The Bishop of Constance, in two successive letters, asked, according to his former practice, for the reference of such an important point to a Church Council; he would be pledged, so to speak, "for both his superiors (the Emperor and the Pope), from the answers and commands received from them in similar cases." In the same strain wrote the truly venerable and aged Bishop of Basel, with the addition: "although we are otherwise inclined with our whole heart to favor you in all possible things (God knows), because we are not unmindful of the many deeds of kindness shown to ourselves and our monastery," From the Diocesan at Chur no reply was received. The Abbot of St. Gall excused himself on account of the shortness of the time, which did permit him to obtain instructions. From the city on the contrary, appeared, along with Vadianus the friend of Zwingli's youth, who three years after rose to the dignity of burgomaster there, the pastor Benedict Burgauer and Doctor Schapeler. Doctor Sebastian Hofmeister, the people's priest Martin Steinlin and Conrad Irmensee, trustee of the monastery of All Saints, arrived from Schaffhausen.

Of the course, the nature and the results of the theological investigations, during the three days devoted to this conference, enough can be learned from church-history.[10] Our task is to describe the carriage and behavior of the persons engaged in it. They seem to divide themselves into two main classes of a better stamp, and one of a worse; the most prominent speakers were Zwingli, Conrad Schmied, commander of the Knights of St John at Kuessnacht, and Conrad Grebel. A reckless treatment, an absolute rejection of all, that could not be proven before the tribunal of Scripture-interpretation conducted by the natural understanding, marked the character of one class; a sparing of the weak, cautious progress and a horror of tearing down anything, before it could be built up again, marked that of the second. Bolder, springing more from the immediate wants of the age, more politic were the views of the first; milder, more accordant with nature, better agreeing with the spirit of Christianity, were those of the second. Still Zwingli was not lacking in feeling, nor Schmied in understanding Hence they, and their friends likewise, mutually comprehended each other and united in their opposition to the third class, in which, under Grebel's guidance, only the impure elements of stormy passions mingled.

Because there were now only two, though very important, points of discussion, this conference was more lively and animated than the one preceding. The decisive action to be taken in regard to images, held in suspense the multitude of those, whose devotions were made up of genuflections, faith in miracles, and the observance of external rites, whilst on the other hand, the thoughtful and sensible turned their attention rather to the examinations on the mass, which was without doubt the basis of the prevailing worship. This assembly drew together a far greater number than the first, held in the beginning of the year, and in order that digression to irrelevant subjects might not be possible, and that the management might not be attributed to a faction of Zurichers, Vadianus and Schapeler of St. Gall, along with Doctor Hofmeister of Schaffhausen, were chosen as presidents.

Rigidly did they adhere to the rule of order laid down for them by the burgomaster, to suffer no replies to pass which were not sustained by the very language of the Bible, and Hofmeister particularly ordered silence and the disuse of certain expressions, which few in our times would not admit as substantially true, although according to the nature of things they could not be proven by the bare letter of Holy Scripture.

At first, the debate concerning the adoration of images proceeded without much strife. The unscriptural character of the practice was universally acknowledged. Only in appearance, or in order to pave the way for discussion, Gregory Luethy, pastor in Winterthur, raised some objections, but was supported by no one. The word "idolater," which they were so ready to use, carried terror on all sides.

The canon Edlebach, whilst granting all such veneration to be superstitious, was still anxious to preserve at least figurative representations of noble deeds, because "he thought they charm us to imitation."—"This is a use"—answered Zwingli—"which is no use to me; bring the Divine Scripture for it. God has forbidden us to be charmed by any one save Him alone and His Word. Besides, when we have them, they will be honored and esteemed as helpers. And that is at all points against Christ and His Word."

The severity of this answer the canon attributed perhaps to the circumstance, that he was known as a secret adversary of the Reformer, when one of his friends and admirers also rose up, not indeed for the defence of images, but to put in a plea for their merciful treatment and impartial estimation.

This was Commander Schmied. Let us dwell a while upon a character so full of interest. Son of a countryman from the village of Kuessnacht, set apart for study on account of his natural gifts, he came to Basel, where he remained till the ripe age of manhood, and found himself clothed with academical honors. Then he was chosen people's priest at Seengen, and unanimously by the Knights of St. John at Kuessnacht for their commander, in 1519. We know that he here won universal respect, sought to promote religion and science, and in the spirit, which animated the founders of this Order of Knighthood, joined a sincere and active benevolence with courage, honor and morality. Even his external appearance was dignified and engaging.

As the truth of the Gospel was sacred to him, so the spirit of love lived in him, that spirit of the Holy Scriptures, which is eternal, whilst the letter bears the stamp of the age from which it came—the character of the men, by whom it was written; that spirit makes alive, whilst the letter kills.

A shrewd observer, having the confidence of the country-people living under him, he had heard many peculiar expressions about the much-talked-of image-question, and looked as deep into weak as into stronger hearts. Why should the nobler end be done away also with the abuse? How had an elevation to the reign of pure ideas suddenly become possible for thousands, whose feelings heretofore could only be wrought upon through the medium of the senses? Was then the zeal so pure, which glowed in the bosoms of the stormy fanatics, who with axe and hatchet overthrew without discrimination the ornaments of churches and the grotesque creations of superstition,[11] and before whose gloomy looks the most delicate works of art, from which the grandeur of innocence and the blessedness of love beamed down upon them, found no mercy?

Hence Schmied said: "Let us first put away the idols in our hearts, through the preaching of the Divine Word, before we begin to rattle on the outside. Pictures are the staves of the weak, which we dare not take away, until we have given them strength to walk without. Paul too did not assail the gods and statues of the Athenians, but strove to erect in their hearts a temple to the invisible God, convinced that then idolatry would fall away of itself. In general, we ought not to provoke anger without necessity; and not everything that happens amongst us springs from a pure love of the truth. Such things work injuriously in the Confederacy. We are told the Confederates should not be our God. But yet they are Christian people, and for that reason we ought to spare them."

Who, in our times, will not approve of this mild speech? And to what do the Protestants of this 19th century owe it, that they can hold these views peacefully? that no faith of the letter drives them to a renunciation of innocent feelings, to unrighteous, repulsive severity, and to a stiff and wanton tyranny of creeds, such as meets us in the 17th century? To the progress of science alone—science, which teaches how to distinguish between the letter and the spirit—science, which the coward only fears, which he, who knows her not, only can calumniate.

But how very far in the rear was such science in Zwingli's age! Philology, history, an enlarged knowledge of nature and geography—what light have they not since furnished for the explanation of the Holy Scriptures! With what wonderful rapidity the results of scientific investigation, universally intelligible, are poured out by an unfettered press among the multitude! Questions must now be started, can not be kept back, on which nobody then, or at least a very few, ever thought; and if three centuries ago a knowledge of grammar only was needed for the interpretation of Scripture, there is now need of philosophy also.

Still, in a book designed for general information, we cannot enter deeply into what is scientific. It is enough to shew plainly, that Zwingli must not be judged by the ideas of our age, if in the discussion about images he opposed his friend Schmied.

In the noble feelings of the latter he shared, but surpassed Lim, in a just appreciation of the age and its immediate wants, and in the logical carrying out of a well-weighed system. Only by holding firmly to the very language of Holy Scripture could he keep his ground against his numerous opponents, for only thus far were his hearers able to follow him. We will see hereafter what difficulties he prepared for himself, when, instead of clinging to the letter in explaining the words of the eucharist, he yielded to a freer spirit.

"Well has my lord and brother said"—so Zwingli answered Schmied's objections—"that we ought to put away the false images in our hearts by the preaching of God's Word. I hope too that Leo and I have not been negligent in this; but he has spoken ill, when he calls images 'the staves of the weak.' Where is there any passage of this sort in the Holy Scripture? But we are to follow its plain language. And it is clear as day, that it permits no images, least of all those of gold and silver, of whose value poverty is deprived."

Hofmeister also thought, that, according to the commission he had received, he must admonish the commander to contend only with Scripture. The latter, from respect to the order of the government, did not prolong the colloquy.

So decided was Zwingli's victory, so general the aversion to meet him, that a whole troop of those, who were enemies, carpers and boasters behind his back, now became silent in his presence, when called by name. The manner in which some tried to get out of the affair was quite characteristic. This one played the part of an injured man, and growled out, that no body had a right to ask him as long as he kept his peace; that one naively declared, that he had believed the old, but now he must believe the new; a third, that he would teach nothing bad, that he could understand neither Greek nor Hebrew, and it were well if these languages had never come into the country; a fourth, that he could not fight, his sword having been broken off at the hilt; the prior of the Augustinians said, that he could give answer any moment from the Papal Decrees, and if he was not able to do it, then he would stand there like any other "cowled pate;" and the rest in a similar strain.

Thus the fate of images was decided by an easy battle. "This has been child's play,"—said Zwingli—"but now we come to a more important matter."

Here again we must be reminded, that it belongs to the province of theology, not history, to show in what nearer or more remote connection the doctrine of the mass, as then laid down and practised by the Church, stands with the declarations of Holy Scripture. It is enough to remark, that it rests upon the idea, so deeply rooted in the human spirit, of the duty of sacrifice. But what is true sacrifice? At bottom, nothing else than offering up to Him, from whom we have everything and by whom we are. In such offering—in offering at the same time from the purest love for man, Christ has gone before us all. That the perpetual presence of his sacrifice, therefore, must strengthen us in faith and love, we all agree. But then there is a difference between the sensuous and the spiritual apprehension of the fact. Zwingli taught that Christ offering himself must not be looked for in a host made of meal, but in his living image, the helper of the needy. "He who receives one of these, receives me"—so he himself once said. This was the plain, practical view, which Zwingli maintained not only in this Conference, but in his whole system of doctrine also.

This practical view has for centuries now exerted its influence amongst us, and with whatever reason we may be censured for other things—that there is a sense of active benevolence amongst us can never be denied. Here, Zurich, hold firm! Here is thy rock! May thy Church lean on it with wisdom, in youthful strength! Then need she dread neither time, nor science, nor Jacobins, nor Jesuists. Religion, that flower of life, has its root neither in the vague dreams of the rustic, nor in the naked formulas of the philosopher, but in noble, unpretending acts. Here the real and the ideal, the beautiful and the time meet for their eternally necessary mutual strengthening and purification.[12]

Owing to the nature of the subject, the Conference assumed a more peaceful and scientific cast, and at times became quite familiar. Even Zwingli, especially after the commander Schmied had again spoken in his mild, conciliatory manner, confessed to his most persevering opponent, Steinlin, people's priest at Schaffhausen, that he had learned much from him, and desired, that, if severe expressions sometimes fell from his lips, they should not be laid too much to heart. "Many"—said he—"there are, who catch up only the bitter things said by me, and so too it happens with that learned gentleman, Martin Luther, whom they are willing to imitate in naught, save the sharpness of his language, which nevertheless he often utters out of true, ardent love; but the pious, faithful heart and its struggles after truth, remain unnoticed."

The earliest traces of a fire, which afterwards broke out destructively, began to appear first on the evening of the second day. Mention has already been made of Conrad Grebel, Zwingli's previous friend and admirer, and also of his father, the councilor Jacob Grebel. The history of this family, truly told, would be a warning for all, who expect from the chances of fortune that happiness, which is only to be found in contentment and a pure conscience. A skillful man of business, frequently employed in the affairs of Zurich and the Confederacy, the father had formed extensive connections. His house in Zurich was always open to the ambassadors of foreign princes and distinguished allies; in consequence of which his expenses gradually became greater than his income. His sons and daughters grew up. Their welfare and that of the family was sought in splendid living. The elder daughter became prioress of the convent of [OE]denbach; the younger, at a later period, the wife of Vadianus; she was the most fortunate of the children, the only one happy till a ripe old age. One of the sons entered the service of the Archduke Ferdinand as a gentleman of the bed-chamber; the other, Conrad, lived at Vienna and Paris on sums of money, which the father knew how to obtain from the Emperor, the King of France, and Duke Sforza of Milan. His extravagance aided not a little in the ruin of the family. More and more the father put himself under dangerous obligations to strangers. He did it too, after the penalty of death had been affixed to the taking of foreign pensions. Already had one son been dismissed from the service of the Archduke, and Conrad returned home in shattered health and burdened with debt. The convent at [OE]denbach was broken up; the mother tormented by sickness, domestic calamities and her own passionate disposition, increased the general misery. Then the bribery of the father came to light, and an old man, with snow-white hair, he ended his days on the scaffold, in 1526. His dignified behavior, when led to the block, excited universal pity. Some months before he had begged the authorities to pardon his ruined son, the chief cause of his misfortunes.[13] For himself, he would not do it. What value would a longer life have had in view of such a downfall!

We have anticipated, in order to show the fate of the family in its connection; the thread of our story now leads us back to Conrad. To no common abilities he had joined industry and a thirst for learning in his earlier youth, and knew how to gain the good-will of Zwingli and Vadianus. Many letters bear witness of the friendly relations in which he stood toward both; but his character gradually became worse, and he could not escape the never-failing consequences of debauchery. Not the body only, but the spirit also, sinks under them. Peace vanishes from the soul; insight into the sphere of duty and the relations of life grows dim. Still, at times a nobler feeling awoke within him; he acknowledged the justice of his sufferings, bewailed his folly and strove to break loose from his fetters; but then again he would accuse others, especially his father. How severe and dreadful is the language which he uses in a letter to Vadianus: "My father would discover my crime, if the beam in his own eye did not hinder him from seeing the mote in mine. He does not know what I have had to suffer on his account, since he first caused me to be fed by the Emperor and then by the King of France. Had he taught me to get along with a small patrimony according to the national custom; had he not wished me to soar higher, as my wings grew, in the track of his other son, then would I not be troubled, when the betrayers of the fatherland are cursed, lest my father should be included among them; then would I not, when such are spoken of, grow now red with shame and now pale with fear, lest they should say my father was a French hireling; then would I not be irritated; then would I not be compelled to tremble for a speedy discovery; then would I not have to think of restitution; then perhaps had I never bartered my freedom for gold and my honor for sordid metal. The King flays his people and snatches the food from their mouths like a wolf, that he may adorn his person and fare sumptuously, and would have once been able to bring me to God knows what, if my native city had raised me to honor and dignity. O that it were granted me, to plunge from this misery into another, or to escape both, and reach the shore from the wreck in a happier hour! Is this denied me? then do I set myself against fate and the gods and will brave the torture, till their wrath is satiated in my grave. Glad am 1 that the plague, which still spared many, during the past autumn, has broken out here again in the course of this month!"

Thus, Zwingli's labors in Zurich began to stir up base elements, along with what were truly noble and pure. People, who were lacking in means to rise, and often justly low in public esteem, now called out likewise for change, so that their old incapacity, or their old sins, might be forgotten. The deeper the agitation, the more they hoped to gain. Then already Grebel was numbered among them; the better spirit had wholly forsaken him. Others of a like stamp clustered around him. To stand with Zwingli they would have needed purer morals, more labor of the mind, and above all self-denial. This would not do for them. They must outstrip him therefore, in order to gain their end the more quickly.

It has already been remarked, that the first traces of their disturbing influence appeared at the close of the disputation. Lame, frivolous were the questions about mere externals in the administration of the Supper, the form of the bread, the kind, as how it ought to be brought to the mouth, the time of taking it which Grebel started—difficulties that he would find everywhere; then, supported chiefly by Simon Stumpf, people's priest at H[oe]ngg, he impugned the right of the government to issue ordinances; all evidently designed to produce an excitement, to rouse the spirit of sect, to make himself a party. With generous forbearance Zwingli answered him, but here again Conrad Schmied spoke out against fanaticism and a rage for destruction. He brought the insurgents to silence, and then proceeded to deliver an ample discourse on the need of better instruction, which met with general approbation. His spiritual superiors had hitherto refused, for good reasons, to inform the people. "The more need"—continued he—"is there, that you, dear Sirs, should take the work boldly in hand. For money, you have helped many an earthly prince to his land and his subjects, help then, for God's sake, Christ our Lord to his dominion and honour."

No one opposed this. Then Zwingli spoke one more, begging all to hold firm to the Gospel, and never to despond as long as they leaned upon it. "What is done from the best motives will be misrepresented by falsehood and slander. Thus it had been said here and there yesterday evening that we would now degrade the body and blood of Christ into sleeping-cups. No!"—cried he—"no one certainly wishes to do this." Tears interrupted his speech and many other were heard to weep. "If God will"—said Leo Judae—"we will all stand by the Gospel, and cheerfully will I, if need be, lay down my life for it. They may kill the body, but the soul they can not kill. The Scripture ought never to be used for quarrelling, or display, but for the improvement of our lives, and if perchance I have spoken too harshly to any one, during the present Conference, I ask his forgiveness." Zwingli did the same. The presidents now laid down their office with a petition for Hottinger and the other prisoners, in which the Abbott of Cappel, the Commander of Kuessnacht and the Provost of the Great Minster joined.

The issue of this Conference formed a new epoch for Zurich. The government prudently resolved to do nothing rashly, to change nothing suddenly. Even images and relics should not be taken from the churches for a while, yet, where it was possible, covered, locked up, but in no case injured. He, who wished to read mass, or to assist in the reading, was permitted once more to do so. The rules of fasting also were to be observed; but the Great Council had already put forth the declaration, that in spiritual affairs it would henceforth be the court of decision with the advice of the people's priest, or bishops, as it styled the pastors of the congregations in a public document.[14] Hottinger, on account of his rash conduct, was banished from the canton for two years, and Lorenz Hochruetiner, who with foolish obstinacy had repeated the act, for life. Several associates of these "Idol Stormers" had to lay down considerable sums as bail for their peaceful behavior. Simon Stumpf, people's priest at H[oe]ngg, whose name occurs above, was obliged to leave the country, till permission for his return could be granted, "on account of his rough sermons, speeches and other things he had done."[15]

The most pressing want, just then, was the instruction of the ignorant priests of the people. Hence, by order of the government, Zwingli prepared a small book, under the title of "Christian Introduction," in which the chief articles of evangelical doctrine, and founded on these, a decision against the former dogmas and practices of the Church were brought together in the plainest possible language. This was placed in the hands of all the preachers in the canton, with the summons to adhere to this pattern in their discourses. At the same time it was sent to the governments of the collective states, to the bishops of the Confederacy and to the University of Basel, with the request that it might be tested and refuted, if it contained any points at war with the Gospel. The government, it is to be observed, had made up its mind to wait a full half year for refutations, and then, if nothing arrived, to proceed to the removal of abuses, and the introduction of a new church-order.

The reformation of the state kept pace continually with that of the church. No one was more thoroughly convinced than Zwingli, that the civil was the result of the religious corruption, and vice versa. Soon after the end of the Conference he again delivered a vehement discourse against the mischief of pensions, traces of this evil being still apparent and it required no great penetration to perceive, that it stood in connection with the spirit of fanaticism, which began to show itself toward the close of the disputation. After this discourse, on the 21st of December, 1523, the burgomaster and the councils took an oath against all pensions; on the day before, the entire priesthood had done the same. Transgressors were threatened with capital punishment.

Meanwhile the Bishop of Constance had sent a very detailed report on the Introduction, to the Council of Zurich, with the notice, that in drawing it up he had availed himself of the advice of several universities. A committee, consisting of nine of the most learned clergy, four members of the Small and four of the Great Council, were ordered to give it a careful examination, and on their motion the whole of it was read aloud in the assembly. As Bullinger informs us, "all agreed, that there was little ground for it in the Divine Word."

A similar judgment was passed by another committee, appointed to examine the objections raised against Zwingli, during the present Conference, by the canon Hofmann and several members of the Chapter.

The opinions of the Confederates were yet to be looked for. But they had trouble, to come to an understanding among themselves. True indeed, it was determined to turn a common front against Zurich for her remarkable innovations; but as to what should be said, the instructions are very dissimilar. "Let us act in a friendly way," wrote the burgomaster of Schaffhausen and such was the order from Bern, Glarus, Basel, Solothurn and Appenzell; but Luzern, Zug, Freiburg and the three Forest Cantons were in favor of "remaining true to the old faith and telling Zurich very plainly what ought to be told to her." At last they agreed to complain against several particular articles, to lay which before the Great Council deputies appeared in Zurich on the 21st of March, 1524. The deputy of Schaffhausen, not being authorized to make special complaint, withdrew from the others, who then made a report, of which the following is the substance: With pain, we see the increase of the new, unchristian Lutheran religion in the Confederacy; with pain, that Zurich abets the mischief. It is clear as day, that disorders only spring from it. Hence, the landvogt of Baden has been hindered from throwing several criminals into prison, at Weiningen, where the supreme court of the duchy sits; at a fire there the peasants laid hold of sword and spear instead of water-buckets; at Stammheim they insulted the crucifix and images; at Elggau, a pious clergyman, who remonstrated with the pastor, was obliged to flee the church and the parish; at Kuessnacht the tithe has been refused to the Cloister of Engelberg, and at Waedenschweil the steward of the Knights of St. John has been abused. The landvogt of Zurich circulates Lutheran books in the free bailiwicks; a parson has said at Rifferschweil that it is all one to baptize a man or a block of wood; the priests take wives, and the monks and nuns abandon the convents. No longer can this be borne, and we pray Zurich to maintain the old treaties and customs, and then we will cheerfully aid in rooting out real abuses, the shameful trade in benefices, the selling of indulgences and the scandalous lives of the clergy.

Things important and unimportant, true and false, were mingled in this report. A written answer was required. In this it was easy to show, that to give information in regard to the scenes at Weiningen belonged altogether to the lower courts at that place; that the affair at Stammheim was disapproved of, would be looked into and corrected; that the priest, who had interrupted the pastor at Elggau in an insulting manner, whilst preaching would be indebted to their protection for a safe return to his home; that Kuessnacht had not refused the tithe to Engelberg, and that the pastor at Rafferschweil had not said that of which he had been accused. But, in order to justify herself on other points, it was necessary to enter more deeply into the views of faith prevalent at Zurich, which was not to be done by a diplomatic communication through the Secretary of State, but by Zwingli himself, publicly. This disposed the deputies of the confederates, who on other accounts were displeased with the Reformer, to an unfavorable reception of the answer. "That Zurich," so it was said in the Recess at Luzern on the 1st of April, 1524, "sent in a discourse and sermon from God's Word, is not necessary to mention here."

The last word of Zurich to the Bishop of Constance met with as little favor. From all sides reports of an unfriendly character came to the ears of the government; yea, it began to be rumored, that some of the states seriously thought of giving back their written treaties to the Zurichers.

From whom had the government now to seek its most powerful protection? Only from God and its own people.

To learn whether they could be relied on, information was sought through their vogts and civil officers. "Faithful and beloved friends"—so runs the paper, which was sent out to be read publicly—"you know how we have held conferences in our canton for the settlement of the dispute. The truth has been revealed, and we would have had a perfect right to do away all abuses immediately. Still we did not wish to hurry, and afforded opportunities on all sides to show us what was better. Our gracious Lord, the Bishop of Constance, has tried to prove, in a book written by his own hand, that we are guilty, that we ought to adhere to images and esteem the mass a sacrifice, as hitherto. We have examined it, compared it with Holy Scripture, and have only been able to find that we ought to obey God rather than man. Our brethren of the Confederacy have sent their deputies to lay such complaints before us. Accept the answer which we sent them.[16] After this, we heard that they in Luzern gave out, that they would put down this 'piece of work,' as they call it. We have asked them, where they intend doing this. They have answered, just where it suits them. Again it reached our ears, that we were grossly slandered, as to city and canton, in Luzern. We sent two of our councilors hither with the request, that they would allow them to vindicate us before the people. It was not granted. Still they appeared before the Great Council, and desired that such calumniators might be brought against them. We inform you of all this, in the hope that you will be of like mind with us in this Christian business. Remember, how many good, honest men, we, by the use of God's Word in these times of war, have kept alive and spared for their wives and children. Heretofore, you have acted faithfully in this and other matters, like pious people. How much more should we, in that which concerns the honor of God, the salvation of our souls and our consciences, keep together, use the Divine Word, and be one in protecting and defending ourselves. If this happen, then God is with us, whom no one on earth or in hell can withstand. Therefore take friendly counsel together, and let us know your resolutions."

Now again, all the answers agree in substance. There was not one, in which the determination to uphold evangelical liberty was not expressed in strong language. "We testify"—wrote Winterthur—"and have resolved, as far as in us lies, to be eternally loyal to our gracious Lords of Zurich, according to our oath, and place at their disposal our honor, our bodies, our goods and our lives, and are willing to defend the same by the Holy Word of God;" but it seemed also to be the general wish to remain in alliance with the Confederates, and, if it were possible, in peace. Thus the people of Waedenschweil and Richterschweil gave notice, that they would be neighbors with them at H[oe]fen and Zugerberg, who had always dealt with them in friendship and love, as they also did with them as far as possible. Thalweil also prayed that war would not be begun for the sake of one or two, be they clergy or laymen. For the rest they were pleased with the just commands of the Lords and all, which they heretofore had so excellently managed, for they had always acted like wise men. Not in the ill-will of the Confederates, but in their instigation from Zurich, the reasons of the discord were to be sought—in their instigation by a minority still present in the Council, who were opposed to the Gospel and addicted to taking pensions, at least secretly, by perverse clergymen, by the people of the convents, by unwearied letter-writers and forgers of lies. "There is talk"—says a memorial from Wiedikon, Albisrieden and Altstaetten—"that all the opposition only comes from our own midst, and therefore we desire that such base-intentioned persons be looked after, be they in the Council or elsewhere, and be compelled to keep still and quiet and cease their contrariety. So will we ever pledge to the noble city of Zurich life, honor and fortune. We beg our Lords only to hold bravely to their mandates and the Word of God, and we will faithfully aid them in using and protecting the same." In like manner the congregations of Neuamt write: "We have reason to know, that You, our Lords and Superiors, are not one in the Small and Great Councils, but are divided in this business, which is a great trouble to us. Therefore we earnestly pray you to put away all such discord and be united, so will we also pledge our persons and our property to God's Word and our Lords."—"Nothing is kept secret"—wrote Buelach—"in Your Small and Great Council, but everything is continually published through the whole Confederacy, and this grieves us. We pray you therefore to make diligent inquiry and expel the babblers, and drive off them who are opposed to God's Word; then it should be cared for that the entire country should not be disturbed by them." Eglisau asked for the same thing with the addition: "If you, dear Lords, are not strong enough to punish such people, we will help you with our persons and our property." That from Ruemlang carries the same sense: "Further, it is our wish and advice, that You, as our Lords and Superiors, will look after the adversaries of God's Word, both those who sit in your Council and those who are of the clergy, be they priests or monks, and expel them from the city and canton, for it is certain that the greatest displeasure of the Confederates has sprung from this source; and if You, as our Lords and Superiors, are not strong enough for them, we will stand by you with our persons and our property, for such things can be endured no longer." With a hankering side-glance at the fat possessions of the monasteries, they of the Four Wards wrote: "We have received the friendly and gracious communication of our Lords with great thanks, and wish to be among those who pledge person, soul, honor and property to the Word of God and their Lords and Superiors, especially to those who mean well, and not to the base, who strive against God's Word. For the rest, it is our wish, that You, as our Lords and Superiors, would punish and drive away those wicked ones, who fight against God's Word, be they in the Council, in the city, or in the canton, be they clergymen or laymen, for it is certain, that the displeasure of our Confederates has, for the most part, arisen from this quarter by their letter-writing and other rebellious acts; and if you are not strong enough to punish or drive them away, we will aid you with our persons and our property to drive them off. In the third place, be it our will and opinion, that you will take care of and drive away by the help of God's Word, all the soup-eaters, who crowd together, as is well known, in the monasteries; for if this be not done, we will see if we also cannot some day obtain such eating and drinking." And still more fully Riespach and Hirslanden: "It is also our earnest opinion, whereas numerous and manifold speeches and lies have hitherto been written and sent off by the clergy and laymen to the confederates generally and particular cantons and cities, and have been little inquired into as yet, by which great injury and loss of reputation may fall upon the city of Zurich and its territory, since when our people go from home, be it to Luzern, Zug, Baden or other parts, then they all say: Such reports came from Zurich;—therefore we wish this business to be better looked into; and if the Gospel is to be protected, such persons ought to be punished according to their deserts. We also pray our Lords, that, where there are ill-minded priests, who will not obey their statutes and always speak and act against the Gospel, God's Word, all such be thrust from their livings and the churches supplied with good pastors; for it strikes us that otherwise we can never hope for peace. Further, we pray our Lords to sequester the property of the monasteries and the canons, so that it may go to the aid of the poor, who everywhere sit before our churches; so that the Confederates and other strangers may not say: 'If they are such good Christians in Zurich, why do so many poor people sit before all the churches?' Hence we think that the tithes, which we raise, more justly belong to the poor than to nonsensical priests, who write here and there behind the back of the government. Hence it is our urgent prayer to our gracious Lords of Zurich, that they deliberate on the above-cited points, and if then it seems better to their wisdom to do so than to leave it alone, we all and each one in particular will pledge his soul, honor, body and goods to the city of Zurich, and esteem you, our dear Lords, as true fathers, as we hope you will find us good, willing, dutiful and submissive children, even unto death."

The tenor of these answers was sufficient to show the government, that, even if it wished, it could no longer delay the progress of the reformation, and that only by action, just as decided as cautious, would it be possible to prevent an outbreak of the flame, which already appeared in scattered sparks.

Hence an ordinance of the Council was passed for the removal of the images in the most quiet way, with forbearance and care. Whoever had presented any to the churches, or had caused them to be made at his own cost, could take them home without molestation. If the majority in a congregation were opposed to their removal, then it was commanded to wait till they were better informed. All processions were forbidden, even the pilgrimage to Einsiedeln, in memory of the victory at Taettweil. The latter, celebrated by a dangerous mingling of both sexes in a march of several days and in the monastery, was discontinued accordingly, and this was regarded as an act of hostility. But why should public thanks to the Supreme Disposer of battles, why should joyful remembrance of the bravery of their father's cease?

The reform of the clerical foundations and monastic life was very thorough. Mention has already been made of that in the Chapter of Canons at the Great Minster. Now, it also voluntarily surrendered its secular jurisdiction to the government, but guarded itself on the other hand against the delivery of its rich church-ornaments, which were likewise demanded by the Council and at length taken. Their value went to cover a part of the expenses of the Canton, which were greatly increased by the commotions of the age. At the same time Catherine von Zimmern, abbess of Frauminster, gave up to the burgomaster and councils, under the assurance that she and the sisters would receive an adequate support, the convent along with its rights and revenues. The Chapter of Canons at Embrach, the Cistercians at Cappel and the Augustinians at Heiligenberg, near Winterthur, asked of their own accord for a suppression or, a re-organization for a more useful end. The remaining cloisters were taken under the care of the government. Toward the Dominicans of the city the greatest severity had to be shown. They held the richest possessions; and yet, like the Franciscans, were pledged to poverty by the rules of their order. "On Saturday, Dec. 3d, 1524,"—Felix Weiss narrates—"the burgomaster and the councils ordained, that the three men of the monasteries, namely, the Dominicans, the Augustinians and the Franciscans, should be united, and the younger portion of them taught trades. If any did not wish to remain, to these a viaticum was to be given; and to all who desired to remain in the monastery a comfortable support for life and permission to die a peaceful death. Thus, on the Saturday aforesaid, in the afternoon, without notice or warning, the three chief officers and other members of the council, accompanied by the police of the city, led the Dominicans all at once to the Franciscans; and directly after that they went to the Augustinians and summoned them all. They were obliged to lay down their keys of office in presence of my lords on a table in the convent-parlor. After a long speech and friendly words, they again led them over the upper bridge to the barefooted friars; and thus the rulers of the city, of the Small and Great Councils, honestly disposed of the people in all the monasteries. Soon after, their portion was assigned them, so that those who were willing to stay in the monastery of the Franciscans, would receive lodging and shelter there and wood enough; besides, to each one 6 shocks of grain, 6 buckets of wine and 32 pounds Haller were promised every year."

Out of the ordinary revenues of the government, aided by the property of the suppressed monasteries, schools were founded, an alms-house, a lazaretto for the plague-stricken, and an orphan-asylum. The hospital was enlarged, and suitable salaries awarded to its spiritual and lay attendants. Scholastic education was greatly needed, and where qualified teachers could not be obtained from the city, they were called from abroad. Thus Myconius was brought back to Zurich. Rudolph Collin followed him from Luzern. Wiesendanger came from the village of Dynhart, after him Pellikan from Alsace; all in order to teach the ancient languages.

Zwingli now resolved to marry, and on the 2d of April, 1524, led Anna Reinhart,[17] in whom he found the guardian angel of his earthly existence, before the altar, to take the pledge of fidelity in the presence of God and the congregation. Henceforth the priests wished to be, above all, Christians; but to all Christians without exception, the call has been made according to the language of the Apostle, to become priests by inward consecration, priests without love of power and without the spirit of caste.

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER THIRD:

Footnote 1: A French province, according to the prevailing opinion in former times, a strong hold of sectarianism, of heresy so-called.

Footnote 2: All three were then known for their decided adherence to the old church-order.

Footnote 3: In Erfurt Luther had studied. At Wittemberg he taught.

Footnote 4: A writer of that ago says of him, using indeed colors somewhat dark: "We ought rather to call Faber a cruel judge than a doctor or bishop. Throughout all Germany and the neighboring countries his severity is known. Scarcely a hangman in our fatherland has executed so many as have been condemned by the unrighteous sentences of Faber." And at the close, in a simple narrative of Hans Huglin of Lindau, who was burnt as a heretic, we read: "While the poor miserable man was compelled to groan thus (he had been on the rack), the Vicary sat there and laughed. When the poor man saw this, he said: O, dear Sir, why do you laugh at me; I am but an abandoned creature, who am not worth laughing at. Laugh over yourself, and God forgive you; you know not what you do. At which words the Vicary, who looked at him still more wickedly, was ashamed to laugh and grew very red; since which all the world has pitied the poor man."

Footnote 5: Printed entire under the title of "Uslegen und Grand der Schlussreden," in the first volume of Zwingli's works, edited by Schuler and Schultheiss.

Footnote 6: Explanation of the Final Discourses, viz, the 26, 27, 33, 64th, et cet.

Footnote 7: He, who is acquainted with history in its sources, knows that this assertion of Zwingli is by no means maliciously snatched from the air. It cannot indeed be charged against all convent-property; but, to illustrate the mode, in which a part at least of such acquisitions were obtained during the Middle Ages, I will insert here a document, which was preserved in their archives by our forefathers of Zurich, expressly for the information of posterity, and which, drawn up on parchment and furnished with the seal of State, is still extant. The monasteries had plainly fallen off from their original severe rules. For the better understanding of it, the orthography and punctuation only are brought nearer to modern style.

"To all, who see this letter or hear it read, we, the Council of Zurich, whose name are written after, make known, that we saw the letter of the burghers of Strassburg, entire, true, and sealed with their public seal, as stands hereafter written. And that we and our successors after us, if a similar case arise in our midst, may be able to judge the more correctly, we have, with the leave of our burghers, willingly, publicly and unanimously written this letter from the heart, and publicly sealed it with our burghers' great seal, for a perpetual and eternal record.

"To the honorable, the wise and the discreet, the Council and burghers generally of Basel, of Colmar, of Schlettstadt, of Rheinau, of Naffach, and after them, all those cities where this letter appears, Nicholas the younger Zorn, mayor of the city, and the burghers of Strassburg generally offer their free service with entire friendship. Many things are done honorably and justly, which in foreign countries are perverted, because their origin is not rightly understood. Hence we humbly pray you to receive our address with favor and sympathize with us, because they have troubled us, for whom we have done very much indeed. Your Worships, the barefooted friars and the preachers (Dominican monks) had fallen into the practice of taking legacies in the world outside of the monasteries, and when a rich man, or a rich lady, lay on a deathbed, then they ran thither and persuaded him to give all his property to them, and thus all his heirs were disinherited and ruined. Then the latter came before us crying and complaining that they had been disinherited. Many such complaints came before us. The monks sold also their own property, on condition that it should revert to them again on the death of the buyer. This made us think that our city would in a short time become entirely theirs. They received also into their order the children of rich people, without the consent and knowledge of their friends, in order to get their property. At this also we have been greatly troubled and many complaints against them have been brought before us. When this had continued for a long, long time, and we could bear no longer the manifold complaints of the burghers; then we went to the preachers and begged them to conduct themselves so, that such complaints would no more reach us from our citizens. Then they spake and promised us that what papers the barefooted friars (Franciscans) would give us, not to do it any more, they also would give us. We went to the barefooted friars and laid this matter before them. They answered thus: What Your Worships require us to promise you, that we are directed by the rules of our order not to do; even if you had never issued a command, yet had we been forbidden not to do it. Then spake we: Make us such a paper on it as seems good to you, that it may stand as a pledge between us. They drew up the paper as we send you the copy word for word. Then we came to the preachers (Dominicans) with the paper and they bade us give them a copy. After that their provincial came, and they did as he told them, and abused us for this thing beyond measure, four years in succession. But at last, a complaint was lodged against them for taking the estate of a lady from the lawful heirs; therefore we begged them again to give us a paper like that of the barefooted friars, as they had promised to do. Then they said proudly, that rather than do it they would let their heads be chopped off with axes. This made us unwilling to have them as clergymen, since they would not keep their promises. And when we began to build on the commons of our city before their gates, they ran to our women and beat our servants with clubs and shovels till one was killed. At which we became the more wroth and would have torn their gate from its hinges. This have we written to you and pray, since we need your counsel and favor in this matter, that you will act a friendly part, because we lean on you and would do the same for you in an hour of like need. We also pray you, if we get judges in this affair, who are allied to you, that you will influence them toward us, so that they will be favorable to our rights, just as we would do for you in the same strait."

The names of he Council (at Zurich, as above) are Burkard von Hottingen, Rudolph von Beggenhoven, Chuon von Tuebelnstein, Henry Vinko and Jacob from the Mezie, knights, Ruodolf der Muelner, Ruodolf der Kriek, Ulric der Truebor, Peter Wolfleibsche, Ulric im Gewelbe, Henry Stoeri and John Pilgrin Burger. This paper was transcribed in the twelve-hundred and eighty-seventh year, from God's birth on the Monday after Saint Urban's day, when the indication was the XVth.

Footnote 8: Or in other words: Without religion the state succumbs to materialism. But the prevalence of materialism is least consistent with the welfare of a republic. The freest state ought to be the most religious: the most religious only durst be the most free.

Footnote 9: The assailed could indeed appeal, at least for a partial justification of their love of the chase, to an article of their statutes, revised in the year 1346, according to which and others, a horse, a hound, and a falcon or sparrow-hawk, for hunting, had to be presented to the chaplain of the foundation, who ministered at the annual festival in the church of Zollikon.

Footnote 10: Satisfactory explanations of them are given by Wirz in his Swiss Church History, continued by Kirchhofer, Vol. V. p. 139.

Footnote 11: In St. Gall, for instance, forty wagon-loads of the ruins of wood en images were carried to the swamps and burnt there. "Every body fell upon the idols. We tore them from the altar, the walls and the pillars. The altars were beaten down, the idols split to pieces with axes, or smashed by hammers. You would have thought it a field of battle. What a noise! what a breaking! what an echoing in the lofty ceiling!" Kessler.

Footnote 12: For scientific readers: Neither mysticism and pietism, nor dogmatism alone are able to sustain the Protestant churches. Mysticism and pietism yield to more consistent Catholicism; dogmatism, without symbolical books, which lose their authority where the press is free, succumbs to philosophy. The simple eternal dogma of Christ stands: By its fruit shall ye know the tree. The time will yet come, when all who practically reverence this dogma, will form the one, universal church, and all others, be they marked with the cross or protests against it, the no-church. For this no revolution is needed, not even much change in forms. It will come from within.

Footnote 13: Why? will be seen hereafter.

Footnote 14: In the "Advice concerning Images and the Mass."

Footnote 15: The contradictions in the character and behavior of this man, who was rather eccentric than morally corrupt, are well depicted in Kirchofer's Continuation of Wirz's Church History, Part II. p. 222.

Footnote 16: It was publicly read.

Footnote 17: She was the widow of Hans Meier of Knonau, who died in 1520, and had a son by him, named Gerold, whom Zwingli loved like a father and to whom he dedicated a work on the education of youth. Little is known of her during her marriage with Zwingli. But a single short letter is extant, written by her husband from Bern, in which he asks her to send a cap-pattern to one of her relations there. Solomon Hess in his Biography thinks that Zwingli read his writings aloud to her. The author begs leave to doubt this, indeed rather to believe, that he would have heartily laughed, if the learned stuff was tedious to her. Mind and heart she certainly had, and he talked with her not merely about kitchen and cellar; but she probably studied him more in his actions, than in his works.



CHAPTER FOURTH.

DANGERS OF THE REFORMATION AND ZWINGLI'S BATTLE AGAINST THEM.

In our times we hear such frequent use of the word radicalism. What is its true meaning, according to its derivation? Action, that penetrates to the roots. We can imagine a good radicalism, which would tear out by the roots all the evil growth of life, and also a bad, which would uproot all that is good. The first strives to unite, the second to divide. Experience teaches that neither the one, nor the other, is continually prosperous. Why? Because new tares and wheat spring up anew; and again why? Christ has given us the reason: Because the Lord of the harvest has put off the time of separation. Should this make us indifferent, and negligent in the cultivation of the garden?—We would soon feel the merited results in its dreary desolation. No, it ought to teach us that to every individual his daily labor is appointed, and to every generation of men its conflict; that none can so finish its task, or will so finish it, that the succeeding durst sit down at ease; but that one is the most fortunate which has foresight enough to separate the good and the worthless plants in their earliest stages, the better to cherish the former and as much as possible to keep down the latter. What then is the great, the most important want of political and social life? It is—education. But mere instruction is not education. For in that case the best men would come from the institutions, which are most richly endowed, and yet experience so often teaches us directly the contrary. Indeed, the most important part of education, more influential yet than instruction, without which the latter would be eternally defective, is example. And here again we are referred to the Word of Christ, which summons us to look for fruit. This is the doctrine of religion; to call fruit into life, is the task of the church. Let her see to providing example, and the school instruction, and let both strive honestly to unite knowledge with example. Then only can, then only will their influence be harmonious.

He who pens these remarks is not concerned about the objection, which may be made: What will example, what will all our endeavor to call into existence nobler examples avail, if a one-sided training of the understanding to mock at example and laugh to scorn everything noble in life, teaches that the highest good is to be sought in base, private advantage? if all our means of correction, all authority to interfere be given up? The element of the church is faith—faith in the inward power of truth and goodness, which does not suffer itself to be disheartened by results that appear insignificant, or even by the momentary preponderance of evil. He who has it not, let him not devote himself to her service. They who have it, let them secure a circle of operation as free as possible; and this is the course of wisdom for rulers.

Let us now return to Zwingli, a man in whom such faith and knowledge were joined, and learn to know him also in his battle with the dangers, into which his bold undertaking led him.

The public religious conferences had wakened in the city of Zurich a spirit of inquiry, not, it is true, of that unrestricted kind which seeks a philosophical basis for the dogmas of faith, according to the deductions of human reason, but of that higher order, which looks to their agreement with Holy Scripture. When this was settled, investigation was at an end; but in the settlement there were peculiar difficulties. Who would warrant the accuracy of the translation, when disputes arose? Who would decide whether the obscurer passages should be understood according to the bare sound of the words, or if a more spiritual meaning were applicable?—Synods? Church Councils? They were necessary, indispensable for the maintenance of order in the church. They could work very beneficially for the improvement and spiritualization of systems of doctrine. But to surrender to them the deciding power in matters of faith—that would have been a return to the abandoned principle of Catholicism. To this prelacy and intolerance would have been joined inevitably. Or should every individual be left to decide according to his own caprice? How then could divisions, sects and endless controversies be avoided?

Here again faith lent her aid, faith in the inward truth of the Divine Word. It ought to vindicate, it will vindicate itself, the more it is preached by an educated ministry, which believes in its teachings. In this conviction Zwingli and his friends found their support and did not heed the dangers and the temporary confusion, produced by the overthrow of existing ecclesiastical forms in Zurich.

Just in proportion as the Holy Scriptures became known through the press and the pulpit, interpreters arose on all sides. Here it was simplicity, there presumption, and in the majority passion or selfish projects, which prompted them. By this means the people, a short time before so sensible and quiet, were evidently disturbed and excited. Most pernicious dogmas like these—that learning was superfluous, that Christians ought to own no property, that a nation of brothers needed no government—they attempted to support by the language of Scripture, which was distorted, falsely translated, or torn out of its connection. The general ignorance was too great not to favor the growth of imposture; and the ambition, avarice and debauchery of numbers afforded too many opportunities of temptation to cunning seducers, who spared no amount of travel, writing and dissimulation in order to win adherents and increase the army of dupes. Now let us consider the most important facts.

From their eager violation of existing church usages with unholy parade, and their notorious behavior at the Second Religious Conference we have become acquainted with several leaders of this disorderly party, Conrad Grebel, William R[oe]ubli and Simon Stumpf. Two others, Felix Manz and John Br[oe]dlein, were added; the first of whom by his scientific culture, and the second by his strength of character, as well as by his stubbornness and pride, which did not indeed allow of entire harmony of feeling, soon drew attention, as among the most dangerous.

Manz, like many others in that dissolute age, the intelligent son of a clergyman, had acquired a considerable knowledge of the Hebrew language, little known at that time, and when the want of instruction in it began to be generally felt, he thought himself specially called to become a teacher of it. And had a place been immediately created for him and richly endowed out of the revenues of the newly organized Chapter of Canons, it is highly probable, at least if Bullinger's representation of the man be true, that he would have chosen the nobler path of pure scientific activity. But this was not done, and with Grebel he appeared at the head of the insurgents. In the house of his mother at Zurich, in the New Town, he instituted a nightly meeting, where at first a slight dissatisfaction with the course, which the work of reform had taken, was expressed only in general terms; but by degrees more decided projects were matured—to possess themselves, if possible, with the direction of affairs, and, as they styled it, to found a new church. To this plan they next sought to win over Zwingli. Stumpf and Manz, as he himself tells us, had repeated conversations with him on this subject. They begged him to bring no doctrines into the pulpit, except such as they would agree upon among themselves beforehand. "No one"—said Manz still further—"is to be received into our church, who has not the assurance in himself that he is without sin."—"And will you belong to it?" asked Zwingli with a stern look. Manz was silent; but from that time forth, he and his associates began to calumniate the Reformer everywhere and throw obstacles into his path.

But the actual outbreak of disturbances was occasioned by Br[oe]dlein. A year before, whilst pastor at Quarten, in the bailiwick of Sargan, he had made himself conspicuous. With R[oe]ubli he was among the first of the clergy, who violated the rules of fasting and the vow of celibacy. He had done both in the assurance of evangelical right and Christian liberty; and when the landvogt spoke to him about it, he made answer not in the most courtly terms: The landvogt ought to punish the lewd and adulterous persons who swarm in his neighborhood, instead of him and his virtuous wife. He was bound rather to protect him, and compel the other clergy to marry. The special sanctity of the priesthood was at an end. If one steals, then you should hang him, even though he would anoint his whole body with oil. The tale-bearers had lied about him like rogues. "Still"—he concluded in a tone somewhat more moderate—"I build my hopes not on men of this world. That much you ought to know of me. God has numbered all the hairs of my head, and not a sparrow falls to the ground without His will, so neither can any one injure me or my wife, if it be not His will, and therefore, dear landvogt, you need send neither thirty nor a hundred men to fetch her. If she has sinned against God, then send the smallest child, and she must come. But if you wish to take, or cause her to be taken from me by force, then know, that you act against God, divine righteousness and the Gospel. Yet I will not repel force by force. I once indeed thought it necessary to do this; but God has commanded me otherwise, and hence I may not teach it to my brethren."

In fact, the landvogt, at the requisition of the ruling cantons, threw him into prison. How he escaped is not known. After the Religious Conferences in Zurich we find him as assistant at Zollikon, and here he seems to have been the first to introduce into Switzerland the doctrines of the Anabaptists, which elsewhere had caused so much dissension. Of all, who sought by means of these doctrines to create discord, to make a show or found a party, we can say, that, without exception, they were men of narrow minds, or, in worse cases, hypocrites with dishonorable private aims. Though it cannot be denied, that in later times respectable men have lived in our country under the name of Anabaptists, and are even yet to be found, still their moral worth springs not from their otherwise innocent mode of baptism, but from their religious exercises, their simple way of living, and the good examples, which they have before their eyes. Yet here also we durst not forget, that it is not the part of history to examine articles of faith, but to keep to events and the external phenomena of life.

In May, 1424, when the decree of the government was issued for the abolition of images and the mass, it was told in Zurich, that the inhabitants of Zollikon, roused by the preaching of Br[oe]dlein, had broken down the images and altars in the church and even carried away the baptismal font; that the doctrine had spread among them, that it was unchristian to baptise children, because no examples of it were found in the Gospel, although frequent mention was made of the baptism of adults; that in fact a deluded multitude had desired to be baptised again; that it had been granted to them by several, who set themselves up for apostles; that some ran about in the houses preaching, explaining the Scriptures and administering the Supper; that others, and those often the most simple, pretended to prophesy; and that in general an improper and blasphemous game was carried on in religious matters. They were informed also that Manz and Grebel had appeared there, and the foolish movement was beginning to spread over the surrounding country.

Whilst a portion of the people fell in with such follies, disturbances arose at the same time in the opposite quarter. The majority of the inhabitants of Meilen would no longer suffer their two priests, who had married, to enter the church. They broke into their houses, wasted their wine and provisions, and it was only with difficulty that the government succeeded in bringing about a sort of compromise between the shepherds and their flock.

A month later followed the so-called "Storming of Ittingen." The landvogt in the Thurgau had taken the reformer [OE]chsli prisoner, and was conveying him by night to the tower at Stein. He cried out for help; the watchful citizens of Stein, on the strength of documents, which gave the right to do this only to them, hurried after, to set him at liberty. Their neighbors of Stammheim, in the canton of Zurich, joined them, and the whole country was soon in motion; but the captors had a considerable start, and the Thur, swollen to the full, prevented the passage of the excited multitude. In a rage they then fell upon Ittigen, the hated monastery of the Carthusians. It was plundered, and set on fire by some one, who was never found out; which act, as is easy to imagine, awakened the earnest interference of the Confederates.

They who were most deserving of punishment fled. Zurich herself cast into prison some others, who were suspected, on account of their prominent place among the insurgents, and not powerful enough to make resistance. These were Hans Wirth, sub-vogt at Stammheim, with his two sons, both priests, and Burkhart Ruetiman, sub-vogt at Nusbaumen. But the Confederates demanded the delivery of the prisoners at Baden before the court of the ruling cantons, since the criminal act was committed in the Thurgau, and not in the canton of Zurich. The Council of Zurich had to comply. But in Baden the prisoners were tried for other things than the transactions in the Thurgau, put to the rack, and with the exception of one of Wirth's sons, actually executed. The sentence was unjust. Not even the most remote personal participation in the plundering and burning of Ittingen could be proved against them. For the part they took in the removal of the images at Stammheim, which chiefly kindled the hatred of the Confederates, they were not responsible to them. That the government had delivered up these men, so beloved in the circle of their home, to such a fate, produced a very unfavorable impression on the inhabitants of the northern part of the canton, the more so, because the condemned had met death in a brave and Christian manner, and aided not a little to increase the disorders, which afterwards prevailed there.

At this juncture the flame broke out in the German provinces lying beyond the Rhine. Thomas Muenzer, at a later period leader of the Saxon Anabaptists, had come to Basel in Frickthal, and Waldshut in Cleggau. In Waldshut he made the acquaintance of the preacher at that place, Balthasar Huebmeier, who, though a man possessed of an honest will, a tolerable knowledge of Scripture and great courage, was yet apt to lend a willing ear to everything new and striking. When preaching at Regensburg he had raised a riot against the Jews, then founded a chapel for pilgrims, then turned to the doctrines of Luther, and was just now as ready to embrace those of the Anabaptists.

Through him Waldshut became for a short time the chief seat of this disorder, from which, in church and state, such hazardous consequences were to be feared. First led by Muenzer, and after he had gone to the Hartz Mountains, by Simon R[oe]ubli, who had been expelled from the territory of Zurich, Huebmeier set himself up as the apostle of Anabaptism, and, according to his own confession, rebaptized the greater part of the inhabitants of Waldshut. The warnings of the Austrian government, at first mild and then earnest, had no effect upon them, and the demand for the dismission of the obnoxious preachers was also in vain. On the contrary, similar fanatics and adventurers of every sort streamed thither from all sides, and when Austria armed herself for severe measures, formal resistance was determined on. Volunteers for this purpose were obtained chiefly from the territories of Zurich. At the first news of the outbreak the government sent a courier to demand their return; but after hearing an address from Rudolph Collin, who, formerly a canon at the Minster, was obliged to leave the territory of Luzern on account of his adherence to the Reformation, and had now joined them with upright feelings and an honest purpose, they declared they would rather die than return home. And their answer won for them immediately a party in the Council. "We are attracted"—so they wrote—"to the Christian brethren at Waldshut, who sigh under oppressive tyranny, not by money, nor for our own private ends—only for the defence of God's Word and from a regard to the honor of Zurich. The Spirit of the Lord has called them to arms; there is no seditious person among them; their captain is Jesus Christ."

Meanwhile, affairs in Waldshut took a turn, which might have been foreseen by the prudent. The noise of war drowned the devotions of piety. It was a matter of indifference, whether psalms or frivolous songs were sung in the camp. Nay, it fared worse with the former. Huebmeier himself, at his trial, tells of a supper in the house of a merchant, where he sat at the side of the captain amid music and hurrahs. And what the further aims of these pious warriors were is shown by a letter still extant, written by one of them to the "dear brother and image in God, Heiny Aberly in Zurich," which contains the following: "See, that you send us yet forty or fifty well-armed, Christian fellows; for if there were more of us here, we would then be a council of affairs against the enemy and my lords (the government of Zurich); and if we would again be warned home and then go, it would serve to the damage and hindrance of the kingdom of God."

This unholy proceeding was soon detected by Collin and other men of honor. They returned home, obedient to the renewed summons of the government. Those who staid behind no longer concealed their plan of open resistance; and this spreading over the surrounding country entered also the boundaries of Zurich.

The first news of it was received by the government from the landvogt of Eglisau. The payment of taxes and villanage were refused. A deputy of the Council was pelted with stones. The rebellion extended more and more into the mountain regions. A swarm of insurgents fell upon the monastery of Rueti—the abbot having escaped with the money, jewels and archives—and rioted and caroused there. In many parishes the alarm was sounded; the house of the Knights of St. John at Bubikon was surprised and met a fate similar to that of Rueti. The government with great difficulty succeeded in producing a momentary calm, by a decree inviting the excited country people to hand in their demands and wishes in writing. This was done by the districts of Grueningen, Kyburg, Greifensee, Eglisau and Andelfingen, and thus it soon came to light in what close connection these disturbances in Zurich stood with those, which then, under the name of the Peasant's War, set a great part of Germany in a blaze. Streams of blood and executions by thousands suppressed it there. In Switzerland such dreadful scenes could be prevented.

Still, the complaints, handed in by the districts of Zurich just named, were closely copied after the twelve articles, which the rebellious peasants of Germany everywhere demanded of their lords. But if reasons for rebellion are to be sought in the tyranny of many nobles, as well as in the confused ideas of the people, then, instead of finding abuses in Switzerland, in the canton of Zurich, there was less cause for complaint against the oppression of the people by the government at no period of her history.

The Council therefore, conscious of an upright purpose and strengthened by the increase of the city-guilds, took the points of complaint, which were presented, into consideration. To yield as far as was fair and just, to hold firmly to all that was sustained by sealed treaties and documents, was the general leading principle. It is true, another might have been embraced, that which has been wrought into our existing political life and immoveably planted there, the principle of entire equality, and the rather because the feeling that it was not altogether foreign to the Gospel, was expressed in the memorials of the people. But the contest for and against this principle could not be carried on by one government; duty and prudence enjoined a rigid maintenance of rights guaranteed by documents as long as possible. Upon another field, that of science, and where the Gospel would be appealed to, theological science, it must be decided beforehand. On this field Luther and Zwingli actually carried on the battle and both showed the impropriety of using passages of Scripture, and of wresting them from their true meaning, in the affairs of state.

The government of Zurich on her side kept simply to the letter of the articles received from the different districts. These, agreeing in the main points, still varied as to special privileges, customs and the annoyance of some parts of the canton by others.[1] All were examined and its own answer sent to each district. The reply to the first point, which was the same to all, ran thus: "Since you have declared, that you will have no lords for protectors, save God and the city of Zurich, it needs no answer and is clear of itself, that we will have one God, and My Lords are only your natural lords and superiors in temporal affairs, for they have not obtained dominion over you by any kind of tyranny or warlike power, but bought it freely and with ready money. Let them then retain it; for we all should give to God what is due to Him, and to worldly authority what is due to it; and My Lords hope, that you, their subjects, will also find it so."

Although considerable relief was promised in regard to some of the points complained of, still the envoys of the Council, who were appointed to convey the answer into the different districts, nowhere met with a favorable reception. The universal cry was that nothing further could be done without an assembly of the people, and on Whitmonday, June 5th, an announcement was made to this effect, with a call to the oldest man of every household to appear on the field near T[oe]ss.

It is not at all necessary, in our day, when such things are so common, to describe this first convention of the people. The only difference between it and ours, consisted in this, that no formal resolutions were drawn up beforehand, and no one undertook, or understood how, to preside. Hence the mass was broken up into groups of blustering declaimers or curious spectators, among whom the deputies of the government went about, pacifying here, instructing there, and again perhaps using threats; but "We are to be bidden no longer"—resounded again and again from the incensed multitude—"We wish the cities to get used to walking; for ourselves we will ride once as lords of the day." The popular landvogt, Lavater of Kyburg, succeeded in persuading several of the most influential to pacify their friends and neighbors. But the citizens of Winterthur took the wisest course. They invited the entire host into their town, entertained them liberally, and thus made them forget their enterprise for a while.

But the matter was soon taken up again. And for this the inhabitants of the region between the rivers Rhine and Thur were chiefly to blame. In closer connection with their German neighbors, and excited at the same time by grievances suffered in consequence of the Storming of Ittingen, they meditated a separation from Zurich; in any case they intended to deal with the government not in the character of subjects, but in that of an independent party. Meanwhile the government seeing the importance of the crisis, roused itself for prompt action. First of all, some of its prominent members were empowered to raise troops and money, and in general to make all arrangements for defence in the city itself. Then it was resolved to appeal, as before, to all the districts of the canton, that still remained peaceful, viz: those on the lake, in Limatthal, in the free bailiwicks and in the so-called Neuamt, (new bailiwick). The same mode of proceedure, observed before, was again employed: a delegation from the Council, their explanations and inquiries, and a request for a written answer.

Information in regard to all that had occurred was given to the assembled congregations in the form of a long vindication. They were again reminded of the endeavors of the government to keep aloof from every dangerous foreign influence and maintain the Gospel; and then the points of grievance, handed in by the turbulent districts, and the answers sent by the government were laid before them: "More than a thousand florins have My Lords expended already on account of these people, especially those on the other side of the Thur, and their disorderly doings. How miserably the assembly at T[oe]ss ended, you will all have learned by this time, and that a new one, still more numerous, is announced to meet at Kloten. Our Lords hope, that, if you are invited, you will not go, but if they desire it, and you do, let it be only to warn them back to duty; and although we believe everything good of you, that yet you will inform the government of your mind, the rather because the people of the lake have been one with the city of Zurich from time immemorial and esteemed as burghers of the same, and it is hoped will be so forever."

Of the answers sent in, as far as they are still extant, the most characteristic may be here quoted:

"To the notice"—wrote Manedorf—"which Our Lords have laid before us concerning a strange convocation in the duchy of Kyburg and several manors, our answer is: When our Lords agreed, with their whole canton, to give the go-by to all princes and lords, and thereby spared the blood of many honest people, then we gave them praise and thanks therefor, and it is our earnest will and opinion that Our Lords ought to adhere to that and punish all who transgress their prohibition, whether for the French or other lords, each one according to his desert. For this we are willing to pledge person and property, and so we have already signified to Our Lords. Since they have read before us the articles and grievances, under which the honest people of the manors think they lie, we confess that we have no part at all in them. And since Our Lords have come a second time to learn what our feelings may be toward them, in regard to the preachings of the Holy Gospel, we again pray them to keep steadfastly to it, and if any one, whoever he may be, wishes to oppress them in this, we cheerfully pledge to them our honor, our lives, our property, and whatever else God has given us. Thus, it is again our humble prayer and desire that you have the Holy Gospel, aforenamed, still preached more and more, and hope that by God's Word many things, of which the poor man now complains, may be done away. But it seems to us, that selfishness yet prevails, and is little willing to relieve the common man, and that there are several preachers, who, after beginning to preach the Holy Gospel, now deceive themselves. Since then we learn, that Our Lords have banished several preachers from their territory,[2] although they knew they preached nothing but the Holy Word of God and what they knew could be proven by the same, it yet grieves us and it is our humble prayer, that whoever he may be, preacher or peasant, who is enlightened by God to preach the Holy Gospel and prove it by Holy Scripture, that you let him do it, so that this Holy word may come to light; though it strikes us, as above stated, that several preachers have wilfully deluded themselves. Further, when Our Lords were concerned, lest war should arise against the confederates, they sent guns to us everywhere in the canton, but now demand them back again, which appears strange to us, since just at this very time they are building bulwarks in the city. If war is to be feared, then there will be fresh need of the guns; but if you are building bulwarks against us, then God have pity! But we hope He will send his grace and peace between us all. Lastly, since Our Lords have informed us that the people of Kyburg and the manors will assemble again on next Thursday at Kloten, and perhaps send to us, to learn our feelings toward them, and that we ought to send thither two honorable men, who may promote peace and quiet, we answer, that, up to this time, no one, either from the duchy or elsewhere, has come with a request to our congregation. But should any one come, then will we act upon his summons in a proper manner."

"We have"—write the people of Kilchberg—"listened to Our Lords' oral and written notice, long as it is, and entrust this business to our Lords. They are wise and sensible enough to know what may serve the interests of the city and of us in the country, and how to order matters to our well-pleasing, and we will always stand by Our Lords, as good, honest people. And hence we pray, that, if we should send any one to Kloten, Our Lords will not take it amiss; because we do it for no other purpose than to give good counsel and advise them to disperse."

The congregation of Thalweil likewise report, that they "heard the articles read; that they were long and much of them they could not understand, and therefore could give but brief answers. Hence they would let the former answers remain; that they were willing to place person and property at the disposal of Our Lords, as far as concerns the fatherland, and they must stand aloof from foreign lords. They would send to Kloten like they of Kilchberg."

Still more confiding was the answer from Horgen: "The congregation of the people of the bailiwicks deplore that the notice and demand should be necessary. They also will send no one either to Kloten or elsewhere, if Our Lords or the Canton desire it, for they wish to speak and to do their best, always to be obedient to Our Lords and adhere faithfully to the Word of God. We entrust the matter to Our Lords, who know well what may be to the praise and honor of them and the city."

In the name of the "honest men of H[oe]ngg," the envoys of the Council were informed, that they would not lay anything to the charge of others, but whatever their loving neighbors on Lake Zurich and in the free bailiwicks would agree upon, that would satisfy them also; and they were ready to place wholly at the disposal of Our Lords, in the hour of need, their persons and property.

They of Regensberg complained, that several of their neighbors had threatened, that, if they did not go to Kloten on Thursday, "they would run through their houses." Therefore they had appointed "two discreet and honorable men; but still would pledge their person and property to Our Lords."

The letter from the bailiwick of Regenstorf bears strong marks of a clerical pen: "Since, in these perilous times, various dissensions have arisen between you. Our Lords, and some parts of the canton, touching tithes, interest and other grievances, out of which sundry conspiracies and meetings have grown and prospered so far, that a part has subscribed the other article and still subscribes; all which is better known to you than to us; what will result from it no one can tell; many fear more evil than good; may God overrule all for the best!—Hitherto we have abstained from all further progress in these affairs. But now, since one cries out, 'not so,' and another, 'may be so,' and we have been invited to a meeting of the Kyburgers, and their deputies, and have had the seventeen articles shown to us—and since, after all this, very lately, the honorable Master Jos von Kusen and Master Wegmann were sent to us by you with friendly greetings, and withheld nothing touching affairs now current and your labor and trouble therewith, and explained to us particularly, by word and writing, about the three communities of Kyburg, Grueningen and Greifensee, and several other matters, and asked us for our answer—we then resolved with one accord, that it would be too difficult to communicate such a reply at once, and therefore desired a postponement till to-day; and now this again is the will, vote and opinion of our community, assembled anew concerning this business, that we will still, and so long as you act in a Christian manner and faithfully, according to the Divine Word, place our lives and property at your disposal. For although, if we thought to complain much were fit and proper and would help us, we would lay certain grievances and articles before you, yet, on the other hand, we remember the teachings of the holy Evangelists and Apostles—which warn you and us, and show how one part ought to conduct itself toward the other—and your diligence, love, concern and labor with and toward us, though we therein have perceived that you have also slackened somewhat; so, then, we live in hope that you will continue to act as true fathers are bound to do toward their sons, masters toward faithful servants and pious rulers toward their subjects; and establish whatsoever is profitable, peaceful and Christian, and, on the other hand, that you will blot out and uproot whatsoever is ungodly, unjust and unfair, and therefore, we commit the whole business to you, as our loving lords; for such we esteem you according to the flesh, and in conclusion, pray you take not our delay amiss."

Our last quotation will be from the memorial of a general assembly in Freiamt, which contains the following singular passage: "After we learned from you, our Lords, many articles of the bailiwicks 'beyond you,' we find in them some things, which please us, and some which do not. But yet it is our wish to remain as aforetime, and be obedient to you, our Lords. But as several things have been referred to us by the other bailiwicks, they ought to be discussed at Metmenstetten, and arbitrators, who will act for the best, in all these matters sent thither. We wish to keep free from sedition with our persons and property, as much as we can, and trust that you will treat us also as you treat the other bailiwicks. Furthermore, we hope that you will suffer that article to remain to us, whereby no man may be seized or ridden over, who has law on his side, as the bailiff's roll shows, and also, as regards army-service in conjunction with the confederates, that it may continue as hitherto. How you treat with the cities,[3] it does not concern us. Touching the clergy, this is our opinion: If we give to them as heretofore, then they also ought not to deprive us of anything. They often go away and visit each other, by which we lose the administration of the several sacraments. And we thought, if we came before you, Our Lords, you would believe them rather than us; which has occasioned offence to the whole parish."

By these memorials the government was convinced that in a great part of the canton, and especially the more wealthy and intelligent portion, there was still determination enough to support order, and hence it durst venture to summon deputies from the turbulent districts in sufficient numbers to a conference before the Great Council. With them all the preachers of these districts were invited, and the negotiations took place on 22d of June, 1525; concerning which the protocol expresses itself substantially in the following manner:

"Whereas, ye deputies from the duchy of Kyburg and the territories of Eglisau, Greifensee, Grueningen Andelfingen, Buelach, Neuamt and Ruemlang, together with all the curates and preachers, have sat to-day before My Lords in behalf of the articles, in which the members of the several communities have thought themselves to be aggrieved, and especially in regard to the tithe, and these things have truly come to light—that heretofore the aforenamed preachers have frequently preached from the pulpit and elsewhere, and other persons have asserted in taverns behind their wine, that, according to the divine law and justice, no one is bound to pay tithes, whereby the common people have become seditious and strengthened in such a belief—and whereas in order to reach the bottom of this matter, it has been discussed and handled in various meetings, and explained at length by Master Ulric Zwingli, that in the beginning the tithe was laid for a pious purpose, though afterward perverted and abused, but yet that it was a just debt and can be fairly complained of by no one—it shall be henceforth the concern of the government that the whole tithe be restored to its right channel and applied to the wants of the needy. Because, moreover, the deputies of the abovenamed communities have made it appear, that these disorders have sprung from the clergy alone and their inconsistent preaching, and they have thus been taught and instructed, and hence have given the whole business into the hands of My Lords; and because they have framed excuses for themselves from the speeches of these clergy, since several of them have spoken and preached more for disorder and strife than brotherly unity, be this answer, after a fair hearing, given to the rebels, that they at once go home and busy themselves in peaceful affairs, and if there are any good-for-nothing people in their own dioceses, who wish to stir up discord, disorder and rebellion, that they drive them off, so that we may not again witness such improper and wanton doings, as lately happened at the monasteries of T[oe]ss and Rueti; then will My Lords, as soon as other business permits, sit upon their articles, and with the help of Master Ulric Zwingli and other learned and sensible men, take counsel, and see what, according to the Divine Word, can be remitted, and what not. But in the meantime, every man must pay interest and tithes in church and state, according to the decree last issued." Then this special admonition was directed to the clergy: "That they shall look well and truly into the Holy Scriptures, busy themselves with the plain preaching of the Gospel, practice the same, and strive more after peace than discord; for if they do not so, the refractory will be punished according to his desert and as opportunity allows."