GRENVILLE'S RIG CHANGED.

Whilst at Deptford, the rig of the Grenville was altered from schooner to brig, as Cook thought that her sailing qualities would be improved by the change, and she also received a thorough overhaul. In the previous year her armament had been supplied from the flagship, and of course had to be returned, so now she was established with "6 swivel guns, 12 Musquets, and powder and shot" of her own, and her crew was augmented to twenty, including a midshipman and a carpenter's mate, paid as on board a sixth rate. Isaac Smith, Mrs. Cook's cousin, afterwards Admiral, who lived with her at Clapham, was the midshipman. On 25th March 1765 the Grenville again left for Newfoundland, arriving at St. Lawrence Harbour on 2nd June to recommence her work. On 14th July, whilst "moored in a bay by Great Garnish, we picked up two men who had been lost in the woods for near a month. They came from Barin, intending to go to St. Lawrence Harbour, and were almost perishing for want of subsistence." Going into Long Harbour, 23rd July, the Grenville ran on a rock and remained so fast that she had to be unloaded before she could be floated off the next day, when she was found to have suffered considerable damage to her forefoot.

From the log of the Grenville it appears that the survey was not carried out continuously, and this may be accounted for by the fact that the Governor was being called upon to settle disputes with the French fishermen, who were only too apt to place the broadest construction on the treaty rights accorded to them. It is very possible that Cook, during this year, rendered assistance to Captains Debbieg and Bassett, engineers, who were engaged in surveying important points and harbours with a view to fortification, and Pallisser had been instructed to give them every help. There is no positive record that Cook did assist, but his ship was several times engaged near where they were at work, and it seems very reasonable to suppose that he worked with them, especially as such work might be very important to both parties.

Cook returned to Spithead on 30th November, and from thence to Deptford for the winter, and in February obtained permission from the Admiralty to publish the charts he had completed; Captain Pallisser, who made the application, said he was of opinion that they "would be of great encouragement to new adventurers on the fisheries upon those coasts."

ECLIPSE OF THE SUN.

He again left Deptford on 20th April 1766, and arrived at Bon Bon Bay, 1st June, to survey the south-west and south coasts. At the Burgeo Islands, near Cape Ray, which were reached on 24th July, Cook was able to take an observation of an eclipse of the sun occurring on 5th August. On his return to England at the end of the year, he handed the results of his observations to Dr. Bevis, a prominent Fellow of the Royal Society, who communicated them to that body on 30th April 1767, and the account is to be found in the Philosophical Transactions of that year. Dr. Bevis describes Cook as "a good mathematician, and very expert at his business," and says he was supplied with very good instruments; that there were three observers "with good telescopes, who all agreed as to the moment of beginning and ending"; that he had shown Cook's results to Mr. George Mitchell, who had calculated therefrom the difference of longitude between the Burgeo Islands and Oxford, where another good observation had been taken.

Cook makes no reference to the eclipse in the log of the Grenville, but it appears that he was peculiarly lucky in the weather, for the five days preceding are described as "foggy," and the four or five succeeding are "raining with squalls." This observation was a most fortunate one for Cook, as it brought him to the favourable notice of the Royal Society, a body of eminent men, outside his own profession, which was able, soon after, to advance his interests, and in course of time to admit him into its own ranks as an ornament of which it is still proud.

On 4th November the Grenville left St. John's for winter quarters at Deptford, and the log ends on 24th November, "Dungeness light North-East by East 2 miles." Mr. Parker, his assistant, was promoted to a lieutenancy, and Mr. Michael Lane, who was mentioned for the post by Captain Graves in 1763, and who was now schoolmaster on the Guernsey, was appointed in his place.

On 5th April 1767 the Grenville had completed her refit, warped out of dock, and was at anchor waiting for the tide to turn in order to drop down to Woolwich, when the Three Sisters, a Sunderland collier, Thomas Boyd, Master, "fell athwart her hawse and carried away her bowsprit, cap, and jibboom," which had to be replaced. The story is that this accident happened to the Endeavour, and that Mr. Cook, who was naturally very indignant, sent for the offending Master of the collier to give him a sound rating for running foul of one of His Majesty's ships; but when he found himself face to face with an old schoolfellow of the Ayton days, he took him down into his cabin, treated him to the best he had on board, and spent a good time with him talking over the old days when they were boys together. From Cook's character the story may well be true, excepting it has been applied to the wrong ship.

When the repairs were executed the Grenville sailed for Newfoundland, arriving off Cape Race on 9th May, and Cook at once set to work on the survey of the west coast. He landed in September at the mouth of the Humber, and made a rapid examination of that river, discovering several lakes, and getting a good general idea of that part of the island. He returned to St. John's for the last time on 14th October, having practically completed the survey of the general run of the coast, and added very considerably to the knowledge of some of the interior parts of the island. In 1762 a map was published, compiled from the very latest information, and on it is the note: "The inland parts of this island are entirely unknown." Cook is said to have discovered valuable seams of coal, but there is no note of anything of the kind amongst his records.

THE GRENVILLE ASHORE.

He sailed for England on 23rd October, and anchored off the Nore in very heavy weather on 11th November. It was soon found that the anchors would not hold, and at length one parted and the ship "trailed into shallow water, striking hard." After a while she again struck heavily, and "lay down on her larboard bilge." As there seemed no prospect of the gale moderating, everything was made as snug as time would allow, and, putting his crew into the boats, Cook made for Sheerness. The weather at length improved, so obtaining assistance he returned and found that fortunately his ship had sustained very little damage, and the next day he successfully floated her, and got her up to Deptford yards on the following Sunday, and then Cook was able to set to work on his charts. On 3rd February, Pallisser wrote to Mr. Stephens asking him to obtain permission from the Lords to publish, and at once obtained the necessary authority.

Some of these charts had been published in 1766, and now the complete series appeared with sailing directions for the south and east coasts of the islands. Admiral Sir W.J.L. Wharton, the late hydrographer to the Admiralty, says:

"The Charts he made during these years in the schooner Grenville were admirable. The best proof of their excellence is that they are not yet wholly superseded by the more detailed surveys of modern times. Like all first surveys of a practically unknown shore, and especially when that shore abounds in rocks and shoals, and is much indented with bays and creeks, they are imperfect in the sense of having many omissions; but when the amount of the ground covered, and the impediments of fogs and bad weather on that coast is considered, and that Cook had at the most only one assistant, their accuracy is truly astonishing."

On the publication of his charts, Cook's connection with Newfoundland was concluded, and on 12th April 1768 Mr. Lane was "appointed to act as Master of the brig Grenville, and surveyor of the coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador in the absence of Mr. Cook, who is to be employed elsewhere." Mr. Lane was to be paid an allowance of five shillings per day over and above his pay as Master of a sixth rate. Cook and he were paid their allowances up to 31st December 1767, and on 17th June the Navy Board were ordered to complete Cook's allowance up to 12th April. From the wording of Mr. Lane's appointment it would appear that the surveyor's position was to be left open for Cook if it was thought desirable for him to resume it.

CHAPTER 6. 1768. PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE.

Till a few years ago writers on the subject were content to draw their information as to the first voyage of Cook to the South Seas from the so-called history of Dr. Hawkesworth. This gentleman, who posed as a stylist (Boswell calls him a "studious imitator of Dr. Johnson"), was introduced by Dr. Charles Burney to Lord Sandwich for the express purpose of writing an account of the expedition, and was supplied with all the records in the possession of the Admiralty relating to it, he had access to the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, the Notes of Dr. Solander and others who accompanied Cook, and, more than all, he had the opportunity of personal communication with the leaders of the party. Notwithstanding these advantages he interpolated so much of his own speculations, conclusions, and dissertations, as to render his voluminous work not only extremely unreliable but often extremely ridiculous. Travellers to the South Seas record that the accounts of things and places described as seen by Cook are remarkably correct, but that the inferences drawn are wrong. They do not realise that the statements of fact are Cook's, whilst the deductions and ornamentations are Hawkesworth's, and were strongly resented by Cook. Boswell relates that he told Johnson that he had met Captain Cook at dinner at Sir John Pringle's (then President of the Royal Society), and gave him an account of a conversation they had together. Johnson:

"was much pleased with the conscientious accuracy of that celebrated circumnavigator, who set me right as to many of the exaggerated accounts given by Dr. Hawkesworth of his voyages."

Cook's opinion on the subject may be seen from his determination to prepare his Journals for the press himself in the future.

Within the last few years the Journal of the Endeavour has been published under the able supervision of the late Admiral Sir W.J.L. Wharton, and the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, which was missing for a long time, has been recovered and published by Sir Joseph Hooker; and these two books may be preferred with safety over all others that have been written on the subject.

MEMORIAL TO THE KING.

It had been calculated that a Transit of Venus would occur in 1769, observations of which would be of great importance to astronomical science, and several of the European nations, notably Russia, were intending to establish points of observation. The Royal Society decided that as England had hitherto taken a lead in astronomy, she should not now fall behind, and appointed a committee to report on the places where it would be desirable to take observations, the methods to be pursued, and the persons best fitted to carry out the work. This committee advised that two observers should be sent to Hudson's Bay, two to the South Pacific and, if Sweden did not send there, two to the North Cape. They also advised that the Government should be asked to supply a ship to convey the party to some island to be decided on in the South Seas, and several gentlemen were suggested as observers, Mr. Maskelyne, President of the Society, especially recommending Mr. Dalrymple as "a proper person to send to the South Seas, having a particular turn for discoveries, and being an able navigator and well skilled in observation." Mr. Maskelyne estimated the voyage would take about two years, and that a sum of ten shillings and six pence per day would be a reasonable allowance for expenses, together with a gratuity the amount of which was to be settled hereafter. A Memorial on the subject was prepared and forwarded to the King, setting forth that as a Transit of Venus over the Sun's disc was expected to occur, and that other nations were intending to take observations thereof in the interests of navigation, it would be desirable that as the British Nation had been justly celebrated for its knowledge of Astronomy, and an Englishman, Mr. Jeremiah Horrox, had been the first person who calculated the passage of the planet over the sun, in 1639, the Government should support the Royal Society in its attempt to take a proper position in the matter, by a grant of money and a ship to take a party to the South Seas. Four thousand pounds was the sum named, and on 24th March the President was able to inform the Council that the King had been pleased to order that it should be placed in his hands, "clear of fees," for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the expedition. In the end, after paying all accounts, there was a considerable balance left, which the King placed at the disposal of the Society, and a portion of it was expended on the bust of His Majesty, by Nollekins, now in its possession.

The gentlemen whose names had been suggested as observers were asked to appear before the Council if they were willing to accept the position, and Mr. Dalrymple wrote in reply to say there was only one part of the world where he would go to take observations, that was the South Seas, and he would only go if he had "the management of the ship intended for the service." Mr. Maskelyne told the Council he had recommended Mr. Dalrymple to the Admiralty for the command of the ship, the use of which had been granted, but had been informed that such an appointment would be "entirely repugnant to the regulations of the Navy." It is said that Sir Edward Hawke, having in his mind the disastrous result of giving Halley the command of a King's ship in 1698, when a serious mutiny occurred, positively refused to sign such a commission, saying that he would "rather cut off his right hand than permit any one but a King's officer to command one of the ships of His Majesty's Navy."

Dalrymple, originally a clerk in the East India Company's service, had spent some years trading amongst the islands of the Malay Archipelago and China, returned to England and published a couple of pamphlets on the East Indies, and in 1767 a book on the discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, which brought him to the notice of the Royal Society. He was afterwards for a time hydrographer to the East India Company, and was then appointed the first hydrographer to the Admiralty. He was dismissed from this position for exceeding his powers, and soon afterwards died. He appears to have been a clever man, but of an extremely overbearing disposition and a very high opinion of himself. In writing to Dr. Hawkesworth on one occasion, he said: "I never write on any subject I do not thoroughly understand." What makes the remark more interesting is that he was quite in the wrong on the subject under discussion. He appears never to have forgiven Cook for having been successful in obtaining the command of the expedition to observe the Transit of Venus, and for completely upsetting his pet theory of a large continent in the Southern Ocean.

PURCHASE OF THE ENDEAVOUR.

The Navy Board, having been ordered by the Admiralty to propose a proper vessel to convey the observers to the South Seas, first suggested the Tryal Sloop, and then the Rose, but both being found unsuitable they were ordered to purchase one. On 29th March the Board wrote to Stephens that they had bought:

"a cat-built Bark, in Burthen 368 Tuns and of the age of three years and nine months, for conveying such persons as shall be thought proper to the Southward..."

At the same time, instructions were sought as to fitting and arming her for the service, and as to the name under with she was to be registered on the list of the Navy. A cat-built ship is described in the Encyclopaedias as one with round bluff bows, a wide deep waist, and tapering towards the stern. The name is derived from the Norwegian kati, a ship.

The cat-built bark, the now immortal Endeavour, was built by Messrs. Fishburn of Whitby, and owned by Mr. William Milner of that port. Dr. Young says that her original name was the Earl of Pembroke, but Sir Evan Macgregor wrote to Mr. Waddington in 1888 that she was purchased "under the name of the Endeavour, and was entered as a barque." The Warrant Entry Book from Board of Trade proves that Dr. Young was right, as the following entries will show:

"Deptford, March 23rd 1768. Two cats called the Valentine and the Earl of Pembroke to be surveyed and report which is the properest to be purchased."

"Deptford, March 28th 1768. Ship Earl of Pembroke to be received."

"Deptford, April 7th 1768. Ship purchased to be sheathed, filled, and fitted for a voyage to the southward. To be called The Endeavour Bark."

From the Records of the Survey Office, List of H.M. Navy, 1771 to 1776, it has been ascertained that her price was 2,800 pounds, and the cost of fitting her for the voyage was 2,294 pounds. The reason she was named officially either the Bark Endeavour or Endeavour Bark, was that there was another Endeavour in the Navy, stationed at that time at the Nore. Kippis says that Pallisser was entrusted with the selection of the ship, and that he called on Cook for assistance in the matter, and the fact that a Whitby-built ship was chosen, of a kind in which Cook had had considerable experience, adds to the probability of his statement. Dalrymple enters a claim, in letters to Dr. Hawkesworth, to having chosen the Endeavour for the voyage, but as she was not ordered to be surveyed, with a view to purchase, till 23rd March, when it was well-known the Admiralty had refused to allow him the command of the expedition, there is little force in his claim.

COPPER SHEATHING.

Admiral Wharton assumes that as Cook expresses himself averse from having exploring ships sheathed in copper, owing to the difficulty of making repairs in case of accident far from proper facilities, and from the frequent mention of "heeling and boot-topping" in the Journal of the Endeavour, it is most probable that she was sheathed in wood. This assumption is correct, for there is no mention of copper sheathing in the Surveyor's books, nor at the time of her being repaired at the Endeavour River, nor at Batavia, when it is impossible that any account of her damaged bottom could be given without the mention of copper if any such sheathing had been used. The Naval Chronicle says the first ship of the Royal Navy to be sheathed with copper was the Alarm frigate in 1758; and it is also said that the Dolphin, the ship in which Captain Wallis sailed round the world, was the only coppered ship in the service at this time, and she remained the only one for some years.

On 5th May, at a Council Meeting of the Royal Society, Captain John Campbell, R.N., proposed that Cook, who was in attendance, and had been appointed by the Admiralty to the command of the Endeavour, was a fit and proper person to be one of the observers for the Society in the Southern Seas. Cook was called in, and accepted the position in consideration of such a gratuity as the Society should think proper, and an allowance of 120 pounds per year "for victualling himself and another observer in every particular." Mr. Green was also called in, and accepted the place as the other observer for the gratuity of 200 guineas for the two years the voyage was expected to take, and at the rate of 100 guineas a year afterwards. A list of the instruments to be supplied by the Society was also prepared at the same meeting, and the workmen engaged on them were ordered to show them to Messrs. Green and Cook, and give any desired information. A portable observatory, said to have been designed by Smeaton, the builder of the Eddystone Lighthouse, framed of wood and covered with canvas, was also prepared. Mr. Maskelyne, knowing the value of a good watch when observing for longitude, lent the Society one of his own, made by Graham, to be entrusted to Mr. Green, and it was signed for with the other instruments supplied. Chronometers, of course, at that time were in process of evolution, several makers were endeavouring to gain the prize which had been offered for a reliable timekeeper. Shortly after, at a second meeting, Cook agreed to accept a gratuity from the Society of 100 guineas for taking the observations, and was paid 120 pounds sustenance money for Mr. Green and himself, with authority to draw on the Society during the voyage for a further amount not exceeding 120 pounds.

In the Commissions and Warrants Book, under date 26th May 1768, appears the following entry:

MR. JAMES COOK (2nd) 1st Lieutenant Endeavour Bark. E.H., C.T., C.S.

The initials signify Edward Hawke, Charles Townshend, and Lord Charles Spencer. The "(2nd)" evidently refers to the fact that there was already one James Cook, a lieutenant in the Navy, namely, the former Master of the Mercury, and Third Lieutenant of the Gosport.

PENDANT HOISTED.

Having received his orders Cook proceeded to Deptford and hoisted his pendant on H.M.S. Endeavour on 27th May, and at once started to prepare for sea. A considerable quantity of coal was taken on board to use for drying the ship, as it occupied so much less room than wood.

Captain Wallis returned from his voyage round the world about this time, and in consequence of his report, the Island of Georgeland, afterwards called by Cook Otaheite and now Tahiti, was fixed upon by the Royal Society as the most desirable place for the observations, and the Admiralty were requested to issue the proper orders, notifying at the same time that Mr. Charles Green and Lieutenant James Cook had been appointed observers. They also in the same letter write that:

"Joseph Banks, Esquire, Fellow of this Society, a Gentleman of large fortune, who is well versed in Natural History, being desirous of undertaking the same voyage, the council very earnestly request their Lordships that in regard to Mr. Banks' great personal merit and for the advancement of useful knowledge, he also, together with his suite, being seven persons more (that is eight persons in all) together with their baggage, be received on board of the ship under command of Captain Cook."

They also requested that the expedition might be landed a month or six weeks before the 3rd June in order that the instruments might be got into proper working order, and for fear the ship might not be able to reach Georgeland, a table of the limits within which the observations might be taken, was enclosed. Full instructions were also given to the two observers, and a list of the fixed stars to be observed was drawn up by Mr. Maskelyne.

The order to receive Mr. Green and Mr. Banks and party was issued on 22nd July, "for victuals only"—i.e., they were to be supplied with the same as the rest of the ship's company whilst on board. The members of Banks's party were: Dr. Solander, naturalist; H. Sporing, assistant naturalist; A. Buchan, S. Parkinson, and Jno. Reynolds, artists; James Roberts and Peter Briscoe, white servants; Thomas Richmond and J. Dorlton, coloured servants.

It was owing to the personal friendship between them that Banks was permitted by Lord Sandwich, the First Lord of the Admiralty, to accompany Cook. He had taken up the study of Botany when at Eton, and at an early age had been elected F.R.S. He seems quickly to have formed a just estimate of Cook's worth; indeed, Sir John Barrow says he took a liking to him at the first interview, and a firm friendship sprang up between them which endured to the end. Many instances are to be found of his interest in and his support to Cook after their return home; and this friendship speaks volumes for Cook, for, though Banks was a most kindly natured man, he had at times a very overbearing manner.

Sir Joseph Hooker, in his introduction, quotes a most interesting letter from Mr. John Ellis, F.R.S., to Linnaeus, the great botanist, in which he says that Mr. Banks, a gentleman of 6000 pounds a year, has persuaded Dr. Solander to go out with him to the South Seas to collect "all the natural curiosities of the place," and after the observations are taken, they are "to proceed on further discoveries." He goes on to mention the library of Natural History and splendid outfit Banks is taking, and says, "in short, Solander assured me this expedition would cost Mr. Banks 10,000 pounds."

The Endeavour left Deptford on 21st July, and, calling at Galleons Reach, took in her guns and gunners' stores. Her armament was originally to have been six carriage guns, four pounders, and eight swivels, but they were increased to ten carriage guns and eight swivels, and at Plymouth four more swivels were added for use in the boats. The complement of men was also increased to 85, including 12 marines who were to join at Plymouth, and a third Lieutenant had been appointed in July.

She had dropped down the river and anchored in the Downs on 3rd August, Cook joining her on the 7th and, discharging his pilot, sailed the next day. He had a very tedious passage down the Channel, and did not arrive a Plymouth till the 14th, when he immediately sent word to Messrs. Banks and Solander, who were still in London, that he was ready for sea, and was only waiting for a fair wind to sail. They therefore started at once, their baggage being already on board, and joined Cook on 20th August.

CREW WELL SATISFIED.

Having received his extra guns, marines, twelve barrels of powder, and other stores, Cook mustered his men, paid them two months advance, and explained to them that they were not to expect any additional pay for the intended voyage. He says, "they were well satisfied, and expressed great cheerfulness and readiness to prosecute the voyage."

The orders under which he sailed were secret, and, unfortunately, are not to be found. Admiral Wharton says the covering letter is in existence, but the orders which should be on the next page are missing. Cook writes:

"I was ordered, therefore, to proceed directly to Otaheite; and, after the astronomical observations should be completed, to prosecute the design of making discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean by proceeding to the South as far as the latitude of 40 degrees: then, if I found no land, to proceed to the west between 40 and 35 degrees till I fell in with New Zealand, which I was to explore, and thence return to England by such route as I should think proper."

His last letter to the Admiralty, before leaving England, was written on the day of his arrival at Plymouth, informing them of that fact, and announcing his intention of proceeding to sea with all possible despatch.

CHAPTER 7. 1768 TO 1769. PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE.

After waiting for some days for a fair wind, Cook eventually sailed at 2 P.M. on 26th August, having, as he says in his Journal, "94 persons, including officers, seamen, Gentlemen and their servants; near 18 months' provisions, 10 carriage guns, 12 swivels, with good store of ammunition, and stores of all kinds" on board. On 1st September they had heavy gales lasting for about four-and-twenty hours, and a small boat belonging to the boatswain was washed away, and "between three and four dozen of our poultry, which was worst of all," were drowned. The ship was found to be very leaky in her upper works, and the sails in the store got very wet. Banks notes that they caught two birds in the rigging that had evidently been blown off the coast of Spain. On 13th September they anchored in Funchal Roads, and during the night "the Bend of the Hawser of the stream anchor slip'd owing to the carelessness of the person who made it fast." The anchor was hauled up into a boat in the morning, and carried further out, but, unfortunately, in heaving it into the water, a Master's mate, named Weir, got entangled in the buoy rope, was carried overboard, and drowned before any assistance could be rendered.

Whilst shifting her berth to a more convenient spot, the Endeavour was fired on by one of the forts owing to some misunderstanding, but satisfactory apologies and explanations were made, and it was thought so little of that neither Cook nor Banks mention it in their Journals. This incident is probably the origin of the story told by Forster in his Journal of the Second Voyage. He says:

"Captain Cook in the Endeavour battered the Loo Fort at Madeira in conjunction with an English Frigate, thus resenting an affront which had been offered to the British flag."

When the Endeavour arrived at Funchal, the only British man-of-war there was H.M.S. Rose, which sailed the following day with her convoy, and neither her Captain's Journal nor his ship's log make any reference whatever to a dispute with the Portuguese. No other British man-of-war came into the port whilst the Endeavour was there, and afterwards, at Rio, Cook expressly informed the Viceroy that he had been well received by the Portuguese at Madeira.

Fresh water, meat, vegetables, and wine were taken on board; wine, fruit, and water being good and cheap, but the meat and poultry, obtained as a favour, were dear. Two men, a marine and a sailor, received twelve lashes for refusing to eat their allowance of fresh meat. This appears to be harsh treatment, but it must be remembered that the lash was at that time almost the only recognised method of punishment in the Navy, however trivial the offence might be; and Cook knew from experience how important it was to prevent the scurvy from getting foothold on board, and he already had determined to fight, by every means in his power, this dread scourge, almost his most dangerous foe. He did conquer it even on this first voyage, and, considering his means, in a most marvellous manner. He would have claimed the victory had it not been for an untoward event, which will be told hereafter, leading him to postpone his claim till he could give further proof. It is important to notice how on every possible occasion he obtained, wherever he could, some change of diet and fresh water.

EDEN BEFORE THE FALL.

Whilst they were at Funchal, Banks spent five days with the English Consul, and he describes the place as very pretty, but the people as primitive, idle, and uninformed; all their instruments of the rudest make; and he thought that the appliances used in the manufacture of wine must have been similar to those used by Noah, "although it is not impossible that he might have used better if he remembered the methods he had seen before the flood." One of the Governors left it on record that, so averse from change were the people, he thought it most fortunate the island was not Eden before the fall, as in that case the inhabitants could never have been induced to wear clothes. He explored as much of the island as he could, but says he could never get more than three miles away from the town as his time was so much broken up. The Governor visited them on one of the days he says was so wasted, but relates, with evident glee, how he took his revenge. There was an electrical machine on board, and His Excellency was most curious on the subject; it was sent for and explained to him, and Banks goes on, "they gave him as many shocks as he cared for; perhaps more." A visit was paid to a convent, where the nuns, hearing they were distinguished scientists, plied them with all sorts of questions, and for the half-hour the visit lasted their tongues were going "all the time at an uncommonly nimble rate." At a monastery they visited they were well received, and the monks, regretting they were then unprepared, invited them to come the next day and, though it would be Friday, they would have roast turkey for dinner.

On 19th September, at midnight, they weighed, sighted Teneriffe on the 23rd, and the day following their first flying fish found its way into Mr. Green's cabin. On the 28th they tried steaks for dinner cut from a young shark, which Banks and Solander reported as very good, but the crew refused to taste them. Cape de Verde was seen on the 30th, and about a fortnight afterwards the line was crossed in 29 degrees 24 minutes West longitude, and the following day the event was celebrated. Lieutenant Hicks had crossed before, so a list was given to him of all on board, including the dogs and cats, and all were mustered on deck, those who had already crossed being separated from the others. Any one who wished could purchase immunity for four days' allowance of wine, but the others had to pay the penalty of ducking. Banks compounded for himself and party, and Cook also seems to have got off, but the others were hauled up to the end of the main-yard on a boatswain's chair, and then at the sound of the whistle dropped into the sea, an operation repeated three times. Cook says the "ceremony was performed to about twenty or thirty, to the no small diversion of the rest."

Whilst near the Equator, great inconvenience was felt from the damp heat; everything was mouldy or rusty, and several of the crew were on the sick-list with a sort of bilious complaint; but it fortunately did not grow into a serious matter.

RECEPTION AT RIO.

They struck soundings on 6th November, and on heaving the lead again found a difference of less than a foot in three or four hours. Land was sighted near Cape Frio, Brazil, in latitude 21 degrees 16 minutes South, on the 8th, and they came across a boat manned by eleven blacks who were engaged in catching and salting fish. Banks purchased some fish, and was surprised to find they preferred to be paid in English rather than Spanish coin. On the 13th they arrived off Rio de Janeiro, where they were very ungraciously received by the Viceroy. They were not permitted to land except under a guard; some of the men who had been sent ashore on duty were imprisoned. Mr. Hicks, who had gone to report their arrival and ask for the services of a pilot, was detained for a time, and it was only with difficulty, and at an exorbitant rate, that they obtained fresh food and water. Consequently little was seen of the place, except from the ship, and Cook took all possible observations from thence, and made a sketch map of the harbour, to which he added all the information he was able to pick up from the pilot. Writing to the Royal Society, he says he is quite unable to understand the true reason of his treatment, and contrasts it with that received by a Spanish ship which came in whilst he was there. This Spanish ship willingly undertook to carry to Europe and forward to the Admiralty copies of the correspondence that passed between Cook and the Viceroy, which Cook describes as

"a paper war between me and His Excellency, wherein I had no other advantage than the racking his invention to find reasons for treating us in the manner he did, for he never would relax the least from any one point."

To every remonstrance the Viceroy pleaded his instructions and the custom of the port. He seems to have been quite unable to grasp the object of the expedition, and Cook says his idea of the transit of Venus was, "the North Star passing through the South Pole. His own words." The crew were accused of smuggling, and it was repeatedly asserted that the Endeavour was not a king's ship. Parkinson, one of Mr. Banks's staff, says that frequently some of them let themselves down from the cabin window at midnight into a boat, and driving with the tide till they were out of hearing of the guard boat established over them, rowed ashore and made short excursions into the country, "though not so far as we could have wished to have done."

Banks, speaking of the supplies obtained at Rio, says the beef was cheap but very lean and dry; the bread tasted as if made with sawdust, and justified its name of Farinha de Pao (wooden meal); the fruits, excepting the oranges, were very indifferent, and he takes particular exception to the banana, which he had not tasted before, it was not at all to his liking. The water also was very bad, and the crew preferred what they had brought with them, though it was very stale.

M. de Bougainville reports that when he visited Rio he was at first received in a very friendly manner by this same Viceroy, but after a time the treatment was altered, and he had to put up with even greater insolence than Cook.

THE SECOND DEATH.

When the stores had been received on board, the anchor was weighed in order to take up a more favourable position for making a start, but, unfortunately, shortly after the ship got underway, a man named Peter Flowers fell from the main-shrouds into the sea and was drowned before assistance could be rendered: the second death since leaving England. The next day the wind was contrary, but every one was so anxious to turn their backs on the place that Cook ordered out the boats to tow, but they were immediately brought up by a shot from the fort of Santa Cruz. A remonstrance was sent ashore, and received the lame excuse that the permit for leaving had been signed but had been delayed on its way, and the officer in command could not allow the vessel to leave till it was received. Another attempt to get away was soon after made, but the anchor fouled a rock, and there was again delay; at length, on the 7th December, they were able to make a start, discharge their pilot, and bid farewell to the guard boat which had so constantly kept watch over them. They were informed that an Englishman, named Foster, an officer in the Portuguese service, who had been of great use to them, was imprisoned for his kind attentions.

On 9th December they met with bad weather and lost their foretop-gallant mast, but the rough handling they got was credited with improving the sailing qualities of the ship, as it took some of the stiffness out of her upperworks. A meteor was noted on the 23rd, like a small bright cloud, emitting flames, travelling rapidly westward, and disappearing slowly with two sharp explosions. The same day an eclipse of the sun was observed.

Christmas Day, for which the men had been saving up their allowances of grog, passed in the usual manner, that is, in considerable over-indulgence. Banks speculates as to what might have happened if they had had bad weather, whilst Cook dismisses the occurrence very shortly: "The people none of the soberest." On the 27th they crossed the mouth of the River Plate, the water being very discoloured, and a good many land insects were found in it. On 2nd January 1769, they saw some of the shoals of red lobsters like those mentioned by Dampier and Cowley, but they were not found in such quantities as those navigators reported.

On the 11th the shores of Tierra del Fuego were sighted, and on working in closer, the country was found to be less desolate in appearance than they had expected from Anson's description. Arriving off the entrance of the Straits of Le Maire, between Staten Island and the mainland, they were driven back by the tide and a strong adverse wind, and trying to shelter under Cape Diego they were carried past, and only after three and a half days' hard work were they able to get through the straits. Cook has left sailing directions for this passage which are followed to the present day. Banks and Solander were ashore for a short time on Staten Island, and returned delighted with the addition of some hundred new plants for their collection. Cook, with an eye to the welfare of his crew, remarks: "They returned on board, bringing with them several plants and flowers, etc., most of them unknown in Europe, and in that consisted their whole value." Cook and Green made a series of observations, "the first ever made so far south in America," and fixed the position of Cape Diego at 66 degrees West, 54 degrees 39 South; Wharton places it at 65 degrees eight minutes West, 54 degrees 40 minutes South.

On the 15th they anchored in the Bay of Success, for wood and water, and met with some of the inhabitants, with whom, by means of gifts of beads and other trifles, they established friendly relations, and three of them were persuaded to go on board the ship. Though by no means a small race of men, they were found to be nothing like the giants reported by the early navigators in this part of the world. They had in their possession buttons, glass, canvas, brown cloth, etc., showing conclusively they had previously some communication with Europeans. Their clothing consisted chiefly of skins, roughly cured, and a plentiful covering of paint and dirt. The only personal property on which they appeared to set any store were their bows and arrows, which were carefully made and always in good order. Their food appeared to consist of seal and shell-fish; their houses, merely shelters of boughs covered with grass and leaves built to windward of a small fire.

A SNOWSTORM.

On 16th January, Banks, Solander, Buchan, Green, Monkhouse, two seamen, and Banks's two coloured servants, tried to get up the hills to see something of the surrounding country, but they found their progress hampered by the dwarf vegetation. To add to their discomfort a heavy snowstorm came on. Several of the party experienced that desire to sleep which is produced by cold, and were warned by Solander of the danger of giving way to it, yet he was almost the first one to give in, and was with great difficulty kept awake. Buchan, most unfortunately, had a fit, so a large fire was made at the first convenient spot, but a sailor and the two coloured men lagged behind. During the night the sailor was heard shouting, and was brought in to the fire, but in the morning the two coloured men were found frozen to death. Cook attributed their death to overindulgence in spirits, the supply for the party being left in their charge. Not intending to remain away the night, supplies ran short, so a vulture was shot and carefully divided amongst them, each man cooking his own, which amounted to about three mouthfuls. At length the weather cleared up and a start back was made, and after three hours they struck the beach, only to find they had never been any great distance away but had been describing a circle and came back almost to the place whence they had started. Banks notes the vegetation as more exuberant than he expected; the dominant colour of the flowers, white; and he collected wild celery and scurvy grass in large quantities, which was mixed with the food on board ship as long as it could be preserved in a wholesome condition. Whilst at the Bay of Success the guns were lowered into the hold so as to allow more room on deck for working the ship in the bad weather they expected to encounter when rounding the Horn.

THE BALANCE OF THE GLOBE.

On 27th January Cape Horn was passed, but owing to fog and contrary wind they did not approach very closely, so they were unable to fix its exact position, but the description they were able to give of its appearance (there is a sketch of it by Mr. Pickersgill, Master's mate, in the Records Office), and twenty-four observations taken in the immediate neighbourhood, settled any doubts they may have had, and Cook puts it at 55 degrees 53 minutes South, 68 degrees 13 minutes West, and Wharton gives the corrected position as 55 degrees 58 minutes South, 67 degrees 16 minutes West. Three days after they reached their furthest south, according to Cook 60 degrees 4 minutes South, 74 degrees 10 West, and the course was then altered to West by North. The continuous and careful observations of the state of the sea, and the absence of currents during the following month, caused Cook to come to the conclusion that the vast southern continent so long supposed to exist somewhere in that part of the globe, and by some people esteemed necessary to preserve its balance, was non-existent. Banks expresses his pleasure in having upset this theory, and observes: "Until we know how the globe is fixed in its position, we need not be anxious about its balance."

The weeks following the change of the course to the north were uneventful, only marked by an occasional success of the naturalists in obtaining a fresh specimen, some of which were experimented on by the cook; an albatross, skinned, soaked all night in salt water, was stewed, served with savoury sauce, and was preferred to salt pork; a cuttle-fish of large size, freshly killed by the birds, and too much damaged for classification, was made into soup, of which Banks says: "Only this I know that, of it was made one of the best soups I ever ate." The water obtained at Tierra del Fuego turned out very good: a great boon, as one of their great troubles and a source of great anxiety to Cook was the bad quality of the water so often obtained.

Towards the end of March a change was noticed in the kinds of birds flying round the ship, some being recognised as ones that were known to stay near land, and consequently a sharp look-out was kept. On the night of the 24th a tree-trunk was reported, but when morning came nothing further was seen. It has since been ascertained they were then a little to the north of Pitcairn Island, afterwards the home of the mutineers of the Bounty; but Cook did not feel himself at liberty to make any deviation from his course "to look for what he was not sure to find," although he thought he was "not far from those islands discovered by Quiros in 1606."

On 26th march one of the marines committed suicide by drowning. It seems he had misappropriated a piece of sealskin, and his fellow-soldiers, indignant that such a thing should have been done by one of the cloth, made his life uncomfortable and threatened that he should be reported for theft. This was the fifth death since leaving England, and none by disease.

The 4th April, at 10.30 A.M., Banks's servant, Peter Briscoe, sighted land, and the course of the ship was altered to give them a chance of inspecting it. It was found to be one of those peculiar circular reefs surrounding a lagoon, called atolls, which exist in some quantity in the Pacific. There was no anchorage, so they made no attempt to land, but were able to see it was inhabited. Some twenty-four persons were counted through the glasses, and were described as copper-coloured, with black hair; they followed the ship as if prepared to oppose a landing. The reef was covered with trees, amongst which the coconut palm was conspicuous. Cook gave it the name of Lagoon Island; it is now known as Vahitahi, and is one of the Low Archipelago. Being now in Wallis's track, islands were sighted almost every day, and almost all appeared inhabited, but owing to the want of safe anchorage, no communication could be held with the natives.

On 10th April Osnaburg Island was passed, and next day King George Land was sighted; but the wind failed, and they did not get close in till the 12th, when canoes came out to the ship, bringing branches of trees which were handed up the side, with signs directing they should be placed conspicuously in the rigging, as a token of friendship offered and accepted. When this had been done the natives produced a good supply of trade in the shape of vegetables and fruit; amongst the last Banks enumerates bread-fruit, bananas, coconuts, and apples (a species of hog plum). These were very acceptable and beneficial to the crew after such a lapse of time without vegetable food except the wild plants gathered in Tierra del Fuego.

AT TAHITI.

At 7 A.M. on the 13th they anchored in the bay described by Wallis, known as Matavai, in thirteen fathoms, and Cook says of his route from Cape Horn, "I Endeavoured to make a direct course, and in part succeeded."

CHAPTER 8. 1769. SOCIETY ISLANDS.

PRODIGIOUS EXPERT THIEVES.

Hardly had the anchor reached the bottom, before they were surrounded by canoes, whose occupants were anxious to sell the supplies of fruits, raw and cooked fish, and a pig they had brought. The price asked for the pig was a hatchet, and as these were scarce, it was not purchased. When all was made safe, a party went ashore and was well received by the natives, but those who had previously been there with Wallis reported that those who were at that time said to be chiefs, were keeping in the background. The next day, however, two men, evidently of rank, came on board, and being invited into the cabin, went through a ceremony described by Banks: "Each singled out his friend; one took the captain, and the other chose myself. Each took off a part of his clothes and dressed his friend with what he took off; in return for this we presented them with a hatchet and some beads." They were then invited by their new friends to go ashore. On landing they were escorted to a building and introduced to an old man they had not seen before, and he presented Cook with a cock, and Banks with a hen, and each with a piece of native cloth. Banks gave in return for his share his large laced silk neckcloth and a linen handkerchief. After this they were permitted to stroll about, and received many tokens of amity in the shape of green boughs, and were then entertained at a banquet, the principal dishes being fish and bread-fruit. Whilst at dinner, Solander had his pocket picked of an opera glass, and Monkhouse lost his snuff-box. As soon as this was made known, Lycurgus, as they had named one of their friends, drove off the people, striking them and throwing anything he could lay his hand to, at them. He offered pieces of cloth as compensation, and when these were refused, extended his offer to everything he possessed. He was, at last, made to understand that all that was wanted was the return of the stolen articles, and after a time the snuff-box and the case of the glass were returned, and, by and by, the glass itself. During the whole of the stay at the island they had the greatest difficulties with the natives for stealing, an accomplishment at which, Cook says, they were "prodigious expert."

On the whole, their first visit ashore was satisfactory, and was thought to augur well for the observations of the Transit. A site was selected for a camp on the eastern point of the bay, to which the name of Point Venus was given, the longitude, according to Cook, 149 degrees 31 minutes West, and to Wharton, 149 degrees 29 minutes West. Lines were traced for the boundaries, and Banks's largest tent was pitched and a guard mounted, and then the others went for a walk of inspection. They passed through some woods that Mr. Hicks had been prevented from exploring the day before, and Banks had the luck to bring down three ducks with one shot, a deed thought likely to impress the natives with respect for the white man's weapon. On their road back to camp they were alarmed by a musket shot, and hurrying on, found that one of the sentries had been pushed down and his musket stolen, so the midshipman in command had ordered a shot to be fired at the thief, who was killed, but the musket was not recovered. All the natives ran away but one, whom Cook calls Awhaa, and whom the Master, Mr. Molineaux, who had been out with Wallis, recognised as being a man of some authority. Through Awhaa an attempt was made to arrange matters, but the natives were very shy when the English landed the next day. However, the two chiefs who had first made friends, to whom the names of Lycurgus and Hercules had been given, again came on board, bringing presents of pigs and bread-fruit; they concluded as Hercules's present was the larger, he was the richer and therefore the more important chief. To lessen the chances of disagreements in trading and to keep some control of prices, Cook ordered that only one person should conduct the purchasing for the ship, and as Banks had shown aptitude in dealing with the natives, he was appointed. The natives were to be treated "with every imaginable humanity."

On the 16th Mr. Buchan, the artist, had another epileptic fit, which was unfortunately fatal, and he was buried at sea in order to run no risk of offending against any of the customs or superstitions of the natives. Cook, in referring to his death, says: "He will be greatly missed in the course of this voyage."

In the afternoon the ship was brought into such a position as to command the site of the proposed camp, and as there was to be an eclipse of one of Jupiter's satellites, Cook and Green stayed ashore to get an observation, but the weather was unpropitious.

COOK SKETCHES.

The camp was now got into order; the north and south sides were protected by a bank 4 feet 6 inches high on the inside, having a ditch 10 feet wide and 6 feet deep on the outside. The west side, facing the bay, had a 4 foot bank crowned by a palisade, with no ditch; and the east side, on the bank of the river, was protected by a double row of water casks. The armament consisted of two carriage guns on the weakest or east side, and six swivel guns, two on each of the other sides. The garrison was forty-five men, including civilians, and Cook considered it was practically impregnable. In the manuscripts department of the British Museum is a pen and ink sketch and plan of the fort, drawn by Cook, which agrees much better with the description than the engraving of Parkinson's drawing published in the History of the Voyage. The natives were disturbed by these preparations, some even leaving the bay, but when no dreadful results occurred, they took courage and returned.

The fort completed, the instruments were landed and put into the required positions to be prepared for their work, and the following morning the quadrant, which had not been removed from the case in which it was packed in London, was found to be missing, although a sentry had been stationed within five yards of it the whole night. Enquiries were made, and it was elicited that the thief had been seen making off with it. Banks, his native friend, and one or two of the English at once started, closely followed by Cook and a party of marines. After a long chase the quadrant was recovered, but some of the smaller parts were missing. After a time these also were returned in the case of a horse-pistol which had been stolen from Banks, and soon after the pistol was recovered, and they were able to return to camp. On their arrival they found Cook's friend, Dootahah (Hercules), had been detained as a hostage, so he was at once released, to the great delight of the natives, who had been much alarmed to see the armed party go into the woods. In order to show his gratitude for his release Dootahah sent a present of two hogs to Cook, for which he refused to take any return; but, afterwards, second thoughts proved best, and he sent a man to ask for an axe and a shirt, and to say he was going away, and would not be back for ten days. As the supplies of vegetables and fruit in the market had been decreasing in quantity, it was thought better to refuse the present in hopes he would apply for it in person, and arrangements could then be made for a regular market, but he sent some one else again, and so word was returned that Cook and Banks would bring it to him the following day. For fear this promise should be forgotten, Dootahah again sent his man, and Cook and Banks started off in the pinnace. On their arrival they were received by a large crowd, which was kept in order by a man in an immense turban, armed with a long white stick, "which he applied to the people with great judgment and relish." The party were conducted to a large tree, and very graciously received by Dootahah, who immediately asked for his axe, which was given him, together with a shirt and a piece of broadcloth made into a boat-cloak. He put on the cloak and gave the shirt to the man with the stick, and refreshments were served. They were afterwards entertained with dancing and wrestling, and then Dootahah accompanied them back to the ship, taking his supplies for dinner; and when it became known he was on board, trading was resumed.

A day or two after, Banks received an urgent message from his friend Taburai (Lycurgus), saying he was very ill. He complained of having been poisoned by one of the sailors. It seems he had noticed the sailors chewing, and had ask for a quid, had bitten off a piece and swallowed it. Banks prescribed large draughts of coconut milk, with happy results.

SURF RIDING.

Flies were a terrible pest; they got into everything, and ate off the artist's colours almost as fast as they were laid on. Tar and molasses was tried as a trap for them, but the natives stole it and used it as ointment for sores. The surf-riding struck the visitors with admiration. Swimming out with a piece of board they would mount it, and come in on the crests of the waves; and Banks says he does not believe that any European could have lived amongst the breakers as they did; he especially admired the manner they timed the waves and dived beneath on their way out from shore.

A blacksmith's forge had been set up, and in spare time the smith would fashion old iron into axes or repair old axes for the natives; and it was noticed that some of these old axes were not of English make, and it appeared unlikely they were obtained from the Dolphin. At length it was ascertained that since Wallis's visit in that vessel, two ships had anchored off the east coast, and it was concluded from the description given by the natives of the flags that they were Spanish, but on the arrival of the Endeavour at Batavia they were able to identify them as the French ships commanded by M. de Bougainville, whose crews were suffering very severely from scurvy at the time.

Paying a visit to Dootahah to see if a supply of fresh meat, which was running very short, could be obtained, they were received in a very friendly manner, but being delayed till it was too late to return to the ship by daylight, they remained all night, and as a consequence nearly every one found they had lost some property; Cook's stockings were stolen from under his pillow, where he had placed them for safety. Perhaps as consolation for their losses they were entertained during the night to a concert. Three drums and four flutes, the latter having four holes into one of which the performer blew with his nostrils, were the orchestra, and Cook's criticism is hardly complimentary: "The music and singing were so much of a piece that I was very glad when it was over." They waited till noon the next day in hopes of meat and the return of the stolen articles, but in vain, though Dootahah promised he would bring all to the ship—"a promise we had no reason to expect he would fulfil."

THE TRANSIT OF VENUS.

The important day of the observation was now approaching, and everything was in readiness. In order to diminish the risk of disappointment through local atmospheric disturbance, Cook sent a party to Eimeo (York Island), and a second one to the south-east of Otaheite, as far to the east of Point Venus as possible. The first party consisted of Lieutenant Gore, Banks, Sporing, and Monkhouse, and the second of Lieutenant Hicks, Clerke, Pickersgill, and Saunders, Mr. Green providing the necessary instruments. At Fort Venus everything was in good working order. The astronomical clock was set up in the large tent, being placed in a strong frame made for the purpose at Greenwich, and was then planted in the ground as firmly as possible and fenced round to prevent accidental disturbance. Twelve feet away the observatory was placed, comprising the telescopes on their stands, the quadrant securely fixed on the top of a cask of wet sand firmly set in the ground, and the journeyman clock. The telescopes used by Cook and Green were two reflecting ones made by Mr. J. Short.

"The 3rd of June proved as favourable to our purposes as we could wish. Not a cloud to be seen the whole day and the air was perfectly clear, so that we had every advantage we could desire in observing the whole passage of the Planet Venus over the Sun's Disk. We very distinctly saw the atmosphere or Dusky Shade round the body of the planet, which very much disturbed the time of contact, particularly the two internal ones. Dr. Solander observed as well as Mr. Green and myself, and we differ'd from one another in observing the times of contact much more than could be expected. Mr. Green's telescope and mine were of the same magnifying power, but that of the Doctor was greater than ours. It was nearly calm the whole day, and the thermometer exposed to the sun about the middle of the day rose to a degree of heat we have not before met with."

In the report published in the Philosophical Transactions he also refers to the heat:

"Every wished-for favourable circumstance attended the whole of the day, without one single impediment excepting the heat, which was intolerable; the thermometer which hung by the clock and was exposed to the sun, as we were, was one time as high as 119 degrees."

This report is accompanied by diagrams illustrating the different contacts and the effects of the penumbra, which Cook believed was better seen by Solander than by himself or Green. It was estimated at about seven-eighths of the diameter of the planet, and was visible to Cook throughout the whole Transit.

The times taken by Green were:

The first external contact: 9 hours 25 minutes 42 seconds A.M. The first internal contact: 9 hours 44 minutes 4 seconds A.M. The second internal contact: 3 hours 14 minutes 8 seconds P.M. The second external contact: 3 hours 22 minutes 10 seconds P.M.

The other two parties were equally successful, and at times Banks was able to employ himself in trading with the natives, with whom he soon got on friendly terms; in fact, he had to decline further purchases as he had as much as they could take away with them. He was also successful in his botanical enquiries, obtaining several plants he had not seen in Otaheite.

Whilst the observations were being taken some of the crew broke into the store and stole a quantity of the large nails that were used as a medium of trade with the islanders. One man was found with seven in his possession, and after careful enquiry was sentenced to two dozen lashes, which seems to have been the severest sentence meted out by Cook during the voyage. The sentence was carried out, and though it was well known that more than one was implicated, he refused to name any one else, but suffered in silence.

A DOG DINNER.

The King's Birthday being on 5th June, Cook entertained several of the chiefs at dinner, and the health of Kilnargo was toasted so many times by some of them that the result was disastrous. One of the presents received from a chief was a dog, which they were informed was good to eat. After some discussion it was handed to a native named Tupia, who had made himself very useful, and afterwards accompanied them on the voyage; and he having smothered it with his hands, and drawn it, wrapped it in leaves and baked it in a native oven. With some hesitation it was tasted, and met with general approval. Cook says: "Therefore we resolved for the future never to despise dog flesh"; and in another place he says they put dog's flesh "next only to English lamb." These dogs were bred for eating, and lived entirely on vegetable food.

The main object of their stay at Otaheite having been attained, steps were taken for further prosecution of the voyage; the ship was careened, her bottom scraped and found free from worm, but the boats had suffered, particularly the long-boat, which had to have a new bottom. She had been varnished only; the other boats, painted with white lead, had not suffered so much. The stores were overhauled, and the ship was fitted for sea. Whilst these preparations were being made, Cook and Banks made a circuit of the island in the pinnace to examine the coast. Several good anchorages were found, with from sixteen to twenty-four fathoms and good holding ground. The south-east portion was almost cut off from the mainland by a narrow, marshy isthmus about two miles wide, over which the natives dragged their canoes with little difficulty. On the south coast one of the large burying-places was seen; by far the most extensive one on the island. It is described as:

"a long square of stonework built pyramidically; its base is 267 feet by 87 feet; at the Top it is 250 feet by 8 feet. It is built in the same manner as we do steps leading up to a sun-dial or fountain erected in the middle of a square, where there is a flite of steps on each side. In this building there are 11 of such steps; each step is about 4 feet in height, and the breadth 4 feet 7 inches, but they decreased both in height and breadth from the bottom to the Top. On the middle of the Top stood the image of a Bird carved in wood, near it lay the broken one of a Fish, carved in stone. There was no hollow or cavity in the inside, the whole being filled up with stones. The outside was faced partly with hewn stones, and partly with others, and these were placed in such a manner as to look very agreeable to the eye. Some of the hewn stones were 4 feet 7 inches by 2 feet 4 inches, and 15 inches thick, and had been squared and polished with some sort of an edge tool. On the east side was, enclosed with a stone wall, a piece of ground in form of a square, 360 feet by 354, in this was growing several cypress trees and plantains. Round about this Morie were several smaller ones, all going to decay, and on the Beach, between them and the sea, lay scattered up and down, a great quantity of human bones. Not far from the Great Morie, was 2 or 3 pretty large altars, where lay the scull bones of some Hogs and Dogs. This monument stands on the south side of Opooreanoo, upon a low point of land about 100 yards from the sea. It appeared to have been built many years and was in a state of decay, as most of their Mories are. "

They were quite unable to gain information as to the history of these remains, nor of the religious belief of the islander, though they appeared to have some vague notions of a future life.

AN EXCURSION INLAND.

When the party returned to Point Venus, they found the refitting nearly complete, but the anchor stocks all had to be renewed owing to the ravages of the sea worms, so Banks and Monkhouse made an excursion up the river on which the camp was situated. In about nine miles the precipitous banks had completely closed them in, and further advance was blocked by a cliff, at least 100 feet high, over which the river fell. The natives with them said they had never been further, so the expedition returned. Charles Darwin, in 1835, made an attempt to ascend the same river, and though he penetrated some distance further, he describes the country as extremely difficult; he saw several places where two or three determined men could easily hold at bay many times their own number.

Gardens had been laid out during their stay, and European seeds were planted which were very fairly successful; except some brought out by Cook in carefully sealed bottles, none of which turned out well.

Some of the sailors were either enticed away, or attempted to desert, so Cook seized one or two of the chiefs as hostages, and the runaways were quickly returned. Some of the natives were anxious to go away with them, and Banks persuaded Cook to let him take Tupia, a man supposed to be of priestly rank, who had proved himself very useful on several occasions, and he was allowed to take with him a boy as servant. Cook records, on leaving, that during the three months' stay they had been on very good terms with the natives, and the few misunderstandings that did occur rose either from the difficulty of explaining matters to each other, or else from the inveterate habits of theft on the part of the natives—iron in any shape being simply irresistible.

On 13th July the Endeavour sailed for Huaheine, anchoring inside the reef on the north-west, on the 17th. Banks, Solander, Monkhouse, and Tupia at once accompanied Cook ashore, where a ceremony, presumed to be a sort of treaty of peace, was gone through, and then they were permitted to go where they liked. On this ceremonial Cook says:

"It further appear'd that the things which Tupia gave away, was for the God of this people, as they gave us a hog and some coconuts for our God, and thus they have certainly drawn us in to commit sacrilege, for the Hog hath already received sentence of Death and is to be dissected tomorrow."

A CAREFUL PILOT.

A market was organised by Monkhouse, and as soon as the natives understood that the stay of the ship would be very short, they managed to produce a fairly good supply of fruits and vegetables. The people were found to be rather lighter complexioned, and certainly not so addicted to thieving as the Otaheitans. As a memorial of the visit, Cook gave the chief a plate with the inscription, "His Britannick Majesty's Ship, Endeavour, Lieutenant Cook, Commander, 16th July, 1769, Huaheine." He also added "some medals, or counters of the English coins, struck in 1761, and other presents," and the recipient promised he would never part with them. From this place they went on to Ulietea (Raiatea), landing on the 21st; and after another ceremonial the English "Jack" was hoisted, and possession taken of the whole group in the name of King George. Tupia proved himself an excellent pilot, with great knowledge of the localities, and, having sent down a diver at Huaheine to ascertain the exact draught of the ship, he was very careful she never went into less than five fathoms of water. He had evidently had great experience in navigating these seas in canoes, boats of whose construction and sailing qualities Cook speaks in the highest terms. Banks at this time remarks, "we have now seen 17 islands in these seas, and have landed on five of the most important; the language, manners and customs agreed most exactly."

Detained by adverse wind off Ataha, and finding the water coming badly into the fore sail-room and powder-room, Cook put into the west side to repair and take in ballast, as the ship was getting too light to carry sail on a wind. He took the opportunity to survey to the north with Banks and Solander. Putting into one place, they were well received and entertained with music and dancing, and Cook's verdict was that "neither their Musick or Dancing were at all calculated to please a European." A sort of farce was also acted, but they could make nothing of it, except that it "showed that these people have a notion of Dramatic Performances."

During the whole stay in the Society Group they had been very well off for fresh food, consequently their sea stores had been little called on.

Jarvis, in his History of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands, says that with Cook "a silence in regard to the maritime efforts of his predecessors is observable throughout his Journals"; and as a proof that he traded on the knowledge of others, he remarks that at Otaheite he made enquiries if there were any islands to the north; and afterwards evinced no surprise when he discovered them. Now Cook in his Journals constantly shows that he compares his knowledge with that of others, and often regrets he has not further records to consult. As for his enquiries, he would have been grossly neglecting his duty had he not made them, for it was only a commonsense method of procedure, which evidently Mr. Jarvis could not understand. The result of these enquiries can be seen in the British Museum in the shape of a map drawn by Cook from information given by Tupia. On it are some sentences in the Otaheitan language.

CHAPTER 9. 1769 TO 1770. NEW ZEALAND.

Leaving the Society Islands on 9th August, they were off Ohetiroa (Rurutu), in the Central Group, on the 14th, but the natives were unfriendly, and they did not land. A canoe came out to meet the pinnace which had been sent to obtain information. The occupants, on being presented with gifts, tried to steal the lot, and were fired over, but by some mischance one of the natives was slightly wounded in the head, whereupon they hurriedly retreated, and further attempts at communication were abandoned. From this place the course was laid to the south to strike the much-talked-of Southern Continent. The weather rapidly got colder, and the pigs and fowls began to sicken and die. On 26th August they celebrated the anniversary of leaving England by cutting a Cheshire cheese and tapping a cask of porter, which proved excellent.

On the 28th an unfortunate death occurred; the boatswain's mate, John Reading, was given some rum by his chief, and it is supposed drunk it off at once, for he was shortly afterwards found to be very drunk, and was taken to his berth, but next morning was past recovery.

On 2nd September, in latitude 40 degrees 22 minutes South, the weather was very bad, and "having not the least visible signs of land," Cook again turned northwards, in order to get better weather and then to push west. The continuous swell convinced him there was no large body of land to the south for many leagues. Towards the end of September frequent signs were noted of being near land, floating seaweed, wood, the difference in the birds, etc., so a gallon of rum was offered to the first to sight land, and on 7th October the North Island of New Zealand, never before approached from the east by Europeans, was seen by a boy named Nicholas Young, the servant of Mr. Perry, surgeon's mate. The boy's name is omitted from the early muster sheets of the ship, but appears on 18th April 1769, entered as A.B. in the place of Peter Flower, drowned. Cook named the point seen, the south-west point of Poverty Bay, Young Nick's Head.

Tasman had discovered the west coast in 1642, and had given it the name of Staten Land, but he never set foot on shore. He was driven away by the natives, who killed four of his men, and naming the place Massacre (now Golden) Bay, he sailed along the north-west coast, giving the headlands the names they still bear. Dalrymple held that this land discovered by Tasman was the west coast of the looked-for Terra Australis Incognita, and his theory was now shattered.

LAND IN NEW ZEALAND.

Nearing the coast a bay was discovered into which the ship sailed, and let go her anchor near the mouth of a small river, not far from where the town of Guisborne now stands. Plenty of smoke was seen, showing the country was inhabited, and the pinnace and yawl were manned and armed, and Cook landed on the east side of the river. Some natives were seen on the other side, and, to try to open communications, the yawl, pulled by four boys, entered the river, whilst Cook followed up the natives, who had retreated towards some huts about 300 yards away. Some Maoris, thinking the boys would be an easy prey, tried to steal on the yawl, but the coxswain of the pinnace observing them called the boat back. One of the Maoris raised his spear to throw, and the coxswain fired over his head, causing a moment's pause of surprise; but, seeing nothing further, he again prepared to throw his spear, so the coxswain shot him, and his friends retreated at once, leaving the body behind. Cook at once ordered a return to the ship, as it was now getting dark.

The next morning, seeing some men near the same place, Cook again landed with Banks, Solander, and an armed party; and Solander went forward to the brink of the river to try and speak with the natives, but was received with a threatening waving of spears and a war dance. Cook retired to the boats, and landing the marines, again advanced with Green, Monkhouse, and Tupia. The latter spoke to the natives; and, to the great delight of the party, found he could make himself understood. After a little parley an unarmed native swam across the river, and was then followed by twenty or thirty more with their arms. Presents were given, but they seemed dissatisfied, and wanted arms. At last one stole Green's hanger, and they all became very aggressive and insolent, whilst more were seen to be preparing to cross; so Cook, thinking the position was getting too serious, ordered the one who had taken the hanger, and who was apparently the leader, to be shot, whereon the rest beat a hasty retreat.

The next day the boats tried to find another landing-place, but the surf was too heavy; and when two canoes were seen coming in from the sea, Cook determined to intercept them and try to come to friendly terms. However, they would not stop when called on, and on a musket being fired over them, the occupants seized their weapons and fiercely attacked the nearest boat, its crew being compelled to fire in self-defence, and Cook says two natives were killed. Banks gives the number as four, and the Maori account agrees with him. Three jumped overboard to swim ashore, but were picked up by the boats and taken on board ship. They were at first very depressed, but soon recovered their spirits on finding themselves well treated, and after eating and drinking enormously, entertained the crew with songs and dances. Cook deeply regretted this incident, and candidly confesses that he was not justified in trying to seize the canoes, but having once committed himself, he was obliged for his own safety to go to the bitter end. Banks says the day is "the most disagreeable my life has yet seen; black be the mark for it, and heaven send that such may never return to embitter future reflection."

The next day a party landed to cut wood, and was accompanied by the three captives, whom they tried to persuade to join their friends. The suggestion was declined, as they professed to be afraid of being eaten, and after a time went and hid in some bushes. Cook, noticing several parties of armed natives advancing in a threatening manner, retired his woodcutters across the river. About 150 to 200 Maoris gathered on the opposite bank. Tupia was put forward to parley, and some presents were shown, and at length one man came over who received a present from each of the British and then rejoined his friends. Cook then returned to the ship, taking with him the three youths, who still seemed afraid of their own countrymen. They were again landed the next morning as the ship was about to sail, and though they still professed to be frightened, were soon seen walking away in friendly converse with some who had come to meet them.

NATIVE ACCOUNT.

Mr. Polack, a New Zealand resident, gives an account in his New Zealand, which he gathered from the children of natives who were present at the landing of Cook. The tribe then living in the neighbourhood were recent arrivals, their leader being Te Ratu—the first man killed by the English. The natives were anxious to avenge him, but were afraid of the "thunderbolts which killed at a long distance," some indeed went so far as to say they felt ill if an Englishman looked at them. The idea of revenge was only ended on the vessel leaving. Mr. Polack's chief witness was the son of a man who was wounded by a ball in the shoulder, but survived his wound till within a year or two of 1836, the time the information was obtained. Before the ship left, a sort of peace was patched up by means of presents, and the dead bodies which had been left where they fell, apparently as a protest, were removed.

Cook describes the country as a narrow slip of low sand, backed by well-wooded hills, rising in the interior into high mountains, on which patches of snow could be seen. That it was fairly populated was evident from the smoke rising through the trees, more especially in the valleys leading into Poverty Bay as he named it, because they were unable to get anything but a small quantity of wood.

At Hawke's Bay, whilst trading was going on, a large war canoe came up, and the occupants received some presents. Cook noticed a man wearing a cloak of some black skin, and offered a piece of red cloth for it. The owner took it off, but would not part with it till he received the cloth, and then his boat was pushed off from the ship, and Cook lost both his cloak and his cloth. Soon after a determined attempt was made to steal Tupia's boy, Tayeto, who was handing some things down to a canoe; the Maoris had to be fired on, and in the consequent confusion the boy jumped into the water and swam to the ship. The point off which this occurred was named Cape Kidnapper. As there was no appearance of a harbour, Cook altered his course to the north at Cape Turnagain, 40 degrees 34 minutes South, to see if he could not do better in the other direction.

All the canoes seen along this coast were well made, far in advance of anything they had seen before, and the grotesque carving and ornamental work was admirably executed. The dresses warn were usually two cloak-shaped garments, one warn round the shoulders, the other round the loins, and were made of a substance like hemp, some being very fine. Banks had purchased something like them at Rio de Janeiro, for which he gave thirty-six shillings, thinking it cheap, but these were as fine, if not finer, in texture. Dogs, which were used as food, and rats were the only quadrupeds seen. Whilst Banks and Solander were collecting, they discovered a large natural arch, which the former describes as the most magnificent surprise he had ever met with. It was sketched by Parkinson, and is engraved in the History. Cook also made a pen-and-ink sketch of it, which is in the British Museum.

COOK'S WASHING STOLEN.

On 31st October they rounded East Cape, and following the coast, which trended more to the west, they saw a great number of villages and patches of cultivation, some of the last looking as if freshly ploughed. The whole aspect of the country was changing for the better, but the inhabitants did not seem more peaceably inclined. Five canoes came out to the ship fully armed, and apparently bent on mischief. Cook was very busy, and did not want them on board, so to keep them off ordered a musket to be fired over them; but as it only caused them to stop for a moment, a round shot was sent over them, and they hurriedly turned tail. The place was given the name Cape Runaway. White Island was named, but it must have been quiescent as there is no note of its being a volcano. As they sailed along the coast they met with canoes from which fish, lobsters, and mussels were purchased, and trading seemed well established, when one gentleman took a fancy to Cook's sheets, which were trailing overboard (they were in the wash), and refused to give them up. Muskets were fired over them and they fled, and Cook lost his sheets. From near White Island, Mount Edgecombe was seen, named after the sergeant of marines. It is a high round mountain, and forms a conspicuous landmark on both sides of the North Island. During this day they had noticed several small villages perched on difficult eminences and surrounded by palisades, which Tupia declared were "Mories or places of worship," but, says Cook:

"I rather think they are places of retreat or strongholds, where they defend themselves against the attack of an enemy, as some of them seem'd not ill design'd for that purpose."

British soldiers have since discovered that a Maori Pah is "not ill designed for that purpose." Cook most unfortunately missed the Harbour of Tauranga, the only safe port on the east coast between Auckland and Wellington for ships of any size.

NATIVE ACCOUNT.

In what is now known as Cook's Bay, they managed to induce the natives to trade, and purchased crayfish, over which Parkinson waxes enthusiastic, and "Mackerell as good as ever was eat," the latter in such large quantities that they were able to salt a considerable number, thus saving their sea stores. After an observation of a transit of Mercury, in which they were not very successful (Wharton thinks they were taken by surprise, the transit occurring somewhat earlier than expected; Green says: "Unfortunately for the seamen, their look-out was on the wrong side of the sun. The end was likewise as grossly mistaken"), they returned to the ship and found that there had been a difficulty with the natives, who had assumed a very threatening manner, and one attempted to run off with a piece of calico which was at that time a subject of barter. Mr. Gore seized a musket and fired, killing his man. Colonel Mundy, in Our Antipodes, says he saw a man named Taniwha, in 1848, who remembered Cook's visit, and imitated his walk, with the peculiar manner he had of waving his right hand, and also told of the kindly way Cook had with the children. Taniwha told Mundy that after the man was shot, the Maoris landed, consulted over the body, and decided that as the corpse "commenced the quarrel by the theft of the calico, his death should not be revenged, but that he should be buried in the cloth which he had paid for with his life." Colonel Wynyard took down the same story from Taniwha's lips in 1852, when he was supposed to be about ninety-three, and says: "His faculties were little impaired, and his great age perceptible more from a stoop and grey hairs than any other infirmity." Cook expressed very strong disapproval of Mr. Gore's conduct.

Next day Cook and Banks explored a river that entered near where they were anchored, the east side of which was very barren, but the west was much better, no signs of cultivation showing on either. Wild fowl were plentiful, and oysters, "as good as ever came from Colchester," and of about the same size, says Banks, were taken on board in large quantities:

"laid down under the booms, and employed the ship's company very well, who, I sincerely believe, did nothing but eat them from the time they came on board till night, by which time a large part were expended. But this gave us no kind of uneasiness, since we well knew that not the boat only, but the ship might be loaded in one tide almost, as they are dry at half ebb."

Cook thinks the inhabitants lived on fish, and shell-fish, with fern roots for bread, for very large heaps of shells were found, but no signs of cultivation.

A fortified village was visited, the inhabitants good-naturedly conducting them all over, and showing whatever they expressed a wish to see. It was built on a high promontory, whose sides were in some places quite inaccessible, in others very difficult, except where it faced the narrow edge of the hill. Here it was defended by a double ditch and bank, with two rows of pickets, the inner row being on the bank, leaving standing-room for the defenders. The inner ditch was 24 feet from bottom to top of the bank. A stage about 30 feet high, 40 feet long, and 6 feet wide, was erected inside the fence, with a second, a few paces from it, placed at right angles; from these the garrison were able to throw their spears and stones on to the heads of their enemies. The whole village was surrounded by a strong picket fence, running close to the edge of the hill. The entire surface of the top of the hill was cut up into small squares, each surrounded by its own fence, and communicating by narrow lanes, with little gateways, so that if the outer defences were forced each square could be defended in turn. Cook says:

"I look upon it to be a very strong and well choose Post, and where a small number of resolute men might defend themselves a long time against a vast superior force, armed in the manner as these people are."

He noticed, with quick eye, the great failing in these native fortresses, that is, the want of storage for water. In these Maori villages it was remarked that sanitary arrangements were provided, such as, says Beckmann in his History of Inventions, did not exist in the palace of the King of Spain at that time.

Large quantities of iron sand were noted here, but the use was quite unknown to the natives, who were indifferent to the iron tools or spikes which had hitherto been such a valuable medium of exchange elsewhere. A large supply of wild celery and a fresh boat-load of oysters were put on board; a tree was marked with the name of the ship, the date, and one or two other particulars, the flag was hoisted, saluted, and possession taken of the country, and the ship sailed again on her journey.

AT THE THAMES.

Running closely along the coast, they hauled round Cape Colville into "the Entrance of a Straight, Bay or River," and anchored for the night, and in the morning they stood on along the east side. Canoes came off, and from the behaviour of the occupants, some of whom came on board at the first invitation, it was judged that favourable accounts had been heard of the ship. After running about 5 leagues the water shoaled to about 6 fathoms, and the ship anchored, and boats were sent out to sound. No great increase of depth being found, the pinnace and long-boat went up a river about 9 miles away, and on account of a fancied resemblance named it the Thames. They landed at a village near the mouth, being well received, but desiring to take advantage of the flood-tide which ran "as strong as it does in the River Thames below bridge," they made no stay; they went up about 14 miles, and then, finding little alteration in the appearance of the country, landed to inspect some large trees of a kind they had previously noticed. One was carefully measured, and was found to be 19 feet 6 inches girth at 6 feet from the ground, and, by means of Cook's quadrant, 89 feet to the lowest branch. It was perfectly straight, and tapered very slightly, and some were seen that were even larger. This was the Black Pine; to the Maoris, Matoi, and to the naturalist, Podocarpus.

On the way down the river their friends of the morning came out and "traffick'd with us in the most friendly manner imaginable, until they had disposed of the few trifles they had." When the boats got outside they had to anchor, as a strong tide and breeze were against them, and they did not reach the ship till next morning, when the breeze had increased to a gale, and topgallant yards had to be struck. When the wind dropped, what was left was against them, and the Endeavour would only go with the tide, so Cook took a run ashore to the west side of the bay, but saw nothing of interest, and concluded it was but sparsely inhabited. Whilst he was away natives went off to trade and behaved remarkably well, with the exception of one man who was caught making off with the half-hour glass, so Mr. Hicks had him triced up, and he was given a dozen lashes. When it was explained to his friends why this was done, they expressed their approval, and on his release an old man gave him another thrashing.

The weather now became very unsettled, and they were not able to keep as near the coast as they desired, but on 26th November some cultivated spots were seen, and several canoes came off.

"Some of the natives ventur'd on board; to two, who appeared to be chiefs, I gave presents. After these were gone out of the ship, the others became so Troublesome that in order to get rid of them, we were at the expense of two or three Musquet Balls and one 4 pound shott, but as no harm was intended them, none they received, unless they happened to overheat themselves in pulling ashore."

A STAMPEDE.

To the west side of Cape Brett is a deep bay which was seen but not named, and here the town of Russell is now established, said to possess one of the finest harbours in the world, into which vessels of any draught can enter in all weathers and at any state of the tide. The natives were found difficult to deal with, and "would cheat whenever they had an opportunity." The ship left its anchorage, but was after a time driven back again, and Cook, with a party, took the opportunity to land. They were followed up by the Maoris, and were soon surrounded by about two hundred of them, some of whom tried to seize the boats, but being driven off tried to break in on the party. Several charges of small shot, which did no serious damage, were fired into them, and then the ship fired a 4 pounder over them, which caused a stampede, and during the rest of the stay there was no further trouble, but Cook had to punish three of his own men for stealing potatoes from one of the plantations. He invariably tried to hold the balance fairly between his men and the natives.

The country is described as very similar to that seen before, but the number of inhabitants was greater, and though apparently not under the same chiefs, they were on good terms with each other, and inclined to be civil to their visitors. A good deal of the ground was under cultivation, producing good sweet-potatoes. A few trees of the paper-mulberry were seen, from which the natives made a cloth in a similar manner to the Otaheitans, but the quantity was so small that it was only used for ornament. Tupia, who had been instructed to gain as much information about the people as he could, was informed that some of their ancestors once went off in large canoes and discovered a country to the north-west after a passage of about a month, only a small number returning. These reported they had been to a place where the people ate hogs, using the same word for the animal as the Otaheitans, Tupia asked if they had any in New Zealand, and the reply was "no." He asked if their ancestors brought any back, again the answer was "no"; whereon he told them their story must be a lie, for their ancestors could never have been such fools as to come back without some. The land said to have been discovered may have been New Caledonia.