Lord John had raised a new difficulty by his declaration upon Reform. He had been thunderstruck when he read the announcement on the part of the chief author of the Reform Bill, who had stood with him (Sir J. Graham) hitherto upon finality, condemning his own work, and promising at a year's distance important alterations, in which interval great agitation would be got up, great expectations raised, and the measure when brought forward would cause disappointment. Sir Robert Peel had always been of opinion that it was most dangerous to touch these questions, but if opened with the consent of the Crown, a measure should at once be brought forward and passed.

After my having replied to these different objections, that the Queen felt herself the importance of Lord Palmerston's removal, and would make it herself a condition with Lord John that he should not be again Foreign Secretary; that the protest to Austria had not gone, and that upon studying the question Sir James would find that the entrance of the whole Austrian Monarchy, while giving France a pretext for war and infringing the Treaties of 1815, would not tend to the strength and unity of Germany, which held to be the true English interest, but quite the reverse; that I did not think the Papal Aggression Bill touched the Bequest Act or militated against toleration; that the Lieutenancy would perhaps be given up, and a measure on the Franchise be considered by the new Government and brought forward at once. I thought it would be better to discuss the matters with Lord John Russell in the Queen's presence, who accordingly joined us.

The discussion which now arose went pretty much over the same ground, Lord John agreeing that Lord Palmerston ought to form no difficulty, that the Papal Aggression Bill would be further modified, that the Lieutenancy Bill might be given up, that he agreed to Sir James's objection to the declaration about reform, but that he had intended to bring forward a measure, if he had been able to get his colleagues to agree to it, that he would be ready to propose a measure at once. This Sir J. Graham thought important as a means of gaining at a General Election, which he foresaw could not be long delayed, whoever formed a Government.

In order to obtain some result from this long debate I summed up what might be considered as agreed upon, viz. That there was tabula rasa, and for the new Coalition a free choice of men and measures, to which they assented, Lord John merely stating that he could not take office without part of his friends, and could not sacrifice his personal declarations. Dinnertime having approached, and Lord Aberdeen having written that he would be with us after nine o'clock, we adjourned the further discussion till then, when they would return.

Whilst the Queen dressed I had an interview with the Duke of Wellington, who had come to dine here, in which I informed him of the nature of our crisis. He expressed his regret and his dread of a Protectionist Government with a Dissolution, which might lead to civil commotion. He could not forgive, he said, the high Tory Party for their having stayed away the other night on Mr Locke King's Motion, and thus abandoned their own principles; he had no feeling for Lord John Russell's Cabinet, measures, or principles, but he felt that the Crown and the country were only safe in these days by having the Liberals in office, else they would be driven to join the Radical agitation against the institutions of the country.

After dinner we resumed our adjourned debate in my room, at a quarter to ten, with Lord Aberdeen, and were soon joined by Lord John and Sir James Graham. We went over the same ground with him. Lord Stanley's letter was read and discussed. Lord Aberdeen declared his inability to join in a Protectionist Ministry; he did not pretend to understand the question of Free Trade, but it was a point of honour with him not to abandon it, and now, since Sir R. Peel's death, a matter of piety. He thought the danger of a Dissolution on a question of food by the Crown, for the purpose of imposing a tax upon bread, of the utmost danger for the safety of the country. He disapproved the Papal Bill, the abolition of the Lieutenancy, he had no difficulty upon the Franchise, for though he was called a despot, he felt a good deal of the Radical in him sometimes.

Lord John put it to Lord Aberdeen, whether he would not undertake to form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen gave no distinct reply.

As Sir James Graham raised nothing but difficulties, though professing the greatest readiness to be of use, and as it was getting on towards midnight, we broke up, with the Queen's injunction that one of the three gentlemen must form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen laughingly replied: "I see your Majesty has come into[6] the President de la Republique." Lord John was to see Lord Lansdowne to-day at three o'clock, and would report progress to the Queen at five o'clock. On one point we were agreed, viz. that the Government to be formed must not be for the moment, but with a view to strength and stability.

ALBERT.

[Footnote 6: Sic.]



[Pageheading: COMPLICATIONS]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

23d February 1851.

The Queen has seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham, but is sorry to say that her doing so was premature, as they had no opportunity of seeing each other after they left Lord John Russell, and therefore had not considered the Memorandum[7] which Lord John had handed to them. Lord Aberdeen has in the interval seen Lord Stanley, and declared to him that he must undeceive him as to the possibility of his ever joining a Protection Government. What further resulted from the conversation the Queen would prefer to state to Lord John verbally to-morrow. Perhaps Lord John would come in the forenoon to-morrow, or before he goes to the House; he will be so good as to let her know.

[Footnote 7: With a view of uniting with the Peelites, Lord John drew up a Memorandum, printed in Walpole's Lord John Russell, vol. ii. chap, xxii., with the following points:

A Cabinet of not more than eleven Members.

The present commercial policy to be maintained.

The financial measures of the year to be open to revision.

The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill to be persevered in so far as the Preamble and the first clause, but the remaining clauses to be abandoned.

A Reform Bill for the extension of the Franchise.

A Commission of Enquiry into corrupt practices at elections in cities and boroughs.]



Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 23rd February 1851. (Sunday.)

Lord John Russell came at half-past five, much fatigued and depressed. On the Queen's asking whether he could report any progress, he said he thought he could; he had met Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, together with Sir George Grey (Lord Lansdowne being ill). That he had informed them that he had received the Queen's commands to form a Government (?) and handed to them a Memorandum which follows here and which they had promised to take into consideration.

We asked him whether he had chalked out a Government. He said he had not thought of it yet; he added, however, that he could not undertake the Foreign Affairs with the lead in the House of Commons and Government (which the Queen had pressed upon him); Lord Palmerston might be leader in the House of Lords; he would not like Lord Aberdeen at the Foreign Office; Lord Clarendon and Lord Granville were equally acceptable to him.

I suggested that it might be well if the Queen were to see Sir James and Lord Aberdeen again, which he approved, but thought it better he should not be present himself, and that the Queen might tell Sir James that he might have any Office he liked; perhaps he would take the Foreign Affairs.

Lord John's relations and private friends evidently are distressed at his resuming office; the Radicals were very much pleased with the idea of Sir James Graham being in office.

ALBERT.



[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

24th February 1851. (Monday evening.)

Lord John came at three o'clock before making his statement to the House of Commons. We communicated to him what had passed with Sir James Graham and Lord Aberdeen yesterday evening. He thought his Memorandum had been misunderstood: the nature of the Reform Bill was left open to discussion, and what he had said about filling the Offices only meant that the Offices should not be divided according to number, and each party left to fill up its share, as had been done in former Coalition Ministries. He had seen Lord Palmerston, who was not willing to give up the Foreign Office—spoke of retiring from business at his age, of his success in conducting Foreign Affairs, and of its being a self-condemnation if he accepted another Office. Lord John told him that he did not agree in this view, that the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland was to be maintained, and thought it best to leave it there. He thought Lord Palmerston had given up the idea of leading the House of Commons. We ascertained from him in conversation that he could not agree to Lord Aberdeen taking the Foreign Office nor that he could serve under Lord Aberdeen or Sir James Graham in case any one of these were to form a Government.

At half-past six Lord John returned from the House of Commons, and reported that two very important events had taken place: the one that upon his making his statement to the House that the Government had resigned, that Lord Stanley had been sent for, had declared his inability then to form a Government (words agreed upon between Lord Lansdowne, Lord John, and Sir George Grey), and that he was now charged with the formation of a Government, Mr. Disraeli got up, and denied that Lord Stanley had declined forming a Government, which was received with cheers from the Protectionists. Lord John had merely answered that when Lord Stanley would make his explanations, what he had stated would be found to be correct, relying entirely, not upon what the Queen had communicated, but on Lord Stanley's own letter. The second event was a letter from Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham,[8] which put an end to all thoughts of a Coalition. It stated that they could agree to no legislation whatever on the Papal Aggressions, and ended with a hint that Sir James Graham was prepared to go farther in reductions than Lord John was likely to consent to.

Lord John had at once answered that although he did not understand the latter objection, the difference on the Papal Bill must put an end to their negotiation. We much lamented the result, and after some discussion agreed that the only thing to be done now was to send for Lord Aberdeen. Lord Stanley could not pretend to be consulted before every other means of forming a Government had been exhausted.

[Footnote 8: Published in Walpole's Lord John Russell, vol. ii. chap. xxii.]



[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN DECLINES]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 24th February 1851. (Half-past ten P.M.)

The Queen returns these papers, as Lord John Russell wished. She has just seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, who, though ready to do anything which could be of any use to the Queen and the country, have stated it as their decided opinion that Lord Stanley should be asked to form a Government. Under these circumstances the Queen intends to send to Lord Stanley to-morrow. The Queen did ask Lord Aberdeen if he could undertake to form a Government, but he said that he thought it would not be successful, and that the Papal Aggression would be an insurmountable difficulty for him and Sir James Graham.

The Queen rejoices to hear from them, and from Lord John and Lord Lansdowne, the expression of cordiality of feeling, which it is so essential for the Crown and the country that there should be.



[Pageheading: ABERDEEN AND GRAHAM]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 25 February 1851.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Through Van der Weyer, you will have heard what was the state of the long and anxious crisis yesterday evening.

Alas! the hope of forming a strong Coalition Government has failed—for the present. I say for the present, as they are all so entirely agreed on the Commercial Policy that another time they hope there will be no difficulty, when they have fought together. The Papal Aggression has in fact been the only insurmountable difficulty. We sent to Lord Aberdeen last night (both he and Sir James Graham have been most kind to us), and asked if he could not try to form a Government; but with the greatest readiness to serve me, he said he could not, on account of this self-same Papal Aggression. He equally declares that he cannot join Lord Stanley. Accordingly this morning I have seen Lord Stanley, and he means to try if he can form any fit sort of Government, but he has no men of talent, and his difficulties are gigantic. I shall only know to-morrow definitely if he can form an Administration. I am calm and courageous, having such support and advice as my dearest Albert's; but it is an anxious time, and the uncertainty and suspense very trying. More details you will have later on. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY TO BE SUMMONED]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 26th February 1851.

Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham came yesterday evening at nine o'clock; the Queen put it to them whether they could form a Government, to which they replied that they had turned it in their heads a hundred times, that there was nothing they would not do to show their readiness to serve the Queen, but that they did not see a possibility of forming an Administration which could stand a day. They were most likely at that moment the two most unpopular men in England, having declared that nothing should be done in Parliament against the Papal Aggression, which the whole country clamoured for; the Whigs would be very angry with them for their having broken up the new combination; they might find favour with the Radicals, but that was a support upon which no reliance could be placed. There was a growing opinion that Lord Stanley ought to have a chance of bringing forward his measures; that it was perilous, but that it was an evil which must be gone through; that this opinion had been strongly expressed by Lord Lansdowne, whose moderation nobody could doubt; that it was shared by the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Sidney Herbert, and others of Sir James's friends whom he had had time to consult.

Upon the Queen's expression of her great apprehension as to the consequence of such a step on the country, they said there would no doubt spring up a most violent opposition, that there would be attempts to stop the supplies and dissolve the Army, but that Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham together would do their utmost to preach moderation, and would refer the House of Commons to the Queen's example, who had taken strictly the Constitutional course throughout the crisis, whose opinions on Free Trade were well known (as far as subjects could allow themselves to pretend to know their Sovereign's private opinions) from the hearty support she had given to Sir Robert Peel's and Lord John's Governments. That upon the first proposition of a Stanley Government the junction of Parties would be completed, and there would be only one strong opposition. After having fought together, there would be no longer any difficulty about forming a strong Government out of their joint ranks, whilst now it was impossible not to see that every Minister displaced would feel personally aggrieved, that then they stood on a footing of perfect equality. Sir James had seen Lord John since he had tendered his second resignation, and found him quite altered; whilst he was embarrassed and boutonne before, he was open and unreserved now, and they could speak on terms of private friendship. Lord Aberdeen would save his influence in the House of Lords, which he would probably have lost if he had joined the Whigs in office; in future all this would be different.

Lord John Russell's letter with the Memoranda came and interrupted us. From these papers, and what Sir James and Lord Aberdeen said, it is clear that all parties are relieved by the failure of their attempt to form a Coalition Government, but determined to form a positive junction, which will be most salutary to the country. The Queen will therefore send for Lord Stanley.

We discussed further the means Lord Stanley would have to form an Administration, for which the material was certainly sad. Disraeli's last scene in the House of Commons would render the publication of Lord Stanley's letter necessary. Mr Gladstone might possibly join him; at least no pains would be spared to bring him in. Lord Palmerston had often so much secret understanding with Disraeli that he might be tempted with the bait of keeping the Foreign Office, particularly if personally offended.

Whether the Queen should allow or refuse a Dissolution was debated; the latter declared a most heavy responsibility for the Sovereign to undertake, but a subject upon which the decision should only be taken at the time, and on a due consideration of the circumstances.

ALBERT.



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 25th February 1851.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that having seen the letter which Lord Stanley addressed to your Majesty, and feeling himself precluded from entering into any details, he announced to the House of Commons that Lord Stanley had in reply to your Majesty's offer declared "he was not then prepared to form a Government."

Mr Disraeli disputed the accuracy of this statement.

Your Majesty's word cannot be called in question, but Lord John Russell now feels it due to his own honour humbly to ask your Majesty for a copy of Lord Stanley's letter. He does not propose to read the letter to the House of Commons, but to refer to it in the statement he is compelled to make.

Lord John Russell humbly requests that this representation may be shown to Lord Stanley. He will feel what is due to the honour of a public man.



[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY ARRIVES]

[Pageheading: MR DISRAELI]

[Pageheading: DISSOLUTION]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

25th February 1851. (Tuesday.)

Lord Stanley obeyed the Queen's summons at eleven o'clock, and seemed very much concerned when she informed him that Lord John Russell had given up his task, as differences of opinion, particularly on the Papal Bill, had prevented a junction between him, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham; that an appeal to Lord Aberdeen had been equally unsuccessful from the same cause, viz. their difficulty in dealing with the Papal Question; that consequently the contingency had arisen under which Lord Stanley had promised to undertake the formation of a Government.

Lord Stanley said his difficulties were immense, and he could not venture to approach them unless he was sure of every support on the part of the Crown; that he would have arrayed against him a formidable opposition of all the talent in the country.

The Queen assured him that he should have every Constitutional support on her part, of which Lord Stanley repeated he had felt sure, although the total change must be very trying to the Queen.

On his question, whether there was any hope of Lord Aberdeen joining him and taking the Foreign Office, we had to tell him that he must quite discard that idea. He replied, with a sigh, that he would still try and see him; he had thought of the Duke of Wellington taking the Foreign Office ad interim, but felt that he could hardly propose that, considering the Duke's age and infirmity; he would make an attempt to see Lord Canning with the Queen's permission, and that failing, could only think of Sir Stratford Canning, now at Constantinople, which the Queen approved.

He still hoped he might get Mr Gladstone to take the lead in the House of Commons, without which assistance he must not conceal that it was almost impossible for him to go on. Mr Gladstone was on his way home from Paris, and he had written to him to see him as soon as he arrived; till then he could not promise that he would succeed to form an Administration, and he only undertook it for the good of his country, but was afraid of ruining his reputation.

To this I rejoined that who tried to do the best by his country need never be afraid for his reputation.

The Queen showed Lord Stanley Lord John Russell's letter respecting Mr Disraeli's denial of the truth of Lord John's statement in the House of Commons yesterday.

Lord Stanley said it had been a very unfortunate misunderstanding, that he had been sorry Lord John and Lord Lansdowne should have felt it necessary to say that "he had not then been prepared to form a Government," as the knowledge of this fact, as long as there was a chance of his being called back, could not but act injuriously to him and dispirit those with whom he acted. He would explain all this on Friday in the House of Lords, and had no objection to sending Lord John a copy of his letter.

We now came to Measures. Lord Stanley hopes to obviate the Papal Question by a Parliamentary declaration and the appointment in both Houses of a Committee to enquire into the position of the Roman Catholic Church in this country; he would diminish the Income Tax by a million, and exempt temporary incomes; he would allow compounding for the Window Tax and levy a moderate duty on corn, which he called a Countervailing Duty, and tried to defend as good political economy, on the authority of Mr M'Culloch's last edition of "Ricardo." (I had some discussion with him, however, on that point.)

Returning to the offices to be filled, Lord Stanley said he should have to propose Mr Disraeli as one of the Secretaries of State. The Queen interrupted him by saying that she had not a very good opinion of Mr Disraeli on account of his conduct to poor Sir R. Peel, and what had just happened did not tend to diminish that feeling; but that she felt so much Lord Stanley's difficulties, that she would not aggravate them by passing a sentence of exclusion on him. She must, however, make Lord Stanley responsible for his conduct, and should she have cause to be displeased with him when in office, she would remind Lord Stanley of what now passed. Lord Stanley promised to be responsible, and excused his friend for his former bitterness by his desire to establish his reputation for cleverness and sharpness; nobody had gained so much by Parliamentary schooling, and he had of late quite changed his tone.

Mr Herries would make a good Chancellor of the Exchequer.

As to Ireland, he had thought of having a more ostensible Lord-Lieutenant, whilst the business should be done by the Secretary for Ireland. He asked the Queen whether the Duke of Cambridge might be offered that post, which she took ad referendum. The Duke of Northumberland, though not of his Party, he should like to offer the Admiralty to.

At the conclusion of the interview he broached the important question of Dissolution, and said that a Dissolution would anyhow become necessary; that, if it was thought that the Queen would withhold from him the privilege of dissolving, he would not have the slightest chance in the House of Commons; he would be opposed and beat, and then his adversaries would come in and dissolve. He avowed that it could not be said that the Queen had refused him the power of dissolving, but he required some assurance.

On the Queen's objecting to giving him a contingent positive promise, but declaring her readiness fairly to discuss the question when the emergency arose, he contented himself with the permission to deny, if necessary, that she would not consent to it, putting entire confidence in the Queen's intention to deal fairly by him.

I tried to convince Lord Stanley, and I hope not without effect, of the advantage, both to the Queen and Lord Stanley himself, that they should not be hampered by a positive engagement on that point, which might become very inconvenient if circumstances arose which made a Dissolution dangerous to the country.

ALBERT.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 25th February 1851.

The Queen has seen Lord Stanley, who will let Lord John Russell have a copy of the letter. He wishes it not to be known or considered that he has formally undertaken to form a Government till to-morrow, on account of the House of Lords meeting to-day. He feels the difficulty of his position, and is not sure yet that he will be able to complete a Ministry. To-morrow he will give the Queen a positive answer.



Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 25th February 1851.

The Queen has just received Lord Stanley's letter. She had forgotten the Levee, and was just going to write to him to inform him that she wished to see him at eleven o'clock to-morrow.

The Queen cannot but regret that Lord Stanley should think Lord John Russell's explanation led to a wrong inference; for Lord Stanley will himself recollect that he stated his objections to her much more strongly in his first interview than he did in writing, and as Lord Stanley so strongly advised the Queen to try if no other arrangement could first be come to, she hardly knows how this could otherwise have been expressed than by the words used by Lord Lansdowne and Lord John Russell.



Memorandum by Queen Victoria.

26th February 1851. (Wednesday.)

Lord Stanley came again at eleven. The first part of the audience, which was not long, was occupied by Lord Stanley's trying to explain away Mr Disraeli's contradiction of Lord John Russell, though he termed it "very unfortunate," by saying that he wished Lord John had not mentioned that he (Lord Stanley) "was not then prepared" to form a Government, for that, though true in fact, he had not absolutely refused, but had only advised me to try and make other arrangements first. I said I thought the distinction "a very nice one," which he admitted. What passed between us on the subject the correspondence between Albert and Lord John will best explain.

Lord Stanley then told us that he had seen the Duke of Northumberland, who wished for time to consider; that he was to see Lord Canning again to-day, but had no hopes of his accepting; and that he found so many people out of Town that he must ask for forty-eight hours more before he could give me a positive answer, viz. till Friday. He added he "must not conceal" from me that he was "not very sanguine" of success; almost all depended on Mr Gladstone, who was expected to arrive to-day; but that it might now be said (in answer to a question of Albert's "whether in these days of nice distinctions one might say that he had undertaken to form a Government"), that he had attempted to undertake to form a Government.

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY RESIGNS]

Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria.

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, 27th February 1851. (Four o'clock P.M.)

Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, awaits your Majesty's commands at what hour he may be honoured with an audience, to explain the grounds on which, with the deepest regret, he feels himself under the necessity of resigning the important trust with which your Majesty has honoured him.



Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 27th February 1851.

The Queen sanctions Sir James Graham's making any statement to the House of Commons which he thinks necessary, to explain the part which he and Lord Aberdeen took in the late Ministerial negotiations, and indeed hopes that these explanations will be as full as possible on all parts, in order that the country may fully appreciate the difficulties of the crisis.



[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY'S REASONS]

[Pageheading: THE PAPAL BILL]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 27th February 1851.

Lord Stanley arrived at half-past five o'clock. We were struck by the change of his countenance, which had lost all the expression of care and anxiety which had marked it at the previous interviews.

He assured the Queen that he had been labouring incessantly since he had seen her last, but that he was sorry to say without any success.

He had seen Mr Gladstone, who declined joining his Government on account of his previous pledges in Parliament respecting the Commercial Policy of Sir R. Peel, but evidently also on account of his peculiar views with respect to the Papal Aggression, which he did not seem disposed to look upon as in any way objectionable.

Lord Canning had given him some hope at one time, but finally declined in order not to risk his credit for political consistency.

Mr H. Corry, whose opinions on Free Trade were by no means decided, and who had only filled a very subordinate situation in Sir R. Peel's Government, he had offered high office, but was refused, Mr Corry expressing his fears that the Government had no chance of standing against the opposition it would have to meet in the House of Commons.

The Duke of Northumberland was the only person not properly belonging to the Protection Party who had accepted office (First Lord of the Admiralty). At one time Lord Ellenborough had accepted, but having been sent on a mission to Mr Goulburn in order to see whether he could convert him, he came home himself converted, and withdrew his acceptance again.

In this situation Lord Stanley called his friends together, and after some discussion concurred in their opinion that it was not possible for them to form such an Administration as ought to be offered to the Queen. Lord Stanley then qualified this expression again, and said that though he could have offered a very respectable Government if he had had a majority in the House of Commons, or the means of strengthening himself by an immediate Dissolution, he could not form such a one which could have withstood an adverse majority and such a formidable array of talent in the Opposition. He therefore returned the trust which had been committed to him into the Queen's hands, expressing at the same time his deep sense of gratitude for the kindness with which she had treated him, the support and confidence she had given him, sorry only that it should have led to no result. He thought, however, that the prolongation of the crisis had not inconvenienced the public service, as Her Majesty's present Government were constitutionally enabled to carry on all necessary business.

The Queen rejoined that she was very sorry that this attempt had also failed, that she had tried every possible combination, and still was without a Government. Lord Stanley answered as if he considered it natural that Lord John Russell's Government should now quietly proceed; but on the Queen's observation, that it was now necessary that all Parties should join in the support of some measures at least, and particularly the Papal Bill, he stated what he was prepared to support, and would have been prepared to propose had he taken office, viz. a fuller recital in the preamble of the Bill and no penal clause in the body of it. (The present Bill looked pettish and undignified, as if framed in anger as a return for the insult, and not a correction of the state of the law.) He thought the Law very complex and obscure, and never found it acted upon. He would have proposed therefore that Committees of both Houses should enquire into the whole subject; the state of the Convents; whether subjects were detained against their will; whether people were forced to bequeath their property to the Church on the deathbed, etc., etc.; he knew that the Roman Catholic laity felt severely the oppression which the Priests exercised over them, and would be willing to give evidence.

Lord Stanley asked whether it could be of use if he were to state all this in his explanation to-day, which the Queen strongly affirmed. I added that I hoped he would explain what he was prepared to do on all the subjects in dispute—the Commercial and Financial Policy as well. He promised to do so, and entered into his views on the Income Tax, which he called a War Tax, which had been imposed for temporary purposes only in 1842, and ought to be taken off again when practicable in order to keep faith with the public; but if, as often as there was a surplus, this was immediately absorbed by remission of other burdens, this object could never be fulfilled. He would propose that by degrees, as surpluses arose, the Income Tax should be decreased, and so on to its final repeal.

I disputed with him for some time on the advantages of an Income Tax, but without coming to any result.

On his enquiry whether there was anything else the Queen might wish him to state—perhaps the rumour that he had been refused the power of dissolving—we agreed that he should say the question had never been seriously entertained, but that the Queen had been ready to give him the same support and advantages which any other Government might have enjoyed.[9]

ALBERT.

[Footnote 9: The Prince thereupon, at the Queen's request, communicated with Lord John Russell, and after recounting to him the various successive failures to form a Government, wrote that the Queen must "pause before she again entrusts the commission of forming an Administration to anybody, till she has been able to see the result of to-morrow evening's Debate." He added, "Do you see any Constitutional objection to this course?"]



[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]

The Prince Albert to the Duke of Wellington.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 28th February 1851.

MY DEAR DUKE,—Lord Stanley has likewise resigned his task, not being able to gain over any of Sir R. Peel's friends, and being incapable of forming a Government out of his Party alone.

So Lord John Russell has declared his inability to carry on the Government. Lord Stanley has then declared his inability to form one until every other combination should have failed. We have tried all possible combinations between Whigs and Peelites, and have not succeeded, and now Lord Stanley throws up the game a second time! The Queen would be happy to consult you and hear your advice in this dilemma. Possibly to-night's Debate may define the position of Parties more clearly, and give a clue to what may be best to be done under the circumstances. Ever yours, etc.

ALBERT.



Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.

CHESHAM PLACE, 28th February 1851.

SIR,—The former Cabinet meet at eleven, at Lansdowne House.

It appears to me that the Queen might with advantage see Lord Lansdowne. He was in office with Mr Fox and Lord Grenville in 1806; he has been distinguished and respected in political life ever since; he is now desirous of retiring, and has therefore no personal object to gain. If the Queen approves, Lord Lansdowne might wait on Her Majesty soon after twelve o'clock. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's very dutiful Servant,

J. RUSSELL.



[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE]

Queen Victoria to Lord Lansdowne.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 28th February 1851.

It would be a great satisfaction to the Queen to hear Lord Lansdowne's advice in the present critical state of affairs, and she would be glad if he could come to her at twelve this morning. The Queen has sent to the Duke of Wellington in order to hear his opinion also; but he cannot be here before to-night, being at Strathfieldsaye.



Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

FRIDAY, 28th February 1851.

Lord Lansdowne, who arrived at twelve o'clock, was asked by the Queen what advice he could offer her in the present complication. His answer was: "I wish indeed I had any good advice to offer to your Majesty." He expressed his delight at the Queen having sent for the Duke of Wellington. We talked generally of the state of affairs; he agreed in a remark of mine, that I thought the Queen should be entirely guided in her choice of the person to construct a Government, by the consideration which Party would now appear to be the strongest in the House of Commons. On my asking, however, whether he knew if, on the failure of Lord Stanley to form a Government, part of his followers would now give up Protection as past hope, and be prepared in future to support the Peelite section of the Conservative Party, Lord Lansdowne said he had heard nothing on the subject, nor could he give us more information on the chance of the Radicals and Irish members now being more willing to support Lord John Russell in future. He liked Lord Stanley's plan of dealing with the Papal Question, of which the Queen communicated to him the outlines, was afraid of Sir J. Graham's excessive leaning towards economy, shook his head at Lord John Russell's letter to the Bishop of Durham[10] which had been instrumental in bringing on the present crisis, and confessed that he had been amongst those in the Cabinet who had prevented the bringing forward of a measure of reform in the present Session. He offered to do whatever might be most conducive to the Queen's comfort—stay out of office, or come into office—as might be thought the most useful.

ALBERT.

[Footnote 10: See ante, p. 273 note 1.]



[Pageheading: FURTHER DIFFICULTIES]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 1st March 1851.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I did not write to you yesterday, thinking I could perhaps give you some more positive news to-day, but I cannot. I am still without a Government, and I am still trying to hear and pause before I actually call to Lord John to undertake to form, or rather more to continue, the Government. We have passed an anxious, exciting week, and the difficulties are very peculiar; there are so many conflicting circumstances which render coalition between those who agree in almost everything, and in particular on Free Trade, impossible, but the "Papal Question" is the real and almost insuperable difficulty.

Lord Lansdowne is waiting to see me, and I must go, and with many thanks for your two kind letters, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 2nd March 1851. (Sunday.)

Lord Lansdowne, who arrived after church, had seen Lord John Russell and discussed with him the Memorandum which we left with him yesterday. He had since drawn up a Memorandum himself which embodied his views, and which he had not yet communicated to any one. He was very apprehensive lest to begin a new Government with an open question would produce the greatest prejudice against it in the public; he was still inclined therefore to recommend the continuance of the present Government avowedly for the purpose of passing the Papal Bill, after which the Coalition might take place, which, however, should be agreed upon and settled at this time. As the Duke of Wellington has not yet sent his promised Memorandum, and Lord Lansdowne was anxious to hear his opinion, the Queen commissioned him to appoint Lord John Russell to come at three o'clock, and to go himself to the Duke of Wellington.

Lord John Russell, who arrived at the appointed time, and had not seen Lord Lansdowne's Memorandum yet, read it over, and expressed great misgivings about the execution of the proposal. He said he saw in fact, like Sir J. Graham, nothing but difficulties. He had ascertained that his Party by no means liked the idea of a fusion, and had been much relieved when the attempt to form a Coalition Ministry had failed. He was afraid that in the interval between their resuming office and giving it up again every possible surmise would be current who were the Ministers to be displaced, and every possible intrigue would spring up for and against particular members of the Cabinet. He would prefer not to make any arrangements for the Coalition now, but merely to engage to resign again after having carried the Papal Bill, when the Queen could try the Coalition, and that failing, could entrust Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham with the carrying on of the Government, whose chief difficulty would then be removed. I objected to this—that his Party might feel justly aggrieved if after their having carried him through the difficulty of the Papal Measure, he were to throw them over and resign, and asked him whether his Cabinet would not repent in the meantime and wish to stay in.

He answered that it would be entirely in his and Lord Lansdowne's hands to carry out the proposed arrangements.

We asked him whether it would strengthen his hands if, instead of his only accepting the task of continuing the Government till the Papal Measure had been passed, the Queen were to make it a condition in giving him the Commission, that it should terminate then. He replied, "Certainly." He begged, however, to be understood not to have given a decided opinion that the plan of "the open Question" proposed in our Memorandum was not preferable, although he saw great objections to that also, particularly as Sir J. Graham had reserved the statement of his principal objections to the Papal Bill for the second reading. He promised to draw up a Memorandum, which he would bring to-morrow at twelve o'clock, after having consulted some of his colleagues, and begged that it might not be considered that he had accepted the Government till then.

One of the difficulties which we likewise discussed was the position of the financial measures which required almost immediate attention, and still ought to be left open for the consideration of the future Government.

We agreed that the pressing on the Papal Measure was the chief point, and that it ought to be altered to meet the objections (as far as they are reasonable) of its opponents, strengthening the declaratory part, however, to please Lord Stanley; and the Queen promised to call upon Lord Stanley to give this so modified Bill the support of himself and his Party, which we thought she could in fairness claim after all that had happened.

The Queen reiterated her objections to Lord Palmerston, and received the renewed promise that her wishes should be attended to.

ALBERT.



[Pageheading: A COALITION IMPOSSIBLE]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 3rd March 1851.

Lord John Russell arrived at the hour appointed (twelve o'clock), and was sorry to inform the Queen that all hope of a Coalition must be given up. He had found that his Party was very much averse to it. On proposing to his former colleagues the plan of keeping Office now, and vacating it after the Aggression Bill had passed, many of them, amongst which were Lord Grey, Sir Charles Wood, Sir Francis Baring, declared they would not be warming-pans (an expression used at the time of the Grey-Grenville Coalition), and would resign at once. The Duke of Wellington, whose opinion the Queen had asked, had recommended the return of the old Cabinet to power. He (Lord John) could therefore only advise that course, although he was conscious that it would be a very weak Government, and one not likely to last any length of time.

He then read the Memorandum which he had drawn up and which follows here.[11]

The Queen now asked whether Lord John proposed a modification of his own Cabinet, to which Lord John replied, None, except perhaps an exchange of Office between Sir C. Wood and Sir F. Baring, if Sir Charles were to refuse bringing in a different budget from the one he had already propounded; he was for maintaining the Income Tax, whilst Sir Francis was for repealing it by degrees. The Queen then reminded Lord John of her objections to Lord Palmerston, and his promise that Lord Palmerston should not again be thrust upon her as Foreign Secretary. Lord John admitted to the promise, but said he could not think for a moment of resuming office and either expel Lord Palmerston or quarrel with him. He (Lord John) was in fact the weakness and Lord Palmerston the strength of the Government from his popularity with the Radicals.... He said he was very anxious that he and Lord Lansdowne should bear the responsibility of removing Lord Palmerston from the Foreign Office and not the Queen; her refusal now could only go to the country as a personal objection on her part, and the country would be left without a Government in consequence. On the Queen's reiterating that she wanted to keep Lord John and get rid of Lord Palmerston, and that it was too painful to her to be put into the situation of having actually to wish the fall of her own Government, Lord John promised to move Lord Palmerston in the Easter recess, or to resign then himself if he should meet with difficulties; in the meantime he must apprise Lord Palmerston of this intention, which he could explain to him as a wish to make a general modification of his Government. He would offer him the Lieutenancy of Ireland or the Presidency or lead in the House of Lords, which Lord Lansdowne would be ready to resign. He might at that period perhaps get some of the Radicals into office or some Peelites. The Queen finally entrusted Lord John with the Government on these conditions.

ALBERT.

[Footnote 11: See next page.]



[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADVICE]

[Pageheading: ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL]

Memorandum by Lord John Russell.

3rd March 1851.

Her Majesty having tried in vain the formation of a Government—first, by Lord Stanley; second, by Lord John Russell, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham; third, by Lord Aberdeen; fourth, by Lord Stanley a second time—had recourse to the advice and opinion of the Duke of Wellington. The Duke, admitting the great qualifications for office of the adherents of the late Sir Robert Peel, yet advises the Queen to restore her former Ministers to office.

But supposing Her Majesty to follow that advice, a further question naturally arises: the late Government having fallen from want of Parliamentary support, can they upon their return be in any way strengthened, and be enabled to carry on the public business with more power and efficiency?

This might be done in three ways: first, by a Coalition sooner or later with the Peel Party; secondly, by admitting to office some of their own Radical supporters; thirdly, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley.

The first of these courses appears the most natural. The present Ministers are agreed with the adherents of Sir Robert Peel on Free Trade, and on the policy which has regulated our finances of late years. The difference between them is of a temporary nature. But it may be doubted whether any strength would be gained by an immediate junction with that Party.

If such junction took place now, the Ministers coming in must oppose their colleagues on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill—an unseemly spectacle, a source of weakness, and probably the beginning of strife, which would not end with the Bill in question.

If, on the other hand, the junction were delayed till the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill is disposed of, the existing Ministry would be divided into two portions, one of which would have only a temporary tenure of office. Rumours, cabals, and intrigues would have ample room to spread their mischief in such a state of things.

But finally the Whig Party in the House of Commons would not be cordial supporters of the junction; jealousy and discontent would soon break up the Ministry.

Secondly, by admitting to office some of their Radical supporters. This course must lead to concessions on measures as well as men, and those concessions would provoke hostility in other quarters. The great question of the defence of the country is besides one of too great importance to be made a matter of compromise.

Third, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley. This cannot be done by means of official connection; but something might be effected by adopting measures calculated to convince the Landed Interest that their sufferings were not disregarded.

Upon the whole, if the late Ministers are invited by your Majesty to resume office, the easiest course would be to proceed at once with the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. That question disposed of, it would be seen whether the Ministry had sufficient strength to go on; if they had, they might, as occasion arose, seek assistance from other quarters, looking to those with whom there is the greatest agreement of opinion.

Should the Ministry, on the other hand, not receive Parliamentary support sufficient to enable them to carry on the Government, the Queen would be in a position to form a new Government free from the obstacles which have lately been fatal.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 4th March 1851.

... The Queen was in hopes to have heard from Lord John Russell this morning relative to what passed in the House of Commons last night. She wishes likewise to hear what takes place at the meeting of Lord John's supporters to-day. The Queen must ask Lord John to keep her constantly informed of what is going on, and of the temper of parties in and out of Parliament; for no one can deny that the present state of affairs is most critical; and after all that has happened it is absolutely necessary that the Queen should not be in a state of uncertainty, not to say of ignorance, as to what is passing. She can else not form a just opinion of the position of affairs.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 4th March 1851.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Pray receive my warmest thanks for two kind letters of the 28th, and my excuses for the terribly incoherent scrawl of last Saturday. The denouement of ten days of the greatest anxiety and excitement I cannot call satisfactory, for it holds out only the prospect of another crisis in a very short time, and the so much wished-for union of Parties has been again frustrated. I have been speaking very strongly about Lord Palmerston to Lord John, and he has promised that if the Government should still be in at Easter, then to make a change.... Lord Stanley can never succeed until he gives up Protection, which he would do, if the country decides against him;[12] he has failed solely from the impossibility of finding one single man capable to take the important Offices. He said last night to Lord John Russell, "I am l'homme impossible; they cannot come to me again." Still it would be very desirable that there should be a strong Conservative Party; nothing but the abandonment of Protection can bring this to pass, and Lord Stanley cannot abandon it with honour till after the next Election. This is the state of Parties, which is greatly erschwert by the Papal Question, which divides the Liberals and Conservatives. In short, there never was such a complicated and difficult state of affairs. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Stockmar has been an immense comfort to us in our trials, and I hope you will tell him so.

[Footnote 12: The Queen's judgment was amply confirmed by the events of 1852. See post, p. 404. note 1.]



[Pageheading: THE NATIONAL GALLERY]

Memorandum by the Queen.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 5th March 1851.

The Queen would give every facility to the selection of a good site for a new National Gallery, and would therefore not object to its being built on to Kensington Palace or anywhere in Kensington Gardens; but does not see why it should exactly be placed upon the site of the present Palace, if not for the purpose of taking from the Crown the last available set of apartments. She is not disposed to trust in the disposition of Parliament or the public to give her an equivalent for these apartments from time to time when emergencies arise. The surrender of Kensington Palace will most likely not be thanked for at the moment, and any new demand in consequence of such surrender would be met with lavish abuse. As to economy in the construction, it will most likely be best consulted by building on a spot perfectly free and unencumbered.



Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.

CHESHAM PLACE, 14th March 1851.

SIR,—I cannot undertake to make any change in the Foreign Office. Our Party is hardly reunited, and any break into sections, following one man or the other, would be fatal to us. I need not say that the Queen would suffer if it were attributed to her desire, and that as I have no difference of opinion on Foreign Policy, that could not fail to be the case.

Upon the whole, the situation of affairs is most perplexing. A Dissolution I fear would not improve it.

I can only say that my Office is at all times at the Queen's disposal.

I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,

J. RUSSELL.



Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 30th March 1851.

The Queen approves of the draft of a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury. With respect to the Archbishop's letter and the address, the Queen will receive it in the Closet. It seems strange to propose as a remedy for the present evils in the Church, and for its evident great disunion, 600 more churches to be built! There ought clearly to be some security given to those who are to encourage such a scheme against the extension of those evils.



[Pageheading: THE GREAT EXHIBITION]

Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 19th April 1851.

SIR,—Lord Granville came here yesterday to speak to me upon the order for opening the Exhibition at one o'clock on the 1st of May. He is anxious to have the order changed, and the season-ticket bearers admitted at eleven o'clock.

I did not give him any positive opinion on the subject. But the account he gave me of the route which the Queen will follow in going to the Exhibition takes away the main objection which I felt to the admission of visitors before one o'clock. It appears there cannot well be any interruption to Her Majesty's progress to and from the Crystal Palace on the 1st of May.

I conclude that Her Majesty will not go in the State Coach, but in the same manner that Her Majesty goes in state to the theatres....

I feel assured there will be no undue and inconvenient pressure of the crowd in the part of the building in which Her Majesty may be. Colonel Wemyss and Colonel Bouverie might easily be in attendance to request the visitors not to crowd where the Queen is. At the same time, I am ready to abide by the existing order, if Her Majesty wishes it to be enforced.

I have the honour to submit two private letters sent by Lord Palmerston. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,

J. RUSSELL.



[Pageheading: THE OPENING CEREMONY]

The Duchess of Gloucester to Queen Victoria.

GLOUCESTER HOUSE, 2nd May 1851.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—It is impossible to tell you how warmly I do participate in all you must have felt yesterday, as well as dear Albert, at everything having gone off so beautifully. After so much anxiety and the trouble he has had, the joy must be the greater.[13]

The sight from my window was the gayest and the most gratifying to witness, and to me who loves you so dearly as I do, made it the more delightful. The good humour of all around, the fineness of the day, the manner you were received in both going and coming from the Exhibition, was quite perfect. Therefore what must it have been in the inside of the building!

Mary and George came away in perfect enchantment, and every soul I have seen describes it as the fairest sight that ever was seen and the best-conducted fete!Why, G. Bathurst told me it far surpassed the Coronation as to magnificence, and we all agreed in rejoicing that the Foreigners should have witnessed the affection of the People to you and your Family, and how the English people do love and respect the Crown. As to Mary, she was in perfect enchantment, and full of how pretty your dear little Victoria looked, and how nicely she was dressed, and so grateful to your Mother for all her kindness to her. I should have written to you last night, but I thought I would not plague you with a letter until to-day, as I think you must have been tired last night with the excitement of the day. I shall ever lament the having missed such a sight, but I comfort myself in feeling sure I could not have followed you (as I ought) when you walked round. Therefore I was better out of the way. We drank your health at dinner and congratulation on the complete success of Albert's plans and arrangements, and also dear little Arthur's health. Many thanks for kind note received last night. Love to Albert. Yours,

MARY.

[Footnote 13: The Great Exhibition in Hyde Park was opened with brilliant ceremony on the 1st of May.]



[Pageheading: THE GREAT EXHIBITION]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 3rd May 1851.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—... I wish you could have witnessed the 1st May 1851, the greatest day in our history, the most beautiful and imposing and touching spectacle ever seen, and the triumph of my beloved Albert. Truly it was astonishing, a fairy scene. Many cried, and all felt touched and impressed with devotional feelings. It was the happiest, proudest day in my life, and I can think of nothing else. Albert's dearest name is immortalised with this great conception, his own, and my own dear country showed she was worthy of it. The triumph is immense, for up to the last hour the difficulties, the opposition, and the ill-natured attempts to annoy and frighten, of a certain set of fashionables and Protectionists, were immense; but Albert's temper, patience, firmness, and energy surmounted all, and the feeling is universal. You will be astounded at this great work when you see it!—the beauty of the building and the vastness of it all. I can never thank God enough. I feel so happy, so proud. Our dear guests were much pleased and impressed. You are right to like the dear Princess, for she is a noble-minded, warm-hearted, distinguished person, much attached to you, and who revered dearest Louise. Oh! how I thought of her on that great day, how kindly she would have rejoiced in our success! Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Austria.[14]

PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, 5 Mai 1851.

SIRE ET MON BON FRERE,—C'est avec un vif empressement que je viens remercier votre Majeste Imperiale des superbes objets de l'industrie et des arts de votre Empire, que vous avez eu l'extreme bonte de m'envoyer et qui me seront bien precieux a plus d'un titre d'abord comme venant de votre Majeste, et puis a cause de leur grande beaute et comme un souvenir a une epoque ou il a plu au Tout-Puissant de permettre une reunion pacifique de tous les peuples du monde et de leurs produits.

La ceremonie de l'inauguration de l'Exposition a fait une profonde impression sur mon c[oe]ur et je regrette d'avoir ete le seul Souverain qui ait pu jouir de cette scene a la fois imposante et parlant au c[oe]ur. Nous avons deja fait plusieurs visites au departement Autrichien et le Prince et moi avons eu occasion d'admirer beaucoup les produits qui nous sont venus de vos Etats. Puisse leur exposition contribuer a la prosperite du commerce de l'Empire Autrichien.

Agreez l'expression de ma sincere amitie, qui j'espere pourra un jour etre cimentee par la connaissance personnelle de votre Majeste, et croyez-moi toujours, Sire, de votre Majeste Imperiale, la bonne S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 14: Francis Joseph, who became Emperor in December 1848.]



[Pageheading: DEATH OF MR SHEIL]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 2nd June 1851.

The Queen will see the Judge Advocate on Saturday at three.

The place of the late Mr Mill is already filled up.

Mr Sheil's death is very sudden, and must be a great shock to his family....

We go to Windsor this afternoon to stay till Friday. We hope that Lord John Russell's little girl is going on quite well.

The Queen has had good accounts from the dear Princess of Prussia from Coblentz. Her letter is full of England, her great happiness here, and her great sorrow at having left it. The Princes have expressed the same, so this dangerous journey has gone off without one single unpleasant circumstance, which is very gratifying.

The Prince and Prince Frederic are gone to Berlin, where the statue of Frederic the Great was to be inaugurated yesterday.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 18th June 1851.

The Queen returns the papers signed. We are both much pleased at what Lord John Russell says about the Prince's speech yesterday.[15] It was on so ticklish a subject that one could not feel sure beforehand how it might be taken; at the same time the Queen felt sure that the Prince would say the right thing, from her entire confidence in his great tact and judgment.

The Queen, at the risk of not appearing sufficiently modest (and yet, why should a wife ever be modest about her husband's merits?), must say that she thinks Lord John Russell will admit now that the Prince is possessed of very extraordinary powers of mind and heart. She feels so proud at being his wife that she cannot refrain from herself paying a tribute to his noble character.

[Footnote 15: The Prince presided at the meeting commemorative of the one hundred and fifty years' existence of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. His speech was warmly praised by the Premier.]



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 10th July 1851.

The Queen hastens to tell Lord John Russell how amiably everything went off last [night], and how enthusiastically we were received by an almost fearful mass of people in the streets;[16] the greatest order prevailed, and the greatest and most gratifying enthusiasm.

Not being aware whether Sir George Grey is equal to any business, the Queen writes to Lord John to direct that a proper letter be written without delay to the Lord Mayor, expressing not only the Queen's and Prince's thanks for the splendid entertainment at the Guildhall, but also our high gratification at the hearty, kind, and enthusiastic reception we met with during our progress through the City, both going and returning. Our only anxiety is lest any accident should have occurred from the great pressure of the dense crowds.

The Queen would likewise wish to know what distinction should be conferred in honour of the occasion on the Lord Mayor.

[Footnote 16: A ball in commemoration of the Exhibition took place at the Guildhall on the 9th of July.]



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 15th July 1851.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. She has no objection on this particular occasion to knight the two Sheriffs, this year being so memorable a one.

But the Queen would wish it clearly to be understood that they have no right or claim to be knighted whenever the Queen goes into the City.

On the occasion of the opening of the Royal Exchange the Sheriffs were not knighted....

We regret to hear of Lord John's continued indisposition.



[Pageheading: THE DANISH SUCCESSION]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 25th August 1851.

The Queen wishes to draw Lord John Russell's attention to the enclosed draft, which she does not think can go in its present shape. We argued in innumerable despatches that the choice of the successor to the Danish Crown was entirely an internal question for Denmark, in which foreign Powers could not interfere. Here, however, it is laid down that the German Diet has no right to treat the succession in Holstein (a German State) as an internal question, as it ought to be decided on—not according to the German law of succession, but according to the interests of Europe. Nor is it true, as stated in the despatch, that the Duke of Augustenburg has no claim to the Danish Crown. His mother was the daughter of Christian VII. and of Queen Matilda.



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN IN SCOTLAND]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BALMORAL CASTLE, 16th September 1851.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Accept my best thanks for your kind and dear letter of the 8th. It is a good thing for Leo to begin to follow in your footsteps, but (if I may speak out plainly), I think that anything like fonctions and representation is agreeable and not difficult to Leo. It is the common contact with his fellow-creatures, the being put on a par with him, the being brought to feel that he is as much one of them as any other, in spite of his birth, which I think of such great importance for him, and I therefore hope you will send him to Bonn.

My letter is terribly decousu, for it has been twice interrupted. I was out the whole day with Albert, in the forest in a perfectly tropical heat. Since we went to Allt-na-Giuthasach, our little bothy near Loch Muich on the 12th, the heat of the sun has been daily increasing, and has reached a pitch which makes it almost sickening to be out in it, though it is beautiful to behold. The sky these last two evenings has been like an Italian one, and for the last few days—at least the last four—without the slightest particle of cloud, and the sun blazing. With this, not a breath of air. The mountains look quite crimson and lilac, and everything glows with the setting sun. The evenings are quite a relief. Really one cannot undertake expeditions, the heat is so great. We thought of you, and wished you could be here; you would fancy yourself in Italy.

Albert got a splendid stag to-day. I must hastily conclude, hoping to hear from you that you will come. Our moonlights have been magnificent also. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BALMORAL CASTLE, 22nd September 1851.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I write to you on purpose on this large paper in order that you may see and admire it. Landseer did it also on purpose, and I think it is even finer than the other. It is so truly the character of the noble animal.

That abuse of the poor Orleans family in our papers is abominable, and Lord John is equally shocked at it, but won't interfere. Don't you think Joinville should not have left it open for him to accept it, for it is impossible for him to be President of the French Republic? Still, I feel convinced that he and they all do what they think best for France.

I must conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHS]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

SHIEL OF ALLT-NA-GIUTHASACH, 30th September 1851.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I write to you from our little bothy in the hills, which is quite a wilderness—where we arrived yesterday evening after a long hill expedition to the Lake of Loch Nagar, which is one of the wildest spots imaginable. It was very cold. To-day it pours so that I hardly know if we shall be able to get out, or home even. We are not snowed, but rained up. Our little Shiel is very snug and comfortable, and we have got a little piano in it. Lady Douro is with us.

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 22nd. Our warm, fine weather left us on the 25th, and we have had storm and snow in the mountains ever since then.

The position of Princes is no doubt difficult in these times, but it would be much less so if they would behave honourably and straightforwardly, giving the people gradually those privileges which would satisfy all the reasonable and well-intentioned, and would weaken the power of the Red Republicans; instead of that, reaction and a return to all the tyranny and oppression is the cry and the principle—and all papers and books are being seized and prohibited, as in the days of Metternich!...

Vicky was kicked off her pony—a quiet beast—but not the least hurt; this is more than three weeks ago. Alfred (whom you will recollect I told you was so terribly heedless and entirely indifferent to all punishment, etc.) tumbled downstairs last week. He was not seriously hurt at all, and quite well the next morning, only with a terribly black, green, and yellow face and very much swelled. He might have been killed; he is always bent upon self-destruction, and one hardly knows what to do, for he don't mind being hurt or scolded or punished; and the very next morning he tried to go down the stairs leaning over the banisters just as he had done when he fell.

Alas! this will be my last letter but one from the dear Highlands. We start on the 7th, visiting Liverpool and Manchester on our way back, and expect to be at Windsor on the 11th.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: THE HIGHLANDS]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BALMORAL CASTLE, 6th October 1851.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Only two words can I write to you, as we are to start to-morrow morning. My heart is bien gros at going from here.

I love my peaceful, wild Highlands, the glorious scenery, the dear good people who are much attached to us, and who feel their Einsamkeit sadly, very much. One of our Gillies, a young Highlander who generally went out with me, said, in answer to my observation that they must be very dull here when we left: "It's just like death come all at once." In addition to my sorrow at leaving this dear place, I am in great sorrow at the loss of a dear and faithful, excellent friend, whom you will sincerely lament—our good Lord Liverpool. He was well and in the highest spirits with us only six weeks ago, and in three days he was carried away. I cannot tell you how it has upset me; I have known him so long, and he was such an intimate friend of ours. We received the news yesterday.

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 29th. I am glad all went off so well, but it must have been dreadful to miss dearest Louise. This time reminds me so much of all our sorrow last year on her dear account.

VICTORIA R.



Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 13th October 1851.

The Queen returns Lord Howden's letter, and thinks that the best answer to the Queen of Spain's request will be that the Statutes do not allow the Garter to be bestowed upon a lady; that the Queen herself possesses no order of knighthood from any country.[17]

With reference to the claim for the King arising out of the Prince having received the Fleece, it may be well to say that the offer of the Fleece had in the first instance been declined for fear of establishing a ground for the necessity of giving the Garter in return, and was at its second offer accepted by the Prince, together with the first orders of almost every country, on the understanding that no return would be expected. It would have been impossible to give the Garter to every Sovereign, and very difficult to make a selection. The Queen of Spain ought to be made aware of the fact that among the reigning Sovereigns, the Emperors of Austria and Brazil, and the Kings of Sweden, Denmark, Bavaria, Holland, Sardinia, Naples, Greece, etc., etc., have not got the Garter, although many of them have expressed a wish for it, and that amongst the Kings Consort, the King of Portugal, the Queen's first cousin, has not received it yet, although the Queen has long been anxious to give it to him.

Anything short of these explanations might offend, or leave the claim open to be repeated from time to time.

[Footnote 17: The Queen of Spain had expressed a desire through Lord Howden to receive the Order of the Garter.]



[Pageheading: EXTENSION OF THE FRANCHISE]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

DOWNING STREET, 14th October 1851.

Lord Carlisle, Lord Minto, and Sir Charles Wood are appointed a Committee to consider of the extension of the Suffrage. They meet to-morrow. Lord John Russell expects to see Mr Peel to-morrow. It is proposed that Parliament should meet on the 3rd or 5th of February....



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 14th October 1851.

The Queen does not consider the Committee appointed to consider the extension of the Franchise a very strong one. Will Lord Carlisle be up to the peculiar business?



[Pageheading: KOSSUTH IN ENGLAND]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.[18]

WINDSOR CASTLE, 29th October 1851.

The Queen concludes Lord John Russell has read the accounts of Kossuth's arrival in to-day's papers.

She wishes Lord John could still try to prevent Lord Palmerston from receiving him. The effect it will have abroad will do us immense harm. At all events, Lord John should take care to have it understood that the Government have not sanctioned it, and that it is a private act of Lord Palmerston's.

The Queen will else have again to submit to insults and affronts, which are the result of Lord Palmerston's conduct.

[Footnote 18: Substance of the note to Lord John Russell, written down from recollection.]



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 24th October 1851.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is sorry to say he can interfere no further with respect to Lord Palmerston's reception of Kossuth.

With respect to the manner of the reception, however, he will write to Lord Palmerston to desire him to take care that nothing is said which goes beyond the strict expression of thanks for the efforts made by the British Government to procure first the safety, and next the liberty, of Kossuth.

As for the reception, it is to be considered that Kossuth is considered the representative of English institutions against despotism.

If this were so the public feeling would be laudable.



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 31st October 1851.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has the honour to submit to your Majesty a correspondence[19] which has taken place between Lord Palmerston and himself.

After Lord Palmerston's answer, Lord John Russell can have but little hope that Lord Palmerston will not see M. Kossuth. Lord John Russell cannot separate the private from the public man in this instance; the reception of Kossuth, if it takes place, will be a reception by your Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether that reception is to take place in Downing Street or Carlton Terrace does not appear to him material.

Lord John Russell would, as a last resource, humbly advise your Majesty to command Lord Palmerston not to receive M. Kossuth.

It appears to him that your Majesty owes this mark of respect to your Majesty's ally, and generally to all States at peace with this country.

Lord John Russell has no other copy of this letter to Lord Palmerston.

[Footnote 19: Lord Palmerston wished to receive Kossuth at the Foreign Office. In the correspondence here referred to, which will be found in Russell's Life, the Premier "positively requested" Lord Palmerston to decline to receive Kossuth. The rejoinder, written while the messenger waited, was: "There are limits to all things. I do not choose to be dictated to as to who I may or may not receive in my own house.... I shall use my own discretion.... You will, of course, use yours as to the composition of your Government."]



[Pageheading: KOSSUTH AND PALMERSTON]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 31st October 1851.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, and returns the enclosures. She likewise sends him her letter to Lord Palmerston, which she begs him to send on, merely changing the label. She must tell Lord John, however, that although he may go on with a colleague, even after having received an answer like the one Lord Palmerston has returned to the many entreaties not to compromise the Government by his personal act, the Queen cannot expose herself to having her positive commands disobeyed by one of her public servants, and that should Lord Palmerston persist in his intention he cannot continue as her Minister. She refrains from any expression upon Lord Palmerston's conduct in this matter, as Lord John is well aware of her feelings.



Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.[20]

WINDSOR CASTLE, 31st October 1851.

The Queen mentioned to Lord Palmerston when he was last here at Windsor Castle that she thought it would not be advisable that he should receive M. Kossuth upon his arrival in England, as being wholly unnecessary, and likely to be misconstrued abroad. Since M. Kossuth's arrival in this country, and his violent denunciations of two Sovereigns with whom we are at peace, the Queen thinks that she owes it as a mark of respect to her Allies, and generally to all States at peace with this country, not to allow that a person endeavouring to excite a political agitation in this country against her Allies should be received by her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether such a reception should take place at his official or private residence can make no difference as to the public nature of the act. The Queen must therefore demand that the reception of M. Kossuth by Lord Palmerston should not take place.

[Footnote 20: Draft sent to Lord John Russell.]



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 31st October 1851.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Since writing to your Majesty this morning it has occurred to him that it will be best that your Majesty should not give any commands to Lord Palmerston on his sole advice.

With this view he has summoned the Cabinet for Monday, and he humbly proposes that your Majesty should await their advice.



[Pageheading: PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 31st October 1851.

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She thinks it natural that Lord John should wish to bring a matter which may cause a rupture in the Government before the Cabinet, but thinks his having summoned the Cabinet only for Monday will leave Lord Palmerston at liberty in the intermediate time to have his reception of Kossuth, and then rest on his fait accompli. Unless, therefore, Lord John Russell can bind him over to good conduct, all the mischief which is apprehended from this step of his will result; and he will have, moreover, the triumph of having carried his point, and having set the Prime Minister at defiance....



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 1st November 1851.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he is deeply sensible of your Majesty's kindness and indulgence. He feels that he is at times overwhelmed by the importance and variety of the questions of which the principal weight lies upon him.

He now lays before your Majesty a copy of the letter he has written to Lord Palmerston.[21] With a grateful sense of your Majesty's confidence, he is now of opinion that the Cabinet should decide, and that no part of the burden should be placed upon your Majesty.

He therefore returns the letter to Lord Palmerston.

He summoned the Cabinet for Monday, as so many members of it are at a distance. He does not think Lord Palmerston will come to town before Monday.

[Footnote 21: The letter is printed in Lord Palmerston's Life. The Premier stated that the question, being one of grave public importance, must be decided by argument, not passion, and would be considered by the Cabinet on the following Monday. See Walpole's Russell, chap. xxii.]



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 1st November 1851.

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of this day, and returns the copy of his to Lord Palmerston. She feels that she has the right and the duty to demand that one of her Ministers should not by his private acts, compromise her and the country, and therefore omitted in her letter to Lord Palmerston all reference to Lord John Russell's opinion; but she of course much prefers that she should be protected from the wilful indiscretions of Lord Palmerston by the attention of the Cabinet being drawn to his proceedings without her personal intervention.[22]

[Footnote 22: The Cabinet met, and having listened to the statement of the Premier, which is printed in his Life, unanimously supported him. Lord Palmerston accordingly gave way for the time being. Lord John informed the Queen of the result.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 3rd November 1851.

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She is very glad to hear that this matter has been amicably arranged, and she trusts that Lord Palmerston will act according to his promises.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 11th November 1851.

The Queen sends this draft to Lord John Russell, as she thinks the tone in which it is written so very ironical, and not altogether becoming for a public despatch from the English Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to be given to the Minister of another State. The substance is quite right, and a dignified explanation of the absurdity of the conduct of the Parma officials would very likely produce its effect, but some expressions in this draft could only tend to irritate, and therefore prevent that readiness to comply with our demand, which is to be produced.[23]

[Footnote 23: Before ten days had elapsed, Lord Palmerston had resumed his high-handed methods.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 20th November 1851.

The Queen must write to-day to Lord John Russell on a subject which causes her much anxiety. Her feelings have again been deeply wounded by the official conduct of her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs since the arrival of M. Kossuth in this country. The Queen feels the best interests of her people, the honour and dignity of her Crown, her public and personal obligations towards those Sovereigns with whom she professes to be on terms of peace and amity, most unjustifiably exposed. The Queen has unfortunately very often had to call upon Lord John to check his colleague in the dangerous and unbecoming course which at various times he has so wilfully persevered in pursuing. But Lord John Russell, although agreeing on most of these occasions with the view taken by the Queen, has invariably met her remonstrances with the plea that to push his interference with Lord Palmerston beyond what he had done would lead to a rupture with him, and thus necessarily to a breaking up of the Cabinet. The Queen, considering a change of her Government under present political circumstances dangerous to the true interests of the nation, had only to choose between two evils, without possessing sufficient confidence in her own judgment to decide which in its political consequences would turn out the least. But if in such a contingency the Queen chooses rather not to insist upon what is due to her, she thinks it indispensable at the same time to express to her Cabinet that she does so on their account, leaving it to them to reconcile the injuries done to her with that sound policy and conduct which the maintenance of peace and the welfare of the country require. These remarks seem to be especially called for after the report of the official interview between Lord Palmerston and the deputation from Finsbury,[24] and the Queen requests Lord John Russell to bring them under the notice of the Cabinet.

[Footnote 24: After Kossuth's departure, addresses of thanks to Lord Palmerston, for his courteous attentions to Kossuth, were voted by ultra-Radical meetings in Finsbury and Islington, and he allowed a deputation to present the addresses to him at the Foreign Office, the Emperors of Austria and Russia being stigmatised therein as "odious and detestable assassins" and "merciless tyrants and despots." Palmerston, who expressed himself as "extremely flattered and highly gratified" by the references to himself, did not in terms reprehend the language used of the two Sovereigns, and added, in a phrase immortalised by Leech's cartoon, that "a good deal of judicious bottle-holding was obliged to be brought into play."]



[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 21st November 1851.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the honour of receiving last night your Majesty's communication respecting Lord Palmerston.

Lord John Russell presumes that it is the substance of this communication which your Majesty wishes to be laid before the Cabinet.

But before doing so he cannot refrain from mentioning some circumstances which appear to him to weigh materially in the consideration of Lord Palmerston's conduct.

In many instances Lord Palmerston has yielded to the remonstrances of Lord John Russell, supported as they have been by your Majesty.

He did so on the question of furnishing guns to the Sicilians.

He did so in respect to the letter to Baron Koller on the affair of Count Haynau.

He gave way likewise in this last instance, when, after assuring Lord Dudley Stuart that he would see Kossuth whenever he chose to call upon him, he consented to intimate privately to Lord Dudley that he requested him not to call.

This last concession must have been mortifying to Lord Palmerston, and he has consoled himself in a manner not very dignified by giving importance to the inflated addresses from some meetings in the suburbs of London.

But it appears to Lord John Russell that every Minister must have a certain latitude allowed him which he may use, perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice.

Lord John Russell must, however, call your Majesty's attention to an article in the Morning Post, which denies the accuracy of the report of Lord Palmerston's answer to what is there called "the froth and folly of an address to Downing Street."

Lord John Russell, in admitting that he has more than once represented to your Majesty that the expulsion of Lord Palmerston would break up the Government, begs to explain that he has always done so upon one of two grounds:

First, if Lord Palmerston should be called upon by your Majesty to resign on account of a line of Foreign Policy of which his colleagues had approved, and for which they were, with him, responsible.

Second, in case no difference of opinion had arisen, and the transaction should bear the character of an intrigue, to get rid of an inconvenient colleague.

It must be remembered that Lord Palmerston was recommended to the late King by Lord Grey as Foreign Secretary, and remained in that Office from 1830 to 1834; that he was afterwards replaced in the same Office by Lord Melbourne, and remained from 1835 to 1841.

He has thus represented the Foreign Policy of the Whig Party fifteen years, and has been approved not only by them but by a large portion of the country. In the advice which Lord John Russell has humbly tendered to your Majesty, he has always had in view the importance of maintaining the popular confidence which your Majesty's name everywhere inspires. Somewhat of the good opinion of the Emperor of Russia and other foreign Sovereigns may be lost, but the good will and affection of the people of England are retained, a great security in these times.

Lord John Russell has made out a note of his address to the Cabinet for your Majesty's information. He prays to have it returned.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 21st November 1851.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and returns the note on his former communication to the Cabinet. If Lord John felt on the 3rd of November that "above all, it behoves us to be particularly cautious and not to afford just ground of complaint to any Party, and that we cannot be too vigilant or weigh our proceedings too scrupulously"—the Queen cannot suppose that Lord John considers the official reception by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of addresses, in which allied Sovereigns are called Despots and Assassins, as within that "latitude" which he claims for every minister, "which he may use perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice."

The Queen leaves it to Lord John Russell whether he will lay her letter, or only the substance of it, before the Cabinet;[25] but she hopes that they will make that careful enquiry into the justice of her complaint which she was sorry to miss altogether in Lord John Russell's answer. It is no question with the Queen whether she pleases the Emperor of Austria or not, but whether she gives him a just ground of complaint or not. And if she does so, she can never believe that this will add to her popularity with her own people. Lord John's letter must accordingly have disappointed her as containing a mere attempt at a defence of Lord Palmerston. Lord John sees one cause of excuse in Lord Palmerston's natural desire to console himself for the mortification of having had to decline seeing M. Kossuth; the Queen has every reason to believe that he has seen him after all.