "O honey James! How glad I is to see thee!" A welcome, probably, more dear to Cook than any other could have been, and a proof of the affectionate regard he could inspire.

In February he was back in London, and Dr. Burney says in his Memoirs:

"I had the honour of receiving the illustrious Captain Cook to dine with me in Queen's Square [Bloomsbury] previously to his second voyage round the world. Observing upon a table, Bougainville's Voyage Autour du Monde, he turned it over, and made some curious remarks on the illiberal conduct of that circumnavigator towards himself when they met and crossed each other; which made me desirous to know, in examining the chart of M. de Bougainville, the several tracks of the two navigators, and exactly where they had crossed or approached each other.

"Captain Cook instantly took a pencil from his pocket book and said he would trace the route; which he did in so clear and scientific a manner that I would not take fifty pounds for my book. The pencil marks, having been fixed by skim milk, will always be visible."

This volume is now in the British Museum, and the pencil marks on the chart are as distinct as on the day they were made.

The alterations to the ship were completed early in February, and on the 6th she was hauled out of dock, and rigging, ballasting, and storing commenced. Cook says:

"Every department seemed to vie with the other in equiping these two ships, every standing rule and order in the Navy was dispensed with, every alteration, every necessary and useful article, was granted as soon as asked for."

SUPPLIES INCREASED.

In another passage he again refers to the anxiety of the Navy Board to see that the quality of the stores was everything that could be wished, and the quantity was increased from one to two and a half years' supply.

On the 22nd April the two sloops were at Longreach to take in their guns and gunners' stores; twelve carriage guns and twelve swivel musketoons for the Resolution, and ten carriage guns and ten swivels for the Adventure. These should have been taken on board at Galleon's Reach, but the Resolution was drawing too much water—seventeen feet. When here Cook showed that he thought she was rather over-weighted with her new upper works, and might prove crank, but:

"as the Gentlemen's apartments were full of heavy baggage and the sloop a good deal lumbered aloft with heavy and some useless articles, which we might soon get rid of or get into the hold after we had consumed some of our provisions, I still entertained hopes that she would bear all her additional works, and suspended giving any other opinion until a full trial had been made of her, foreseeing what would be the consequence in case she did not answer in the manner she was now fitted."

On 29th April, Mr. Banks gave an entertainment on board to Lord Sandwich, the French Ambassador, and other distinguished personages, and Cook notes that the first named had been on board several times, "a laudable tho ' rare thing in a First Lord of the Admiralty."

Cook obtained a few days' leave to make his final arrangements, and the Resolution was ordered to the Downs under the first lieutenant, whilst the Adventure proceeded to Plymouth; both vessels sailing from Longreach on 10th May. The Resolution, contending against adverse winds, made a very slow trip down to the Nore, being four days on the journey, and Mr. Cooper reported to Cook that she was very crank. The latter at once wrote to the Admiralty that he considered it unsafe to proceed any further with her in that condition, and proposed that her poop should be cut down, her masts shortened, and her guns exchanged to four-pounders. The Navy Board, however, decided that she should be restored to her original state as far as it was possible to do so; she was therefore ordered to Sheerness, and her Captain was instructed to join his ship and see the alterations were properly carried out.

Before leaving London Cook, who had heard it was said that he was not satisfied with the vessels chosen for the voyage, wrote to Mr. Stephens on the subject, giving his opinion that the crankness of the Resolution "was owing to the additional works that have been built upon her in order to make large accommodation for the several gentlemen passengers intended to embark in her." He added that the proposed alterations of the Navy Board would "render her as fit to perform the voyage as any ship whatever"; and, referring to the report that he did not approve of the type of ship, he says, "from the knowledge and experience I have had of these sort of vessels, I shall always be of opinion that only such are proper to be sent on Discoveries to very distant parts." On the 21st he again wrote Stephens that the alterations were making satisfactory progress, and that a man had been in the yard who had known the ship before her purchase, and he had "with some warmth asserted that at that time she was not only a stiff ship, but had as many good qualities as any ship ever built in Whitby." In reply to a rumour that the men were afraid to sail in her, he points out that she is moored alongside a wharf, and the men could go ashore whenever they pleased, yet he had not lost a single man.

BANKS WITHDRAWS.

Mr. Banks did not approve of the reduction in his accommodation necessitated by these alterations, and tried to get a 40-gun ship in place of the Resolution, and he and his friends succeeded in raising a very acrimonious discussion on the subject; but the admiralty stood firm, and the alterations went on under the superintendence of Cook. On 24th May Banks and Solander went to inspect her, and on their return to town Banks wrote to the Admiralty that he should not go the voyage as "the ship was neither roomy nor convenient enough for my purpose, nor no ways proper for the voyage." Cook, who says the preparations had cost Banks "about five Thousand Pounds," does not think that the reasons given by Banks were the only ones he had for not taking part in the voyage, and then continues, "their baggage, etc., were got out of the sloop and sent to London, after which no more complaints were heard of want of room, etc."

Lieutenant Clerke, who was very friendly with Banks, wrote to him on 31st May:

"Indeed I am sorry I'm not to have the honour of attending you the other bout...They are going to stow the major part of the cables in the hold to make room for the people now. I asked Gilbert [the Master], if such was the present case, what the devil should we have done if we had all gone? 'Oh, by God, that was impossible,' was his answer."

Marra (the gunner's mate), in a Journal of the voyage, published by Newberry, 1775, says the success of the voyage was due to their having shaken off:

"the train of gentlemen, who with their attendants occupied the chief accommodations of the ship," and whose presence would have rendered it "out of the power of the most determined officer to have carried such a princely retinue through the icy regions which they were to pass, without murmurs, or perhaps mutiny."

Some of the newspapers tried to make political matter out of the affair, and one at any rate roundly declared that "the true reason" of Banks's withdrawal was on account of a remonstrance from the Spanish Ambassador against any further exploration of the South Seas.

The withdrawal of Banks made no difference to his friendship with Cook, and in the future he was always ready to afford his support whenever it could be of any service either to his friend or family.

JOHN REINHOLD FORSTER.

As soon as it was known that Mr. Banks had withdrawn, Mr. John Reinhold Forster, a German of some scientific reputation, applied for the position of naturalist for the voyage, and, through the interest of Lord Sandwich, was successful. He was to receive the 4000 pounds granted by Parliament for Dr. Lynd, and was to pay all expenses, except ship's allowance of food, and provide all necessary instruments. He was accompanied by his son as assistant, a youth of about twenty years, who afterwards attained some note by his writings and translations. Messrs. Wales and Bayley were appointed astronomers by the Board of Longitude, with instructions to take and compare observations at every possible opportunity, and to take under their special charge the timepieces which were being carried on the two ships for the purpose of testing their accuracy and capabilities in assisting in ascertaining the longitude. Two of these instruments, made by Arnold, were placed in Mr. Bayley's charge on the Adventure, and two, one by Arnold, and the other by Kendal on Harrison's principle, under the care of Mr. Wales on the Resolution. Great precautions were taken to prevent any accident or tampering with these instruments; they were kept in boxes having three locks, the keys were held one by the Captain, one by the first lieutenant, and the third by the astronomer, so they could not even be wound up except in the presence of all three. William Hodges, a painter of repute, was appointed as artist, and his pictures were to become the property of the Admiralty.

The celebrated Dr. Joseph Priestley, at that time minister at Mill Hill Chapel, Leeds, had been invited by Mr. Banks to accompany him as astronomer, and his congregation had undertaken to guarantee his position on his return; but the Board of Longitude took objection to his religious views, and so his application was withdrawn.

CHAPTER 13. 1772 TO 1774. SECOND VOYAGE.

Saying goodbye to his family on 21st June, Cook, accompanied by Mr. Wales, left London for Sheerness, and the next day dropped down to the Nore. The Resolution was now drawing only fifteen feet ten inches of water instead of seventeen, a very satisfactory improvement. She was given a good trial on a wind, and was found "to answer exceeding well." On 3rd July they arrived at Plymouth, having been boarded the day before by Lord Sandwich and Captain Pallisser, who were on a tour of inspection, and Cook had the pleasure of giving them a satisfactory account of his ship: "I had not one fault to allege."

On arrival at Plymouth, Cook found that orders had been given to the stores that he was to be supplied with whatever he thought necessary, but the only things required were larger coppers for the distilling apparatus, the ones they had on board having proved far too small. The officers and crew were paid up to 28th May, and the petty officers and men also received two months' advance to enable them to provide necessaries and extras for the voyage. Cook remarks:

"The payment of six months' wages to the officers, and crews of these two sloops, being nearly all they had due, was an indulgence never before granted to any of His Majesty's Ships."

Cook now received his final orders, which he had assisted to draw up—in fact, "nothing was inserted that I did not fully comprehend and approve of." He was to call at Madeira for a supply of wine; to sail for the Cape of Good Hope and there refresh his men; then to look for Cape Circumcision, placed by M. Bouvet in 54 degrees South, 11 degrees 20 minutes East, to determine if it formed part of a continent, and if so to explore it, following the coast and endeavouring to get as near to the South Pole as he could without endangering his ships or crews. Should Cape Circumcision prove to be an island, or should he be unable to find it, he was to proceed as far south as he thought there was a probability of meeting with land, and then steering east, circumnavigate the world in as high a latitude as he could. In case of meeting with land he was to explore as far as time would permit. When the season rendered it unsafe to remain in high latitudes he was to retire to the north to refit and recruit, and at a proper season to return to the south. In any unforeseen circumstances he was to use his own discretion, and if the Resolution should be lost, he was to prosecute his voyage in the Adventure. A copy of these orders was given to Captain Furneaux, and in case of separation the following rendezvous were named: Madeira, Port Praya in the island of St. Iago, the Cape of Good Hope, and New Zealand.

FORSTER SAVES SHIP!

The Forsters evidently were far from pleasant travelling companions, and at one time or another seem to have quarrelled with every one on board the ship. At the very first the father was dissatisfied with the accommodation allotted to him, and offered Mr. Cooper 100 pounds to turn out of his cabin; when this offer was declined, he tried to force Mr. Gilbert, the Master, to give up his, threatening if he refused he should be reported to the king and turned out of the Navy; this threat appears to have been a favourite one, and soon became a by-word with the seamen, who, according to Mr. Wales, would use it to each other on every possible occasion. But, according to his own account, Mr. Forster was able to save the expedition from a very great disaster on 12th July. He says he came on deck and noticed the ship was adrift from her moorings; neither the officer of the watch nor the look-out had seen it till he called attention, and then, after a scene of the greatest confusion, the ship was fortunately brought up within a few feet of the rocks. On the other hand, the Master's log admits the Resolution got adrift, but before Mr. Forster reached the deck the fact had been reported to the Captain, all hands turned up, the jib and forestay sail set, and the ship quietly dropped down into the Sound and anchored, never having been in the slightest danger. The only other one to notice the affair was Midshipman Willis, who simply states, "dropped from the Buoy and anchored in the Sound."