[Footnote 48: The King of the French was alarmed at the warlike language of his Ministers. He checked the preparations for war which Thiers was making; he went further, and on the 24th of October he dismissed the Thiers Ministry, and entrusted the management of affairs to Soult and Guizot, who were pacifically inclined and anxious to preserve the Anglo-French entente.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INFLUENCE]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 16th October 1840.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I received your kind but anxious letter of the 10th, the day before yesterday, and hasten to reply to it by the courier who goes to-day. Indeed, dearest Uncle, I have worked hard this last week to bring about something conciliatory, and I hope and trust I have succeeded. Lord Melbourne, who left Claremont on the same day as we did, was confined to the house till yesterday, when he arrived here, by a lumbago and bilious attack; but I had a constant correspondence with him on this unfortunate and alarming question, and he is, I can assure you, fully aware of the danger, and as anxious as we are to set matters right; and so is Lord John, and Palmerston, I hope, is getting more reasonable. They have settled in consequence of Thiers' two despatches that Palmerston should write to Lord Ponsonby to urge the Porte not to dispossess Mehemet Ali finally of Egypt, and I believe the other foreign Ministers at Constantinople will receive similar instructions; this despatch Palmerston will send to Granville (to-night, I believe) to be communicated to Thiers, and I have made Palmerston promise to put into the despatch to Granville "that it would be a source of great satisfaction to England, if this would be the cause of bringing back France to that alliance (with the other Four Powers) from which we had seen her depart with so much regret." I hope this will have a good effect. Now, in my humble opinion (but this I say of myself and without anybody's knowledge), if France, upon this, were to make some sort of advance, and were to cease arming, I think all would do; for you see, if France goes on arming, we shall hardly be justified in not doing the same, and that would be very bad. Couldn't you suggest this to the King and Thiers, as of yourself? My anxiety is great for the return of amity and concord, I can assure you. I think our child ought to have besides its other names those of Turco Egypto, as we think of nothing else! I had a long talk with Palmerston on Wednesday, and also with J. Russell.

I hope I have done good. The Dutch don't like the abdication. I'm so sorry for poor little Paris![49]

Pray excuse this dreadful scrawl, but I am so hurried. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 49: The Comte de Paris, born 24th August 1838, eldest son of Ferdinand, Duke of Orleans, who was Louis Philippe's eldest son.]



[Pageheading: ATTEMPT ON LOUIS PHILIPPE]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 17th October 1840.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—You will, I am sure, have been very much shocked on hearing that on the 15th there was a new attempt made to kill the poor good King at Paris.[50] The place was cleverly chosen, as the King generally puts his head out of the carriage window to bow to the guard. I join the letter which he had the goodness to forward us through an estafette.[51] May this melancholy attentat impress on your Ministers the necessity of aiding the King in his arduous task.... You will have the goodness to show this letter to Albert.

Louise was much alarmed when it arrived at such an unusual hour; it was ten o'clock. At first we thought it might be something about poor little Paris, who is not yet so well as one could wish.

We have gloomy miserable weather, and I feel much disgusted with this part of the world. Ever, my beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 50: The King was fired at as he was leaving the Tuileries, by Darmes, a Marseillais. As Croker wrote to Lord Brougham on the 31st of October 1840:—"Poor Louis Philippe lives the life of a mad dog, and will soon, I fear, suffer the death of that general object of every man's shot."]

[Footnote 51: Express messenger.]



[Pageheading: FRANCE AND EGYPT]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 20th October 1840.

MY MOST BELOVED VICTORIA,—I must write to you a few lines by M. Drouet, who returns to-morrow morning to England. God bless you for the great zeal you have mis en action for our great work, the maintenance of peace; it is one of the greatest importance for everything worth caring for in Europe. You know well that no personal interest guides me in my exertions; I am in fact bored with being here, and shall ever regret to have remained in these regions, when I might so easily have gone myself to the Orient, the great object of my predilection.

I never shall advise anything which would be against the interests and honour of yourself, your Government, or your country, in which I have so great a stake myself. The great thing now is not to refuse to negotiate with France, even if it should end in nothing. Still for the King Louis Philippe there is an immense strength and facility in that word "nous negocions"; with this he may get over the opening of the session, and this once done, one may hope to come to a conclusion. Since I wrote to Lord Melbourne to-day, I have received a letter from the King, of the 19th, i.e. yesterday, in which he tells me, "Pourvu qu'il y ait, pour commencer, des negociations, cela me donne une grande force."

I have written yesterday to him most fully a letter he may show Thiers also concerning the armaments. I think that my arguments will make some impression on Thiers. The King writes me word that by dint of great exertion he had brought Thiers to be more moderate. If it was possible to bring France and Mehemet Ali to agree to the greatest part of the Treaty, it will be worth while for everybody to consent. The way to bring France to join in some arrangement, and to take the engagement to compel Mehemet to accept it, would be the best practical way to come to a conclusion. It is probable, though I know nothing about it in any positive way, that the efforts of getting possession of Syria will fail, if the country itself does not take up arms on a large scale, which seems not to be believed.

To conclude then my somewhat hurried argumentation, the greatest thing is to negotiate. The negotiation cannot now have the effect of weakening the execution as that goes on, and it may have the advantage of covering the non-success if that should take place, which is at all events possible if not probable. May I beg you to read these few confused words to Lord Melbourne as a supplement of my letter to him. Darmes says that if Chartres had been with the King, he would not have fired, but that his reason for wishing to kill the King was his conviction that one could not hope for war till he was dead.

It is really melancholy to see the poor King taking this acharnement very much to heart, and upon my word, the other Powers of Europe owe it to themselves and to him to do everything to ease and strengthen his awful task.

What do you say to poor Christina's departure?[52] I am sorry for it, and for the poor children. She is believed to be very rich.

Now I must conclude, but not without thanking you once more for your great and most laudable exertions, and wishing you every happiness, which you so much deserve. Ever, my most beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 52: Queen Christina abdicated the Regency of Spain, and went to Paris. In the following May General Espartero, Duke of Vittoria, was appointed sole Regent.]



[Pageheading: DEATH OF LORD HOLLAND]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 23rd October 1840.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Many thanks for your two kind letters of the 17th and 20th. I have very little time to-day, and it being besides not my regular day, I must beg you to excuse this letter being very short. I return you the King's letters with bien des remerciments. It is a horrid business. We have had accounts of successes on the Syrian coast. Guizot is here since Wednesday, and goes this morning. Albert (who desires me to thank you for your kind letter) has been talking to him, and so have I, and he promised in return for my expressions of sincere anxiety to see matters raccommodees, to do all in his power to do so. "Je ne vais que pour cela," he said.

We were much shocked yesterday at the sudden death of poor good, old Lord Holland.[53] I send you Dr Holland's letter to Lord Melbourne about it. He is a great loss, and to Society an irreparable one. I'm sure you will be sorry for it.

Mamma comes back sooner than the 31st. She is in great distress at poor Polly's death. You will regret him. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Pray do try and get the King's Speech to be pacific, else Parliament must meet here in November, which would be dreadful for me.

[Footnote 53: Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, who, by reason of his social influence, great wealth, and high intellectual endowments, was one of the most efficient supporters of the Whig party.]



The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 26th October 1840.

... The Duke of Cambridge arrived, as you know, before yesterday evening, at Brussels. Your Uncle visited him yesterday, and at six he came to Laeken to dine with us. I found him looking well, and he was as usual very good-natured and kind. I need not tell you that conversation did not flag between us, and that I thought of you almost the whole time. In the course of the evening he took leave. He left Brussels this morning early, on his way to Calais, and I suppose you will hear of him before this letter reaches you. He took charge of all my love and hommages for you, dear Albert, and all the Royal Family. Before dinner the children were presented to him (that is Leopold and Philippe), but I am sorry to say that poor Lippchen was so much frightened with his appearance, loud voice, and black gloves, that he burst out crying, and that we were obliged to send him away. The Duke took his shyness very kindly; but I am still ashamed with his behaviour.



[Pageheading: NEWS FROM SYRIA]

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

CARLTON TERRACE, 8th November 1840.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in addition to the good news from Syria, which confirms the defeat and dispersion of the forces, both of Ibrahim and of Solyman Pasha, with the loss of 8,000 prisoners, 24 pieces of cannon, the whole of their camp, baggage, and stores, followed by the flight of those two Generals with a small escort, he has the satisfaction of informing your Majesty that the new French Ministers had a majority of 68, upon the vote for the election of the President of the Chamber.[54]

This majority, so far exceeding any previous calculation, seems to place the stability of the Government beyond a doubt, though it must, of course, be expected that upon other questions their majority will not be so overwhelming.

[Footnote 54: M. Sauzet was elected in preference to M. Odillon Barrot. Thiers resigned the Premiership on 14th October; in the new Ministry Soult was President of the Council, Guizot Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Duchatel Minister of the Interior.]



[Pageheading: DISAFFECTION IN FRANCE]

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 11th November 1840.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and with reference to your Majesty's memorandum of the 9th inst., he entreats your Majesty not to believe that there exists at present in France that danger of internal revolution and of external war which the French Government, to serve its own diplomatic purposes, endeavours to represent.

There is no doubt a large Party among the leading politicians in France, who have long contemplated the establishment of a virtually, if not actually, independent State in Egypt and Syria, under the direct protection and influence of France, and that Party feel great disappointment and resentment at finding their schemes in this respect baffled. But that Party will not revenge themselves on the Four Powers by making a revolution in France, and they are enlightened enough to see that France cannot revenge herself by making war against the Four Powers, who are much stronger than she is.

... But your Majesty may be assured that there is in France an immense mass of persons, possessed of property, and engaged in pursuits of industry, who are decidedly adverse to unnecessary war, and determined to oppose revolution. And although those persons have not hitherto come prominently forward, yet their voice would have made itself heard, when the question of peace or unprovoked war came practically to be discussed.

With regard to internal revolution, there is undoubtedly in France a large floating mass of Republicans and Anarchists, ready at any moment to make a disturbance if there was no strong power to resist them; but the persons who would lose by convulsion are infinitely more numerous, and the National Guard of Paris, consisting of nearly 60,000 men, are chiefly persons of this description, and are understood to be decidedly for internal order, and for external peace.

It is very natural that the French Government, after having failed to extort concessions upon the Turkish Question, by menaces of foreign war, should now endeavour to obtain those concessions, by appealing to fears of another kind, and should say that such concessions are necessary in order to prevent revolution in France; but Viscount Palmerston would submit to your Majesty his deep conviction that this appeal is not better founded than the other, and that a firm and resolute perseverance on the part of the Four Powers, in the measures which they have taken in hand, will effect a settlement of the affairs of Turkey, which will afford great additional security for the future peace of Europe, without producing in the meantime either war with France, or revolution in France.

France and the rest of Europe are entirely different now from what they were in 1792. The French nation is as much interested now to avoid further revolution, as it was interested then in ridding itself, by any means, of the enormous and intolerable abuses which then existed. France then imagined she had much to gain by foreign war; France now knows she has everything to lose by foreign war.

Europe then (at least the Continental States) had also a strong desire to get rid of innumerable abuses which pressed heavily upon the people of all countries. Those abuses have now in general been removed; the people in many parts of Germany have been admitted, more or less, to a share in the management of their own affairs. A German feeling and a spirit of nationality has sprung up among all the German people, and the Germans, instead of receiving the French as Liberators, as many of them did in 1792-1793, would now rise as one man to repel a hateful invasion. Upon all these grounds Viscount Palmerston deems it his duty to your Majesty to express his strong conviction that the appeals made to your Majesty's good feelings by the King of the French, upon the score of the danger of revolution in France, unless concessions are made to the French Government, have no foundation in truth, and are only exertions of skilful diplomacy.

Viscount Palmerston has to apologise to your Majesty for having inadvertently written a part of this memorandum upon a half-sheet of paper. And he would be glad if, without inconvenience to your Majesty, he could be enabled to read to the Cabinet to-morrow the accompanying despatches from Lord Granville.



[Pageheading: THE STATE OF FRANCE]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.[55]

WINDSOR CASTLE, 11th November 1840.

The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Palmerston's letter of this morning, which she has read with great attention. The Queen will just make a few observations upon various points in it, to which she would wish to draw Lord Palmerston's attention. The Queen does so with strict impartiality, having had ample opportunities of hearing both sides of this intricate and highly-important question.

First of all, it strikes the Queen that, even if M. Thiers did raise the cry, which was so loud, for war in France (but which the Queen cannot believe he did to the extent Lord Palmerston does), that such an excitement once raised in a country like France, where the people are more excitable than almost any other nation, it cannot be so easily controuled and stopped again, and the Queen thinks this will be seen in time.

Secondly, the Queen cannot either quite agree in Lord Palmerston's observation, that the French Government state the danger of internal revolution, if not supported, merely to extract further concessions for Mehemet Ali. The Queen does not pretend to say that this danger is not exaggerated, but depend upon it, a certain degree of danger does exist, and that the situation of the King of the French and the present French Government is not an easy one. The majority, too, cannot be depended upon, as many would vote against Odillon Barrot,[56] who would not vote on other occasions with the Soult-Guizot Ministry.

Thirdly, the danger of war is also doubtless greatly exaggerated, as also the numbers of the French troops. But Lord Palmerston must recollect how very warlike the French are, and that if once roused, they will not listen to the calm reasoning of those who wish for peace, or think of the great risk they run of losing by war, but only of the glory and of revenging insult, as they call it.

Fourthly, the Queen sees the difficulty there exists at the present moment of making any specific offer to France, but she must at the same time repeat how highly and exceedingly important she considers it that some sort of conciliatory agreement should be come to with France, for she cannot believe that the appeals made to her by the King of the French are only exertions of skilful diplomacy. The Queen's earnest and only wish is peace, and a maintenance of friendly relations with her allies, consistent with the honour and dignity of her country. She does not think, however, that the last would be compromised by attempts to soften the irritation still existing in France, or by attempts to bring France back to her former position in the Oriental Question.

She earnestly hopes that Lord Palmerston will consider this, will reflect upon the importance of not driving France to extremities, and of conciliatory measures, without showing fear (for our successes on the coast of Syria show our power), or without yielding to threats. France has been humbled, and France is in the wrong, but, therefore, it is easier than if we had failed, to do something to bring matters right again. The Queen has thus frankly stated her own opinion, which she thought it right Lord Palmerston should know, and she is sure he will see it is only dictated by an earnest desire to see all as much united as possible on this important subject.

[Footnote 55: A copy of this letter was sent at the same time to Lord Melbourne.]

[Footnote 56: The unsuccessful candidate for the Presidency of the Chamber.]



Baron Stockmar to Viscount Melbourne.

21st November 1840.

MY DEAR LORD,—I have just received Her Majesty's order to express to you her great desire to have from this day the Prince's name introduced into the Church Prayer. Her own words were: "that I should press it with Lord Melbourne as the wish she had most at heart at this moment." Ever yours most sincerely,

STOCKMAR.



[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD ON FRENCH AFFAIRS]

The King of the Belgians to the Prince Albert.

[Translated.]

LAEKEN, 26th November 1840.

... As to politics, I do not wish to say much to-day. Palmerston, rex and autocrat, is, for a Minister finding himself in such fortunate circumstances, far too irritable and violent. One does not understand the use of showing so much hatred and anger. What he says about the appeal to the personal feeling of the Queen, on the part of the King of the French, is childlike and malicious, for it has never existed.

The King was for many years the great friend of the Duke of Kent, after whose death he remained a friend of Victoria. His relations with the latter have, up to 1837, passed through very varied phases; she was for a long time an object of hatred in the family, who had not treated the Duke of Kent over-amicably, and a proof of this is the fact that the Regent, from the year 1819, forbade the Duke his house and presence—which was probably another nail in the Duke's coffin. Many of these things are quite unknown to Victoria, or forgotten by her. Still it is only fair not to forget the people who were her friends before 1837; after that date there was a violent outbreak of affection among people who in the year 1836 would still not go near Victoria. October 1836, when he sat next her at dinner, was the first time that Palmerston himself had ever seen Victoria except at a distance. As you have the best means of knowing, the King has not even dreamt of applying to Victoria.

As to danger, it was very great in September, on the occasion of the ouvrier riot—for a Paris mob fires at once, a thing which—Heaven be thanked!—English mobs rarely do. Towards the end of October, when Thiers withdrew, there was a possibility of a revolution, and it was only the fear of people of wealth that kept them together, and drew them towards Guizot.

A revolution, at once democratic and bellicose, could not but become most dangerous. That was on the cards, and only a fairly fortunate combination of circumstances saved matters. The King and my poor mother-in-law were terribly low, on both occasions, and I confess that I looked everyday with the greatest anxiety for the news. If the poor King had been murdered, or even if he were now to be murdered, what danger, what confusion would follow! All these things were met by Palmerston with the excessively nonchalante declaration, it was not so, and it is not so! Those are absolutely baseless assertions, and totally valueless. At least I could estimate the danger as well as he and Bulwer—and, indeed, it was an anxious crisis. I should think the Revolution of 1790 et ce qui s'en est suivi had done a brisk enough business in Europe, and to risk a new one of the same kind would really be somewhat scandalous.

What, however, may be the future fruit of the seed of Palmerston's sowing, we do not in the least know as yet; it may, however, prove sufficiently full of misfortune for the future of innocent people. The Eastern affairs will be put on an intelligible footing only when, after these differences with Mehemet Ali, something is done for the poor Porte, which is now so much out of repair. Otherwise there remains a little place which is called Sebastopol, and from which, as the wind is almost constantly favourable, one can get very quickly to Constantinople—and Constantinople is always the one place which exercises the greatest influence, and all the more because the ducats come from that quarter, with results which the marked economy of England is hardly likely to effect....

Victoria has borne herself bravely and properly in the matter, and deserves to be greatly praised....



[Pageheading: BIRTH OF THE PRINCESS ROYAL]

The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 30th November 1840.

MY MOST BELOVED VICTORIA,—I have been longing to write to you ever since we got the joyful tidings,[57] but I would not do so before the nine days were at an end. Now that they are over, I hope as you are, thank God, so well, I may venture a few lines to express a part of my feelings, and to wish you joy on the happy birth of your dear little girl. I need not tell you the deep, deep share I took in this most happy event, and all I felt for you, for dear Albert, when I heard of it, and since we last met. You know my affection for you, and I will not trouble you with the repetition of what you know. All I will say is that I thanked God with all my heart, and as I have scarcely thanked Him for any other favour....

[Footnote 57: The Princess Royal, afterwards the Empress Frederick of Germany, was born 21st November 1840.]



[Pageheading: SETTLEMENT OF EASTERN QUESTION]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

15th December 1840.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Many thanks for your kind little letter of the 10th from Ardenne. I am very prosperous, walking about the house like myself again, and we go to Windsor on the 22nd or 23rd, which will quite set me up. I am very prudent and careful, you may rely upon it. Your little grand-niece is most flourishing; she gains daily in health, strength and, I may add, beauty; I think she will be very like her dearest father; she grows amazingly; I shall be proud to present her to you.

The denouement of the Oriental affair is most fortunate, is it not?[58]

I see Stockmar often, who is very kind about me and the Princess Royal....

Albert sends his affectionate love, and pray believe me always, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 58: On the 3rd of November St Jean d'Acre was captured by the allied fleet, Admiral Sir Robert Stopford commanding the British contingent; the battle is said to have been the first to test the advantages of steam. Admiral Napier proceeded to Alexandria, and threatened bombardment, unless the Pasha came to terms. On 25th November a Convention was signed, by which Mehemet Ali resigned his claims to Syria, and bound himself to restore the Ottoman Fleet, while the Powers undertook to procure for him undisturbed possession of the Pashalik of Egypt.]



The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 26th December 1840.

... I can well understand that you feel quite astonished at finding yourself within a year of your marriage a very respectable mother of a nice little girl, but let us thank Heaven that it is so. Any illness to which, unfortunately, we poor human creatures are very subject, would almost have kept you longer in bed, and make you longer weak and uncomfortable, than an event which in your position as Sovereign is of a very great importance.

Because there is no doubt that a Sovereign without heirs direct, or brothers and sisters, which by their attachment may stand in lieu of them, is much to be pitied, viz., Queen Anne's later years. Moreover, children of our own, besides the affection which one feels for them, have also for their parents sentiments which one rarely obtains from strangers. I flatter myself therefore that you will be a delighted and delightful Maman au milieu d'une belle et nombreuse famille....



INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER X

At the beginning of the year the Ministry were confronted with monetary difficulties and bad trade; their special weakness in finance, contrasted with Sir Robert Peel's great ability, in addition to their many reverses, indicated that a change was at hand; and confidential communications were, with Lord Melbourne's full approval, opened up by the Prince with Sir Robert Peel, to avert the recurrence of a Bedchamber dispute. The Ministry were defeated on their Budget, but did not resign. A vote of want of confidence was then carried against them by a majority of one, and Parliament was dissolved; the Ministers appealing to the country on the cry of a fixed duty on corn. The Conservative and Protectionist victory was a decisive one, the most significant successes being in the city of London, Northumberland, and the West Riding. Somewhat improving their position in Scotland and Ireland, and just holding their own in the English boroughs, the Whigs were absolutely overwhelmed in the counties, and in the result three hundred and sixty-eight Conservatives and only two hundred and ninety-two Liberals were returned. The modern practice of resigning before meeting Parliament had not then been introduced, and the Ministry was defeated in both Houses on Amendments to the Address, the Duke of Wellington taking the opportunity of eulogising Lord Melbourne's great services to the Queen. A powerful Protectionist Ministry was formed by Sir Robert Peel, including the Duke of Wellington, Lord Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and Lord Lyndhurst.

Great national rejoicings took place when, on the 9th of November, a male heir to the throne, now His Majesty King Edward VII., was born.

In France the bitter feeling against England, arising out of the Syrian expedition, still continued, but Thiers' supersession by the more pacific Guizot, and the satisfaction with which both the latter and his Sovereign regarded the displacement of Palmerston by Aberdeen, began to lead to a better entente. The scheme of fortifying Paris continued, however, to be debated, while the Orleanist family were still the subjects of futile attentats.

Spain was disturbed, the question of the guardianship of the young Queen giving rise to dissension: insurrections in the interests of the Queen-mother took place at Pampeluna and Vittoria, and her pension was suspended by Espartero, the Regent.

In the east, Mehemet Ali surrendered the whole of the Turkish fleet, and he was subsequently guaranteed the hereditary Pashalik of Egypt by the four European Powers who had intervened in the affairs of the Levant.

In Afghanistan, an insurrection broke out, and Sir Alexander Burnes was murdered; our envoy at Cabul, Sir William Macnaghten, in an unfortunate moment entered into negotiations with Akbar Khan, a son of Dost Mahommed, who treacherously assassinated him. Somewhat humiliating terms were arranged, and the English force of 4,000 soldiers, with 12,000 camp-followers, proceeded to withdraw from Cabul, harassed by the enemy; after endless casualties, General Elphinstone, who was in command, with the women and children, became captives, and one man alone, of the 16,000—Dr Brydon—reached Jellalabad to tell the tale.

In China, operations were continued, Sir Henry Pottinger superseding Captain Elliot, and Canton soon lying at the mercy of the British arms; the new Superintendent co-operated with Sir Hugh Gough and Admiral Sir William Parker, in the capture of Amoy, Chusan, Chintu, and Ningpo.

In America, the union of the two Canadas was carried into effect, but a sharp dispute with the United States arose out of the Upper Canada disturbances of 1837. Some Canadian loyalists had then resented the interference of a few individual Americans in favour of the rebels, and an American named Durfee had been killed. One M'Leod, a British subject, was now arrested in the State of New York, on a charge of having been concerned in the affray. He was acquitted, reprisals were made by Canadians, and international feeling was for a time highly acute.

Much interest naturally attaches to Lord Melbourne's continued correspondence with the Queen, after the change of Government. Baron Stockmar's remonstrance on the subject shows that he misunderstood the character of the correspondence, and over-estimated its momentousness.

These letters dealt chiefly with social and personal matters, and although full of interest from the light which they throw on Lord Melbourne's relations with the Queen, they show him to have behaved with scrupulous honour and delicacy, and to have tried to augment, rather than undermine, Peel's growing influence with the Queen and Prince. There are comparatively few of Peel's letters in the collection. He wrote rarely at first, and only on strictly official matters. But before long his great natural reserve was broken through, and his intercourse with the Prince, to whom his character was particularly sympathetic, became very close and intimate.

Of all the English Ministers with whom the Prince was brought in contact, it is known that he preferred the stately and upright Commoner, who certainly, of all English Ministers, estimated and appreciated the Prince's character most truly and clearly.



CHAPTER X

1841

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

5th January 1841.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I have to thank you for two very kind letters, of the 26th December and 1st January, and for all your very kind and good wishes. I am sorry to hear you have all been plagued with colds; we have as yet escaped them, and I trust will continue to do so. I think, dearest Uncle, you cannot really wish me to be the "Mamma d'une nombreuse famille," for I think you will see with me the great inconvenience a large family would be to us all, and particularly to the country, independent of the hardship and inconvenience to myself; men never think, at least seldom think, what a hard task it is for us women to go through this very often. God's will be done, and if He decrees that we are to have a great number of children, why we must try to bring them up as useful and exemplary members of society. Our young lady flourishes exceedingly, and I hope the Van de Weyers (who have been here for three days), who have seen her twice, will give you a favourable description of her. I think you would be amused to see Albert dancing her in his arms; he makes a capital nurse (which I do not, and she is much too heavy for me to carry), and she already seems so happy to go to him.

The christening will be at Buckingham Palace on the 10th of February, our dear marriage-day.

Affairs are certainly still precarious, but I feel confident all will come right....

Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 8th January 1841.

... I trust also that affairs will come right; what is to be feared is the chapter of accidents. Your name bears glorious fruits in all climes; this globe will soon be too small for you, and something must be done to get at the other planets....



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S EDUCATION]

Memorandum—Mr Anson.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 15th January 1841.

Lord Melbourne said, "The Prince is bored with the sameness of his chess every evening. He would like to bring literary and scientific people about the Court, vary the society, and infuse a more useful tendency into it. The Queen however has no fancy to encourage such people. This arises from a feeling on her part that her education has not fitted her to take part in such conversation; she would not like conversation to be going on in which she could not take her fair share, and she is far too open and candid in her nature to pretend to one atom more knowledge than she really possesses on such subjects; and yet, as the world goes, she would, as any girl, have been considered accomplished, for she speaks German well and writes it; understands Italian, speaks French fluently, and writes it with great elegance. In addition to this old Davys instilled some Latin into her during his tutorship. The rest of her education she owes to her own natural shrewdness and quickness, and this perhaps has not been the proper education for one who was to wear the Crown of England.

"The Queen is very proud of the Prince's utter indifference to the attractions of all ladies. I told Her Majesty that these were early days to boast, which made her rather indignant. I think she is a little jealous of his talking much even to men."



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S SPEECH]

Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

19th January 1841.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just received your Majesty's letter. Lord Melbourne is very sorry not to come down to Windsor, but he really thinks that his absence from London at this moment might be prejudicial.

Lord Melbourne will do his utmost to have the Speech worded in the most calm manner, and so as in no respect to offend or irritate any feelings. Some mention of the good conduct and gallantry of the Navy there must be—to omit it would be injurious and disheartening—but as to any expressions complimentary to France or expressive of regret at our separation from it, it will be hardly possible to introduce anything of that nature.[1] It is quite unusual in our Speeches from the Throne to express either approbation or disapprobation of the conduct of foreign nations and foreign Governments. It is surprising how very seldom it has been done, and the wisdom and prudence of abstaining from it is very manifest. It would be giving an opinion upon that which does not belong to us. Anything which would have the effect of producing satisfaction in France must be of an apologetic character, which there is no ground for, and for which neither the Government nor the country is prepared.

The best course will be a total reserve upon this head, certainly abstaining from anything that can be in the slightest degree offensive.

[Footnote 1: France was not mentioned, though the Convention with the other Powers, and the naval operations in conjunction with Austria, were referred to.]



Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

22nd January 1841.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty.

Lord Melbourne will be most happy to wait upon your Majesty on Saturday and Sunday.

Lord Melbourne is very sorry that your Majesty is compelled to come to London contrary to your inclinations; but Lord Melbourne much rejoices that your Majesty expresses that reluctance, as there is no surer sign of complete happiness and contentment in the married life than a desire to remain quietly in the country, and there is nothing on the earth Lord Melbourne desires more anxiously than the assurance of your Majesty's happiness.



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INFANCY]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

BRUSSELS, 22nd January 1841.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—I thank you very sincerely for your kind letter of the 19th, which I hasten to answer. I should not have bored you by my presence, but the act of the christening is, in my eyes, a sort of closing of the first cyclus of your dear life. I was shooting at the late Lord Craven's in Berkshire, when I received the messenger who brought me the horrifying news of your poor father's deadly illness. I hastened in bitter cold weather to Sidmouth, about two days before his death. His affairs were so much deranged that your Mother would have had no means even of leaving Sidmouth if I had not taken all this under my care and management. That dreary journey, undertaken, I think, on the 26th of January, in bitter cold and damp weather, I shall not easily forget. I looked very sharp after the poor little baby, then about eight months old. Arrived in London we were very unkindly treated by George IV., whose great wish was to get you and your Mamma out of the country, and I must say without my assistance you could not have remained.... I state these facts, because it is useful to remember through what difficulties and hardships one had to struggle. You will also remember that though there existed the possibility of your eventually succeeding to the Crown, that possibility was very doubtful, the then Duchess of Clarence having been confined after your Mother, and there being every reason to think that, though poor little Princess Elizabeth did not live more than some months, other children might appear.[2]

It was a long time from 1820 to 1837! We got over it, however, and, as far as you are concerned, God be praised! safely and happily. You are married, with every prospect of many happy years to come, and your happiness is crowned, and consolidated, as it were, by the birth of the dear little lady. Having from motives of discretion, perhaps carried even too far, not assisted at your coming to the throne, nor at your Coronation, nor afterwards at your marriage, I wished to assist at the christening of the little Princess, an event which is of great importance....

[Footnote 2: Two children were born to the Duke and Duchess of Clarence—Charlotte Augusta Louisa, born and died 29th March 1819, and Elizabeth Georgina Adelaide, born 10th December 1820, and died 4th March 1821.]



Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

CARLTON TERRACE, 1st February 1841.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in submitting this letter from Earl Granville, which coupled with the despatches from Sir Robert Stopford virtually show that the Turkish Question is brought to a close, begs most humbly to congratulate your Majesty upon this rapid and peaceful settlement of a matter which at different periods has assumed appearances so threatening to the peace of Europe.[3]

[Footnote 3: See ante, pp. 252, 254. (Ch. IX, Footnote 58; Intro. Note to Ch. X)]



[Pageheading: ILLNESS OF DUKE OF WELLINGTON]

Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

2nd February 1841.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord Melbourne will be happy to wait upon your Majesty on Thursday, Saturday and Sunday, but he finds that there is to be a Cabinet dinner to-morrow.

Lord Melbourne will speak to Lord Palmerston about Lord John Russell.

Lord Melbourne does not see the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury as a subscriber to this "Parker" Society, and if your Majesty will give him leave, he will ask him about it before he gives your Majesty an answer. It is in some degree a party measure, and levelled against these new Oxford doctrines. The proposal is to republish the works of the older divines up to the time of the death of Queen Elizabeth. Up to that period the doctrines of the Church of England were decidedly Calvinistic. During the reign of James II.,[4] and particularly after the Synod of Dort (1618-1619), the English clergy very generally adopted Arminian opinions.

It is proposed to republish the works of the divines who wrote during the first period, and to stop short when they come to the second. There is meaning in this. But, after all, the object is not a bad one, and it may not be worth while to consider it so closely.

[Footnote 4: Lord Melbourne must have meant James I.]



Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

5th February 1841 (6 o'clock).

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is very sorry to have to acquaint your Majesty that the Duke of Wellington was taken ill in the House of Lords this evening with a seizure, probably paralytic, and of the same nature with those which he has had before. Lord Brougham, who was standing opposite to the Duke and addressing the House, observed the Duke's face to be drawn and distorted, and soon afterwards the Duke rose from his seat and walked staggeringly towards the door. He walked down the gallery, supported on each side, but never spoke. A medical man was procured to attend him; he was placed in his carriage and driven home....



[Pageheading: THE UNITED STATES]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

6th March 1841.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the remainder of the Navy Estimates, and nearly the whole of the Army Estimates, were voted last night without any serious opposition. Indeed the chief fault found with the Army Estimates was that they are not large enough.

Sir Robert Peel made a remarkable speech. Adverting to the present state of our affairs with the United States,[5] he said that much as he disliked war, yet if the honour or interests of the country required it, he should sink all internal differences, and give his best support to the Government of his country.

This declaration was received with loud cheers. It must be considered as very creditable to Sir Robert Peel.

[Footnote 5: See Introductory Note, ante, p. 254. (Intro Note to Ch. X)]



[Pageheading: CHINA]

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

FOREIGN OFFICE, 10th April 1841.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to submit the accompanying letters, which he received yesterday, about the operations in China, and which have just been returned to him by Viscount Melbourne, whose letter he also transmits.[6]

Viscount Palmerston has felt greatly mortified and disappointed at this result of the expedition to China, and he much fears that the sequel of the negotiation, which was to follow the conclusion of these preliminary conditions, will not tend to render the arrangement less objectionable. Captain Elliot seems to have wholly disregarded the instructions which had been sent to him, and even when, by the entire success of the operations of the Fleet, he was in a condition to dictate his own terms, he seems to have agreed to very inadequate conditions.[7] The amount of compensation for the opium surrendered falls short of the value of that opium, and nothing has been obtained for the expenses of the expedition, nor for the debts of the bankrupt Hong[8] merchants. The securities which the plenipotentiaries were expressly ordered to obtain for British residents in China have been abandoned; and the Island of Chusan which they were specifically informed was to be retained till the whole of the pecuniary compensation should have been paid, has been hastily and discreditably evacuated. Even the cession of Hong Kong has been coupled with a condition about the payment of duties, which would render that island not a possession of the British Crown, but, like Macao, a settlement held by sufferance in the territory of the Crown of China.

Viscount Palmerston deems it his duty in laying these papers before your Majesty, to state some few of the objections which he feels to the arrangement, but the Cabinet will have to consider, as soon as they meet after the Recess, what advice they may wish humbly to tender to your Majesty upon these important matters. There is no doubt, however, that much has been accomplished, but it is very mortifying to find that other things which the plenipotentiaries were ordered to obtain, and which the force placed at their command was amply sufficient to enable them to accomplish, have not been attained.

Viscount Palmerston has sent a small map of the Canton River, which your Majesty may like to keep for future reference.

[Footnote 6: Captain Elliot, after capturing the Chinese position at the mouth of Canton River, concluded a preliminary treaty with the Chinese Government, which did not satisfy the Chinese, and which was strongly disapproved of by the English Ministry, as containing no mention of the opium traffic, which had been the cause of all the difficulties; Elliot was accordingly recalled, and succeeded by Sir Henry Pottinger.]

[Footnote 7: They were the cession of Hong-Kong, and payment of an indemnity of 6,000,000 dollars to Great Britain, with provision for commercial facilities and collection of customs.]

[Footnote 8: The native Canton merchants,—Hong here probably meaning a "row of houses," a "street." Hong Kong (Hiang Kiang) means the "fragrant lagoon."]



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

13th April 1841.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I thank you much for your kind letter of the 9th, received yesterday. I have just heard from Stockmar (who, I hope, reported favourably of us all) that your Ministry is at last settled, of which I wish you joy. I think, dear Uncle, that you would find the East not only as "absurd" as the West, but very barbarous, cruel, and dangerous into the bargain.

The Chinese business vexes us much, and Palmerston is deeply mortified at it. All we wanted might have been got, if it had not been for the unaccountably strange conduct of Charles Elliot (not Admiral Elliot,[9] for he was obliged to come away from ill-health), who completely disobeyed his instructions and tried to get the lowest terms he could.... The attack and storming of the Chorempee Forts on the 7th of January was very gallantly done by the Marines, and immense destruction of the Chinese took place.[10] The accounts of the cruelty of the Chinese to one another are horrible. Albert is so much amused at my having got the Island of Hong Kong, and we think Victoria ought to be called Princess of Hong Kong in addition to Princess Royal.

She drives out every day in a close carriage with the window open, since she has been here, which does her worlds of good, and she is to have a walk to-day.

Stockmar writes me word that Charlotte[11] is quite beautiful. I am very jealous.

I think Vecto quite right not to travel without Nemours; for it would look just as if she was unhappy, and ran to her parents for help. I am sure if Albert ever should be away (which, however, will and shall never happen, for I would go with him even if he was to go to the North Pole), I should never think of travelling; but I can't make mamma understand this. Now farewell. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 9: They were both cousins of Lord Minto, the First Lord of the Admiralty.]

[Footnote 10: Commodore Bremer very speedily reduced some of the forts, but his further operations were stopped.]

[Footnote 11: Daughter of King Leopold, who married in 1857 the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria (afterwards Emperor Maximilian of Mexico).]



[Pageheading: LORD CARDIGAN]

[Pageheading: ARMY DISCIPLINE]

Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

24th April 1841.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Mr Labouchere[12] has desired that the five-pound piece which is about to be issued from the Mint should be submitted for your Majesty's inspection and approbation.

We have had under our consideration at the Cabinet the unfortunate subject of the conduct of Lord Cardigan.[13] The public feeling upon it is very strong, and it is almost certain that a Motion will be made in the House of Commons for an Address praying your Majesty to remove him from the command of his regiment. Such a Motion, if made, there is very little chance of resisting with success, and nothing is more to be apprehended and deprecated than such an interference of the House of Commons with the interior discipline and government of the Army. It was also felt that the general order issued by the Horse Guards was not sufficient to meet the case, and in these circumstances it was thought proper that Lord Melbourne should see Lord Hill, and should express to him the opinion of the Cabinet, that it was necessary that he should advise your Majesty to take such measures as should have the effect of removing Lord Cardigan from the command of the 11th Hussars. The repeated acts of imprudence of which Lord Cardigan has been guilty, and the repeated censures which he has drawn down upon himself, form a ground amply sufficient for such a proceeding, and indeed seem imperiously to demand it.[14]

Lord Melbourne has seen Lord Hill and made to him this communication, and has left it for his consideration. Lord Hill is deeply chagrined and annoyed, but will consider the matter and confer again with Lord Melbourne upon it to-morrow.

[Footnote 12: President of the Board of Trade, afterwards created Lord Taunton.]

[Footnote 13: "Within the space of a single twelvemonth, one of his [Lord Cardigan's] captains was cashiered for writing him a challenge; he sent a coarse and insulting verbal message to another, and then punished him with prolonged arrest, because he respectfully refused to shake hands with the officer who had been employed to convey the affront; he fought a duel with a lieutenant who had left the corps, and shot him through the body; and he flogged a soldier on Sunday, between the Services, on the very spot where, half an hour before, the man's comrades had been mustered for public worship."—SIR G. TREVELYAN, Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, chap. viii.]

[Footnote 14: In February he had been acquitted on technical grounds by the House of Lords of shooting a Captain Harvey Garnett Phipps Tuckett. He had accused Tuckett of being the author of letters which had appeared in the papers reflecting on his character; a duel on Wimbledon Common followed, and Tuckett was wounded. The evidence, consisting in part of a visiting card, showed that a Captain Harvey Tuckett had been wounded, which was held to be insufficient evidence of identity.]



Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

25th April 1841.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is most anxious upon all subjects to be put in possession of Your Majesty's full and entire opinions. It is true that this question may materially affect the discipline of the Army, by subjecting the interior management of regiments to be brought continually under the inspection and control of the House of Commons upon complaints of officers against their superiors, or even of private men against the officers.

The danger of the whole of Lord Cardigan's proceedings has been lest a precedent of this nature should arise out of them. The question is whether it is not more prudent to prevent a question being brought forward in the House of Commons, than to wait for it with the certainty of being obliged to yield to it or of being overpowered by it. But of course this cannot be done unless it is consistent with justice and with the usage and prestige of the Service.

Lord Melbourne has desired the Cabinet Ministers to assemble here to-day at four o'clock, in order to consider the subject. Lord Melbourne has seen Lord Hill again this morning, and Lord Hill has seen and consulted the Duke of Wellington, who has stated his opinion very fully.

The opinion of the Duke is that the Punishment on Sunday was a great impropriety and indiscretion upon the part of Lord Cardigan, but not a Military offence, nor a breach of the Mutiny Act or of the Articles of War; that it called for the censure of the Commander-in-Chief, which censure was pronounced by the General Order upon which the Duke was consulted before it was issued, and that according to the usage of the Service no further step can be taken by the Military Authorities. This opinion Lord Melbourne will submit to-day to the Cabinet Ministers.

Lord Melbourne perceives that he has unintentionally written upon two sheets of paper, which he hopes will cause your Majesty no inconvenience.



[Pageheading: THE NOTTINGHAM ELECTION]

Lord Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

SOUTH STREET, 28th April 1841.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has himself seen the result of the election at Nottingham[15] without the least surprise, from his knowledge of the place and his observation of the circumstances of the contest. What John Russell reported to your Majesty was the opinion of those who act for us in that place, but as soon as Lord Melbourne saw that there was a disposition upon the part of the violent party, Radicals, Chartists, and what not, to support the Tory candidate, he knew that the contest was formidable and dubious. The Tory party is very strong, naturally, at Nottingham, and if it received any accession of strength, was almost certain to prevail. This combination, or rather this accession of one party to the Tories, which has taken place at Nottingham, is very likely, and in Lord Melbourne's opinion almost certain, to take place in many other parts of the country in the case of a general election, and forms very serious matter for consideration as to the prudence of taking such a step as a dissolution of the Parliament.

Lord Melbourne will wait upon your Majesty after the Levee. It signifies not how late, as there is no House of Lords.

[Footnote 15: Where Mr Walter, a Tory, was elected with a majority of 238.]



[Pageheading: THE BUDGET]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

WILTON CRESCENT, 1st May 1841.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Mr Baring yesterday brought forward the Budget in a remarkably clear and forcible speech.

The changes in the duties on Sugar and Timber,[16] and the announcement made by Lord John Russell of a proposal for a fixed duty on Corn, seemed to surprise and irritate the Opposition.

Sir Robert Peel refused to give any opinion on these propositions, and satisfied himself with attacking the Government on the state of the finances.

The supporters of the Government were greatly pleased with Mr Baring's plan, and loud in their cheers.

It is the general opinion that Lord Stanley will not proceed with his Bill,[17] and there seems little doubt of this fact.

But the two parties are now evenly balanced, and the absence or defection of some two or three of the Ministerial party may at any time leave the Government in a minority.

[Footnote 16: The proposals were to increase the duty on colonial timber from 10s. to 20s. a load, reducing it on foreign timber from 55s. to 50s., to leave the duty on colonial sugar unloaded at 24s. a cwt., reducing that on foreign sugar from 63s. to 36s. a cwt.]

[Footnote 17: On Irish Registration.]



Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

3rd May 1841.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We decided at the Cabinet on Friday that we could not sanction the agreement which Captain Elliot has probably by this time concluded with the Government of China, but that it would be necessary to demand a larger amount of indemnity for the past injury, and also a more complete security for our trade in future. For this purpose it was determined to send out instructions, in case the armament should not have left the Chinese coasts and have been dispersed, to reoccupy the Island of Chusan,[18] a measure which appears to have had a great effect upon the minds of the Chinese Government. It was also determined to recall Captain Elliot, and to send out as soon as possible another officer with full instructions from hence as to the views and intentions of your Majesty's Government. Sir Henry Pottinger,[19] an officer in the East India Company's Service, much distinguished in the recent operations in Afghanistan, is designated with your Majesty's approbation for this service, which he has signified his willingness to undertake. It was also thought that it would be proper to entrust Lord Auckland[20] with general discretionary powers as to the further conduct of the expedition. These determinations Lord Melbourne hopes that your Majesty will approve.

Lord John Russell informed Lord Melbourne yesterday that he knew that it was not the intention of the Opposition to press Lord Stanley's Bill; but it is not to be expected in the present position of affairs that they will not determine upon taking some decisive and united measure in advance.

In the present state of public measures and of public feeling, when debate may arise at any moment, it would not be fitting for Lord Melbourne to absent himself on any sitting day from the House of Lords. But unless there should be anything so urgent as to prevent him, he will come down after the House on Tuesday evening and stay until Thursday morning.

Fanny is highly delighted and immeasurably grateful for your Majesty's offer of the Lodge in Richmond Park, and most desirous to avail herself of your Majesty's kindness, and so is Jocelyn. Lord Melbourne has little doubt that they will thankfully accept it.[21]

[Footnote 18: The Island of Chusan, off the coast of China, had been occupied in July 1840 as a base of operations, but evacuated by Elliot in 1841. It was retaken in September 1841, after Elliot's recall, by Sir Henry Pottinger.]

[Footnote 19: He had served in the Mahratta War, and been political agent in Scinde.]

[Footnote 20: Governor-General of India.]

[Footnote 21: Lady Fanny Cowper, Lord Melbourne's niece, was married to Lord Jocelyn on 27th April.]



[Pageheading: CHRISTENING OF COMTE DE PARIS]

The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

PARIS, 3rd May 1841.

MY BELOVED VICTORIA,—As you know surely already, the day of yesterday went off very well. The christening[22] was very splendid, the weather beautiful, and everything extremely well managed.... The arrival at Notre-Dame, and the coup d'[oe]il of the old church, all hung interiorly with crimson velvet draperies and trophies of flags, was very splendid. There was in the church three rows de tribunes all full of well-dressed people. Les grands corps de l'Etat etaient ranges de chaque cote et dans le ch[oe]ur; l'Autel etait place au centre de l'eglise. Les cardinaux et tout le clerge etaient alentour. When my father arrived, the Archbishop of Paris received him at the door of the church, and we all walked in state. My father ouvrait la marche with the Queen. Prie-dieu and chairs were disposed for us en demi-cercle before the altar, or rather before the baptismal font, which was placed in front of it, in the very middle of the Church. My father and mother stood in the centre of the row near each other. Your uncle, Chartres, and all the Princes followed on the side of my father, and the princesses on the side of my mother. Paris remained with Helene till the moment of the christening. When the ceremony began he advanced near the font with my father and mother (sponsors), and was taken up in the arms of his nurse. After the christening a Mass and Te Deum were read, and when we came back to the Tuileries the corps municipal brought the sword which the City of Paris has given to the Comte de Paris....

[Footnote 22: Of the Comte de Paris, at this time nearly three years old, son of the Duc d'Orleans.]



[Pageheading: THE SUGAR DUTIES]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

WILTON CRESCENT, 4th May 1841.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Lord Stanley yesterday postponed his Bill for a fortnight, which at this period of the year is equivalent to its abandonment.

On the other hand, Lord Sandon gave a notice for Friday for a Resolution on Sugar Duties.

If, as is probable, this Motion is made as a party movement, it is probable that, with the addition of those on the Ministerial side who have an interest in the West Indies, the Motion will be successful.

The whole scheme of finance for the year will thus be overturned.

The Tory party seem to expect a dissolution of Parliament, but your Majesty's advisers will hardly be able to recommend to your Majesty such a step.

The cry against the Poor Law is sure to be taken up by the worst politicians of the Tory party, and, as at Nottingham, may be successful against that most useful law.

The friends of Government who represent counties will be taunted with the proposal to alter the Corn Law.

Bribery is sure to be resorted to beyond anything yet seen.

A defeat of the Ministry on a dissolution would be final and irreparable.

On the other hand, their successors in the Government would have to provide for the excess in the expenditure pledged against the best measures that could be resorted to for the purpose. It would be a difficulty of their own seeking, and their want of candour and justice to their opponents would be the cause of their own embarrassments.

The moment is a very important one, and the consequences of the vote of Friday, or probably Monday, cannot fail to be serious.



[Pageheading: A MINISTERIAL CRISIS]

Memorandum by Mr Anson.

"The Ministry in jeopardy." (Heading in the Prince Albert's hand.)

WINDSOR CASTLE, 4th May 1841.

Lord Melbourne came down from town after the House of Lords. I went with him to his room for an hour after the Queen had retired. He said the main struggle would take place on the Sugar Duties on Friday. His impression was that the Government would be beat, and he must then decide whether to go out or dissolve. He leaned to the former. I said, "I trusted he would not dissolve unless he thought there was some prospect of increasing his strength, and begged him to remember what was done would not be considered the act of the Government but that of himself and the Queen, and that he individually would be held as the responsible person."

He said he had not written to the Queen to prepare H.M. for coming events and the course that it would be incumbent upon her to take, for he felt it extremely difficult and delicate, especially as to the use she should make of the Prince, and of her mode of communication when she required it with Lord Melbourne. He thought she ought never to ask his advice direct, but if she required his opinion there would be no objection to her obtaining it through the Prince.

He said H.M. had relied so implicitly upon him upon all affairs, that he felt that she required in this emergency advice upon almost every subject. That he would tell H.M. that she must carefully abstain from playing the same part she did, again, on Sir R. Peel's attempt to form a Ministry, for that nothing but the forbearance of the Tories had enabled himself and his colleagues to support H.M. at that time. He feared Peel's doggedness and pertinacity might make him insist, as a point of honour, on having all discretion granted to him in regard to the removal of Ladies. I told him of the Prince's suggestion that before the Queen saw Sir R. Peel some negotiation might be entered into with Sir Robert, so that the subject might be avoided by mutual consent, the terms of which might be that Sir Robert should give up his demand to extort the principle. The Queen, on the other hand, should require the resignation of those Ladies objected to by Sir Robert. Lord Melbourne said, however, that the Prince must not have personal communication with Sir Robert on this subject, but he thought that I might through the medium of a common friend.



[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S ADVICE]

Memorandum by Mr Anson.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 5th May 1841.

Saw Lord Melbourne after his interview this morning with the Queen. He says Her Majesty was perfectly calm and reasonable, and seemed quite prepared for the resignation of the Government. He said she was prepared to give way upon the Ladies if required, but much wished that that point might be previously settled by negotiation with Sir R. Peel, to avoid any discussion or difference. Lord Melbourne thinks I might do this. He would also like Peel to be cautioned not to press Her Majesty to decide hastily, but to give Her Majesty time, and that he should feel that if he acted fairly he would be met in the same spirit by the Queen.

With regard to future communication with Lord Melbourne, the Queen said she did not mean that a change should exclude her from Lord Melbourne's society, and when Lord Melbourne said that in society Her Majesty could not procure Lord Melbourne's opinion upon any subject, and suggested that that should be obtained through the Prince, Her Majesty said that that could pass in writing under cover to me, but that she must communicate direct.

The Queen, he says, leans to sending for the Duke of Wellington. Lord Melbourne advised that Her Majesty should make up her mind at once to send for Sir Robert. He told me that it would not be without precedent to send for both at once; this it appears to me would obviate every objection. The Queen, he thinks, has a perfect right to exercise her judgment upon the selection of all persons recommended to Her Majesty for Household appointments, both as to liking, but chiefly as to their character and as to the character of the husband or wife of the person selected. He would advise the Queen to adopt the course which King William did with Lord Melbourne in 1835, viz. desiring Lord Melbourne, before His Majesty approved of any appointments, to send a list of those proposed even to the members of every Board, and the King having them all before him expressed his objections to certain persons, which Lord Melbourne yielded to.

Told Lord Melbourne that the Prince wished him to impress upon the Queen's mind not to act upon the approaching crisis without the Prince, because she would not be able to go through difficulties by herself, and the Prince would not be able to help her when he was ignorant of the considerations which had influenced her actions. He would wish Lord Melbourne when with the Queen to call in the Prince, in order that they might both be set right upon Lord Melbourne's opinions, that he might express in the presence of each other his views, in order that he should not convey different impressions by speaking to them separately, so that they might act in concert.

The Prince says the Queen always sees what is right at a glance, but if her feelings run contrary she avoids the Prince's arguments, which she feels sure agree with her own, and seeks arguments to support her wishes against her convictions from other people.



[Pageheading: DISSOLUTION OR RESIGNATION]

Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

SOUTH STREET, 7th May 1841.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and laments much the prospect that lies before us, more especially as it is so repugnant to your Majesty's feelings. Your Majesty has often observed that these events must come in the course of affairs at some moment or another, but Lord Melbourne knows not whether it is much consolation to reflect that what is very disagreeable is also natural and unavoidable. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty will consider the situation calmly and impartially, will do that which shall appear the best for your own interests and those of the country, which are identical.

Everything shall be done that can be; the questions which may arise shall be considered well, and upon as full information as can be obtained. But Lord Melbourne has little to add to what he wrote to your Majesty yesterday. So many interests are affected by this Sugar question, the West Indian, the East Indian, the opponents of Slavery and others, that no small number of our supporters will be induced either to stay away or to vote against us, and this must place us in a minority upon the main points of our Budget. In this we can hardly acquiesce, nor can we adopt a different policy and propose other taxes, when in our opinion the necessary revenue can be raised without imposing them. This state of things imposes upon us the alternative of dissolution or of resignation, and to try the former without succeeding in it would be to place both your Majesty and ourselves in a worse situation than that in which we are at present.



Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

SOUTH STREET, 8th May 1841.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We have been considering this question of dissolution at the Cabinet, and we have had before us a general statement of the public returns for England and Wales. It is not very favourable, but Lord Melbourne fears that it is more favourable than the reality would prove. The Chancellor,[23] Palmerston, and Hobhouse are strongly for dissolution, but the opinion of the majority is the other way, and in that opinion Lord Melbourne is strongly inclined to agree.

Lord Melbourne will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty to-morrow at three.

[Footnote 23: The Earl of Cottenham.]



[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]

Memorandum by Mr Anson.

NOTES UPON AN INTERVIEW WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL (NO. 1).[24]

9th May 1841.

Told Sir Robert that I had wished to have sought him through the medium of a common friend, which would have given him a greater confidence than I had now a right to expect at his hands, but I felt upon so delicate a mission it was safer, and would be more in accordance with his wishes, to come direct.

That the Prince had sent me to him, with the object of removing difficulties upon his coming into office.

That Her Majesty was anxious that the question of the removal of the Ladies of the Bedchamber should not be revived, and would wish that in any personal communication with Sir Robert this question might be avoided.

That it might be arranged that if Sir Robert would not insist upon carrying out his principle, Her Majesty might procure the resignation of any Ladies whom Sir Robert might object to; that I thought there might be a disposition to yield to the removal of the Mistress of the Robes, Lady Normanby, and the Duchess of Bedford, as being connected with leading political persons in Government.

Endeavoured to impress upon Sir Robert that if he acts fairly and kindly towards the Queen, he will be met in the same spirit.

Sir Robert said he had considered the probable object of my interview, and thought, from my former position with Lord Melbourne, that Lord Melbourne would be aware of my coming. He must be assured of this before he could speak confidentially to me.

Upon this I admitted that Lord Melbourne had knowledge of my intention, but that I was not authorised to say that he had.

Sir Robert said, "I shall put aside all form, and treat you frankly and confidentially. You may depend upon every word you say being held as sacred. No part, without further permission, shall be mentioned even to the Duke, much less to any of my other colleagues.

"I would waive every pretension to office, I declare to God! sooner than that my acceptance of it should be attended with any personal humiliation to the Queen."

He thought that giving in the names of those Ladies whom he considered obnoxious was an offensive course towards the Queen.

For the sake of office, which he did not covet, he could not concede any constitutional principle, but it was not necessary that that principle should be mooted.

"It would be repulsive to my feelings that Her Majesty should part with any of her Ladies, as the result of a forced stipulation on my part; in a party sense it would doubtless be advantageous to me to say that I had demanded from the Queen, and the Queen had conceded to me the appointments of these three Ladies."

The mode he would like, and which he considered as least objectionable for Her Majesty, was for Her Majesty to say to him, "There is no occasion to revive this constitutional question, as those ladies immediately connected with prominent members of the Administration have sent in their resignation."

The vacancies existing before Sir Robert Peel sees Her Majesty, there is no necessity for discussion.

On the one hand, by this means, there was less appearance of insult to the Queen, and on the other, there was no appearance of concession of principle upon his.

Sir Robert was ready to make any personal sacrifice for Her Majesty's comfort, except that of his honour. "Can the Queen for an instant suppose that I would permit my party to urge me on to insist upon anything incompatible with Her Majesty's dignity, which it would be my great aim and honour to defend?"

[This was his indignant reply to my remark upon the rumours that his party would press him to coerce and subdue Her Majesty.]

Sir Robert thinks it better for the Queen to avoid anything in the shape of a stipulation. He would like what he would have done upon a former occasion (and upon which, on the honour of a gentleman, his views had undergone no change) to be taken as a test of what he would be ready to concede to.

Nothing but misconception, he said, could in his opinion have led to failure before. "Had the Queen told me" (after the question was mooted, which it never need have been) "that those three ladies immediately connected with the Government had tendered their resignation, I should have been perfectly satisfied, and should have consulted the Queen's feelings in replacing them."

Sir Robert said this conversation shall remain sacred, and to all effect, as if it had never happened, until he saw me again to-morrow morning.

There is nothing said, he added, which in any way pledges or compromises the Queen, the Prince, or Lord Melbourne.

[Footnote 24: See Parker's Sir Robert Peel, vol. ii. p. 455, et seq., where Peel's memorandum of the interview is set out.]



[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]

[Pageheading: HOUSEHOLD APPOINTMENTS]

Memorandum by Mr Anson.

INTERVIEW WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL (No. 2).

10th May 1841.

Peel said: "It is essential to my position with the Queen that Her Majesty should understand that I have the feelings of a gentleman, and where my duty does not interfere, I cannot act against her wishes. Her Majesty doubtless knows how pressed I am as the head of a powerful party, but the impression I wish to create in Her Majesty's mind is, that I am bound to defend her against their encroachments."

In regard to Household appointments the holders of which are not in Parliament, he had not considered the question, but in the meantime he would in no way commit himself to anyone, or to any understanding upon the subject, without previous communication. He had no personal objects to serve, and the Queen's wishes would always be consulted.

He again repeated, that if the Queen's personal feelings would suffer less by forming an Administration to his exclusion, he should not be offended. Private life satisfied him, and he had no ambition beyond it.

Lord Melbourne might rest assured that he fully appreciated his aim, that his only object was to do that which was most for Her Majesty's advantage, and no human being should know that he was privy to this overture. Lord Melbourne might depend upon his honour. If Lord Melbourne was pressed to a dissolution he should still feel the same impression of Lord Melbourne's conduct, that it was honourable and straightforward.

He wished the Prince to send him a list of those Ladies whom it would be agreeable to Her Majesty to have in her Household. Sir Robert must propose it to the Ladies, but will be entirely guided by Her Majesty's wishes. There should be no appearance that Her Majesty has any understanding, as he was bound to his party to make it appear that the appointments emanated from himself.[25]

[Footnote 25: There was a further interview on the following day at which various detailed points were arranged.]



Memorandum by the Queen.

11th May 1841.

The Queen considers it her right (and is aware that her predecessors were peculiarly tenacious of this right) to appoint her Household. She, however, gives up the great officers of State and those of her Lords-in-Waiting, Equerries, and Grooms-in-Waiting, who are in Parliament, to the appointment of the Prime Minister, subject to her approval.

The Queen has always appointed her Ladies of the Bedchamber herself, but has generally mentioned their names to the Prime Minister before appointing them, in order to leave him room for objection in case he should deem their appointment injurious to his Government, when the Queen would probably not appoint the Lady.

The Maids of Honour and Women of the Bedchamber are of course not included amongst those who are mentioned to the Prime Minister before their appointment, but are at once appointed by the Queen.



[Pageheading: PRESSURE OF BUSINESS]

Extract from the Queen's Journal.

Wednesday, 12th May 1841.

"At seven minutes to five Lord Melbourne came to me and stayed till half-past five. He gave me the copies of Anson's conversations with Peel. Lord Melbourne then gave me a letter from the Chancellor to read, strongly advocating a dissolution, and wishing that there should be a division also on Lord John Russell's amendment.[26]

"Lord Melbourne left the letter with me. The first part of the letter, relative to Lord John's amendment, we think good, but the other part we can't quite agree in. 'There is to be a Cabinet to-morrow to consider what is to be done,' said Lord Melbourne, 'for the Chancellor's opinion must be considered. There is a preferment amongst our people for dissolution,' Lord M. added. The feeling in the country good. I asked Lord M., 'Must they resign directly, the next day, after the division (if they intended resigning)?' 'Why,' he said, 'it was awkward not to do so if Parliament was sitting; if the division were only to take place on Friday, then they needn't announce it till Monday,' which we hope will be the case, as we agreed it wouldn't do for me to have a ball the day Lord M. had resigned, and before I had sent for anybody else, and therefore I hoped that it could be managed that the division did not take place till Friday. Lord M. said that in case they resigned, he wished Vernon Smith[27] to be made a Privy Councillor; the only addition to the Peers he mentioned the other day he wished to make is Surrey;[28] we agreed that too many Peers was always a bad thing."

[Footnote 26: To Lord Sandon's resolution on the Sugar Duties.]

[Footnote 27: Robert Vernon Smith (1800-1873), Under-Secretary for War and the Colonies, afterwards Lord Lyveden.]

[Footnote 28: The Earl of Surrey (1791-1856) was now M.P. for West Sussex, and Treasurer of the Household, and was afterwards thirteenth Duke of Norfolk.]



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

11th May 1841.

... I am sure you will forgive my writing a very short letter to-day, but I am so harassed and occupied with business that I cannot find time to write letters. You will, I am sure, feel for me; the probability of parting from so kind and excellent a being as Lord Melbourne as a Minister (for a friend he will always remain) is very, very painful, even if one feels it will not probably be for long; to take it philosophically is my great wish, and quietly I certainly shall, but one cannot help feelings of affection and gratitude. Albert is the greatest possible comfort to me in every way, and my position is much more independent than it was before.

I am glad you see the French feeling in the right light. I rejoice that the christening, etc., went off so well. Believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION]

Extract from the Queen's Journal.

Thursday, 13th May 1841.

"Saw Lord Melbourne at a little past four.

"... 'We have had a Cabinet,' Lord Melbourne said, 'and we have been considering the question of dissolution and what is the best course to be pursued; if we were to dissolve, John Russell,' he said, 'would pursue quite a different course; he would then announce the Sugar Duties at once. I (Lord Melbourne) said, that I had been considering well the whole question, and the Chancellor's letter, but that altogether I did not think it advisable to have recourse to a dissolution—and I think the greater part lean towards that opinion; but there are a few who are very much for a dissolution—the Chancellor and Hobhouse very much so, and Palmerston. They have, however, not quite finally decided the matter. I understand the debate will certainly go over to-night,' he said, 'and that they would have time on Saturday and Sunday to consider about Lord John's amendment.'"



Extract from the Queen's Journal.

Saturday, 15th May 1841.

"Lord Melbourne came to me at twenty minutes past one, and we talked about this question of dissolution. 'We shall have a long debate upon it this morning at the Cabinet,' Lord Melbourne said. 'The worst thing is, that if we carry the Sugar Duties, we must dissolve. If we were to dissolve,' he continued, 'and were to have the parties equal as they are now, it would be very bad; if we were to have a majority, it would be a great thing; but if we were to have a minority it would be still worse.... We know that Charles I. and Charles II., and even Cromwell, appealed to the country, and had a Parliament returned into their very teeth' (so strong an Opposition), 'and that produced deposition, and convulsion, and bloodshed and death; but since then the Crown has always had a majority returned in favour of it. Even Queen Anne,' he continued, 'who removed Marlborough in the midst of his most glorious victories and dissolved Parliament, had an immense majority, though her measures were miserable; William IV.,' he said, 'even though he had a majority against him which prevented him from keeping his Ministers, had a much stronger feeling for him in that Parliament, than he ever had before. But I am afraid,' he added, 'that for the first time the Crown would have an Opposition returned smack against it; and that would be an affront to which I am very unwilling to expose the Crown.' This is very true."



[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S SYMPATHY]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

TUILERIES, 14th May 1841.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—I am deeply grateful for your kind letter, which reached me this morning. Letters from hence ought not to be longer on their way than, at the longest, forty hours; forty-eight is the maximum. I fear that they are delayed at the Foreign Office; here it cannot be, as for instance these lines go this evening.

I can easily understand that the present crisis must have something very painful for you, and you will do well for your health and comfort to try to take it as philosophically as possible; it is a part of the Constitutional system which is for the Sovereign very hard to get over.

Nous savons tous des paroles sur cet air, as the French say. I was convinced that Lord Melbourne's right and good feeling would make him pause before he proposed to you a dissolution. A general election in England, when great passions must be roused or created to render it efficacious for one party or another, is a dangerous experiment, always calculated to shake the foundations on which have hitherto reposed the great elements of the political power of the country. Albert will be a great comfort to you, and to hear it from yourself has given me the sincerest delight. His judgment is good, and he is mild and safe in his opinions; they deserve your serious attention; young as he is, I have really often been quite surprised how quick and correct his judgment is....



[Pageheading: TORY DISSENSIONS]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

WILTON CRESCENT, 16th May 1841.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the general effect of last week's debate[29] has been greatly in favour of the measures of your Majesty's Ministers.

The speeches of Mr Labouchere, Sir George Grey, and Lord Howick, with the powerful argument of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Friday night, have not been met by any corresponding ability on the other side.

In fact the Opposition seem to have concealed their own views of policy, and to have imagined that the Anti-Slavery feeling would carry them through successfully. But this expectation has been entirely disappointed; debate has unmasked the hollow pretence of humanity, and the meetings at Exeter Hall and in the country have completely counteracted the impressions which Dr Lushington's speech[30] had produced.

Lancashire, Cheshire, and the West Riding of Yorkshire have been roused to strong excitement by the prospect of a reduction of the duty on corn. Several of the large towns have expressed their opinions without distinction of party.

These symptoms are said to have created some dissensions among the opponents of your Majesty's present Government.

Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and nearly all the eminent leaders of the party, profess their adherence to the principles of Mr Huskisson.[31] On the other hand, the Duke of Buckingham,[32] with many Lords and Commoners, is opposed to any relaxation of the present Corn Laws. This difference must ultimately produce serious consequences, and it is possible they may break out before the present debate is ended.