[Footnote 14: Schleswig had been claimed by Germany as an integral part of her territory, and a war between Germany and Denmark was in progress.]

[Footnote 15: In reply, Lord Palmerston expressed entire concurrence in the justice of the principles which the Queen indicated as being those which ought to guide a mediating Power.]



[Pageheading: PROPOSED VISIT TO IRELAND]

Lord John Russell to the Earl of Clarendon.

23rd June 1849.

I have the satisfaction to inform your Excellency that I have received the Queen's commands to acquaint you that Her Majesty hopes to be able in the course of the present summer to fulfil the intention, which you are aware she has long entertained, of a visit to Ireland. The general distress unfortunately still prevalent in Ireland precludes the Queen from visiting Dublin in state, and thereby causing ill-timed expenditure and inconvenience to her subjects; yet Her Majesty does not wish to let another year pass without visiting a part of her dominions which she has for so long a time been anxious personally to become acquainted with. She accordingly will, at some sacrifice of personal convenience, take a longer sea voyage, for the purpose of visiting in the first instance the Cove of Cork, and from thence proceed along the Irish coast to Dublin. After remaining there a few days, during which time Her Majesty will be the guest of your Excellency, she would continue her cruise along the Irish coast northward and visit Belfast, and from thence cross to Scotland. Although the precise time of Her Majesty's visit cannot yet be fixed, it will probably take place as early in August as the termination of the session of Parliament will permit, and I feel assured that this early announcement of her intentions will be received with great satisfaction by Her Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects in Ireland.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 19th July 1849.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters. She returns Lord Clarendon's, and the very kind one of the Primate.[16]

With respect to Lord Clarendon's suggestion that the Prince of Wales should be created Duke, or rather, as Lord John says, Earl of Dublin—the Queen thinks it is a matter for consideration whether such an act should follow the Queen's visit as a compliment to Ireland, but she is decidedly of opinion that it should not precede it.

We are sorry that Lord John does not intend going to Ireland, but fully comprehend his wishes to remain quiet for three weeks. We shall be very glad to see him at Balmoral on the 20th or 22nd of August.

We hope Lady John and the baby continue to go on well.

[Footnote 16: Lord John George de la Poer Beresford (1773-1862) was Archbishop of Armagh from 1822 until his death.]



[Pageheading: ARRIVAL IN DUBLIN]

[Pageheading: THE IRISH VISIT]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

LODGE, PH[OE]NIX PARK, 6th August 1849.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Though this letter will only go to-morrow, I will begin it to-day and tell you that everything has gone off beautifully since we arrived in Ireland, and that our entrance into Dublin was really a magnificent thing. By my letter to Louise you will have heard of our arrival in the Cove of Cork. Our visit to Cork was very successful; the Mayor was knighted on deck (on board the Fairy), like in times of old. Cork is about seventeen miles up the River Lee, which is beautifully wooded and reminds us of Devonshire scenery. We had previously stepped on shore at Cove, a small place, to enable them to call it Queen's Town; the enthusiasm is immense, and at Cork there was more firing than I remember since the Rhine.

We left Cork with fair weather, but a head sea and contrary wind which made it rough and me very sick.

7th.—I was unable to continue till now, and have since received your kind letter, for which I return my warmest thanks. We went into Waterford Harbour on Saturday afternoon, which is likewise a fine, large, safe harbour. Albert went up to Waterford in the Fairy, but I did not. The next morning we received much the same report of the weather which we had done at Cork, viz. that the weather was fair but the wind contrary. However we went out, as it could not be helped, and we might have remained there some days for no use. The first three hours were very nasty, but afterwards it cleared and the evening was beautiful. The entrance at seven o'clock into Kingston Harbour was splendid; we came in with ten steamers, and the whole harbour, wharf, and every surrounding place was covered with thousands and thousands of people, who received us with the greatest enthusiasm. We disembarked yesterday morning at ten o'clock, and took two hours to come here. The most perfect order was maintained in spite of the immense mass of people assembled, and a more good-humoured crowd I never saw, but noisy and excitable beyond belief, talking, jumping, and shrieking instead of cheering. There were numbers of troops out, and it really was a wonderful scene. This is a very pretty place, and the house reminds me of dear Claremont. The view of the Wicklow Mountains from the windows is very beautiful, and the whole park is very extensive and full of very fine trees.

We drove out yesterday afternoon and were followed by jaunting-cars and riders and people running and screaming, which would have amused you. In the evening we had a dinner party, and so we have to-night. This morning we visited the Bank, the Model School (where the Protestant and Catholic Archbishops received us), and the College, and this afternoon we went to the Military Hospital. To-morrow we have a Levee, where 1,700 are to be presented, and the next day a Review, and in the evening the Drawing-Room, when 900 ladies are to be presented.

George[17] is here, and has a command here. He rode on one side of our carriage yesterday. You see more ragged and wretched people here than I ever saw anywhere else. En revanche, the women are really very handsome—quite in the lowest class—as well at Cork as here; such beautiful black eyes and hair and such fine colours and teeth.

I must now take my leave. Ever your most affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 17: The late Duke of Cambridge.]



The Earl of Clarendon to Sir George Grey.

VICE-REGAL LODGE, 14th August 1849.

MY DEAR GREY,—If I had known where to direct I should have thanked you sooner for your two welcome letters from Belfast, where everything seems to have gone off to our hearts' desire, and the Queen's presence, as the Stipendiary Magistrate writes word, has united all classes and parties in a manner incredible to those who know the distance at which they have hitherto been kept asunder.

The enthusiasm here has not abated, and there is not an individual in Dublin that does not take as a personal compliment to himself the Queen's having gone upon the paddle-box and having ordered the Royal Standard to be lowered three times.

Even the ex-Clubbists,[18] who threatened broken heads and windows before the Queen came, are now among the most loyal of her subjects, and are ready, according to the police reports, to fight any one who dare say a disrespectful word of Her Majesty.

In short, the people are not only enchanted with the Queen and the gracious kindness of her manner and the confidence she has shown in them, but they are pleased with themselves for their own good feelings and behaviour, which they consider have removed the barrier that hitherto existed between the Sovereign and themselves, and that they now occupy a higher position in the eyes of the world. Friend Bright was with me to-day, and said he would not for the world have missed seeing the embarkation at Kingston, for he had felt just the same enthusiasm as the rest of the crowd. "Indeed," he added, "I'll defy any man to have felt otherwise when he saw the Queen come upon the platform and bow to the people in a manner that showed her heart was with them." He didn't disguise either that the Monarchical principle had made great way with him since Friday. Ever yours truly,

CLARENDON.

[Footnote 18: Seditious clubs had been an important factor in the Irish disturbances of 1848.]



[Pageheading: BREVET PROMOTIONS]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 3rd October 1849.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's explanation respecting the brevet promotions on the occasion of her visit to Ireland, but cannot say that his objections have convinced her of the impropriety of such a promotion (to a limited extent). To Lord John's fears of the dangerous consequences of the precedent, the Queen has only to answer, that there can be only one first visit to Ireland, and that the first visit to Scotland in 1842 was followed by a few promotions, without this entailing promotions on her subsequent visits to that part of the country; that even the first visit to the Channel Islands was followed by a few promotions, and this under Lord John's Government. All the precedents being in accordance with the proposition made by the Duke, an opposition on the part of the Government would imply a declaration against all brevets except in the field, which would deprive the Crown of a most valuable prerogative. If such a brevet as the one proposed were to lead to great additional expense, the Queen could understand the objection on the ground of economy; but the giving brevet rank to a few subaltern officers is too trifling a matter to alarm the Government. Perhaps the number might be reduced even, but to deviate from the established precedents for the first time altogether in this case, and that after the excellent behaviour of the Army in Ireland under very trying circumstances, would be felt as a great injustice.

The Queen therefore wishes Lord John to ask the Duke to send him the former precedents and to consider with his colleagues whether a modified recommendation cannot be laid before her.[19]

[Footnote 19: The Duke of Wellington had submitted a list of Officers for brevet promotion, which received the Queen's sanction; but the list was afterwards reduced.]



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

WOBURN ABBEY, 4th October 1849.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will consider, in communication with the Duke of Wellington, whether any modified list can be proposed by him to your Majesty.

The economy, as your Majesty truly observes, is not a matter of much consideration. But to reward Officers on the Staff, who are already favoured by being placed on the Staff in Ireland, is a practice which tends but too much to encourage the opinion that promotions in the Army and Navy are given not to merit, but to aristocratical connection and official favour.

In the midst of the degradation of Thrones which the last two years have seen in Europe, it will be well if the English Crown preserves all its just prerogatives, and has only to relinquish some customary abuses, which are not useful to the Sovereign, and are only an equivocal advantage to the Ministers of the day.



[Pageheading: A PUBLIC THANKSGIVING]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 31st October 1849.

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter, and was much rejoiced at everything having gone off so well yesterday;[20] she was very much annoyed at being unable to go herself, and that the untoward chicken-pox should have come at this moment; she is, however, quite recovered, though still much marked.

With respect to the proposition about the Thanksgiving, the Queen quite approves of it, and (if it is generally preferred) that it should be on a week-day. As to the Bishop of London's proposal,[21] the Queen thinks that Lord John may have misunderstood him; she supposes that he meant that she should attend some place of public worship, and not in her domestic chapel, in order to join in the public demonstration. The Queen is quite ready to go with her Court to St George's Chapel here; but she would like it to take place on an earlier day than the 27th of November, when she would probably be already in the Isle of Wight, where we think of going as usual on the 22nd or 23rd.

[Footnote 20: The ceremony of opening the new Coal Exchange, at which, besides Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal were present.]

[Footnote 21: There had been a severe epidemic of cholera in the country. In twelve months 14,000 deaths, in London alone, were due to this malady. The 15th of November was appointed for a general Day of Thanksgiving for its cessation, and the Bishop of London had suggested that the Queen should attend a public service at St Paul's. Lord John Russell was in favour of Westminster Abbey.]



[Pageheading: POSITION OF GERMANY]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

EATON SQUARE, 29th November 1849.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. In answer to your Majesty's enquiry, he has to state that a very short conversation took place in the Cabinet on the affairs of Germany upon an enquiry of Lord John Russell whether the Diet of Erfurt[22] might not be considered a violation of the Treaties of 1815. Lord Palmerston thought not, but had not examined the question.

The affairs of Germany are in a critical position; Austria will oppose anything which tends to aggrandise Prussia; Prussia will oppose anything which tends to free Government; and France will oppose anything which tends to strengthen Germany. Still, all these powers might be disregarded were Germany united, but it is obvious that Bavaria and Wuertemberg look to Austria and France for support, while Hanover and Saxony will give a very faint assistance to a Prussian League.

The matter is very critical, but probably will not lead to war.

[Footnote 22: In order to effect the consolidation of Germany, the King of Prussia had summoned a Federal Parliament to meet at Erfurt.]



Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

FOREIGN OFFICE, 30th November 1849.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's enquiry as to what the measures would be which Sir William Parker[23] would have to take in order to support Mr Wyse's[24] demands for redress for certain wrongs sustained by British and Ionian subjects, begs to say that the ordinary and accustomed method of enforcing such demands is by reprisals—that is to say, by seizing some vessels and property of the party which refuses redress,[25] and retaining possession thereof until redress is granted.

Another method is the blockading of the ports of the party by whom redress is refused, and by interrupting commercial intercourse to cause inconvenience and loss. Viscount Palmerston, however, does not apprehend that any active measures of this kind will be required, but rather expects that when the Greek Government finds that the demand is made in earnest, and that means are at hand to enforce it, satisfaction will at last be given. The refusal of the Greek Government to satisfy these claims, and the offensive neglect with which they have treated the applications of your Majesty's representative at Athens have, as Viscount Palmerston is convinced, been the result of a belief that the British Government never would take any real steps in order to press these matters to a settlement.

[Footnote 23: Commanding the Mediterranean Fleet.]

[Footnote 24: British Envoy at Athens.]

[Footnote 25: See Introductory Note for 1850, post, p. 231.]



[Pageheading: DEATH OF QUEEN ADELAIDE]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

OSBORNE, 11th December 1849.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Thank you much for your kind letter of the 6th; you will have received mine of the 4th shortly after you wrote. I know how you would mourn with us over the death of our beloved Queen Adelaide. We have lost the kindest and dearest of friends, and the universal feeling of sorrow, of regret, and of real appreciation of her character is very touching and gratifying. All parties, all classes, join in doing her justice. Much was done to set Mamma against her, but the dear Queen ever forgave this, ever showed love and affection, and for the last eight years their friendship was as great as ever. Ever yours affectionately,

VICTORIA R.



INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XIX

The Ministry were still (1850) able, relying on the support of Sir Robert Peel, to resist the attacks of the Protectionists in the House of Commons, though their majority on a critical occasion fell to twenty-one; but they were rehabilitated by the discussions on foreign policy. One Don Pacifico, a Portuguese Jew, a native of Gibraltar and a British subject, had had his house in Athens pillaged by a mob; he, with Mr Finlay, the historian, who had a money claim against the Greek Government, instead of establishing their claims in the local courts, sought the intervention of the home Government; Lord Palmerston, whose relations with the Court were even more strained than usual, resolved to make a hostile demonstration against Greece, and a fleet was sent to the Piraeus with a peremptory demand for settlement. The House of Lords condemned this high-handed action, but a friendly motion of confidence was made in the Commons, and Lord Palmerston had an extraordinary triumph, by a majority of forty-six, notwithstanding that the ablest men outside the Ministry spoke against him, and that his unsatisfactory relations with the Queen were about to culminate in a severe reprimand.

Sir Robert Peel's speech in this debate proved to be his last public utterance, his premature death, resulting from a fall from his horse, taking place a few days later; Louis Philippe, who had been living in retirement at Claremont, passed away about the same time. Another attack on the Queen, this time a blow with a cane, was made by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer and well-connected; the plea of insanity was not established, and Pate was transported.

Public attention was being drawn to the projected Exhibition in Hyde Park, Prince Albert making a memorable speech at the Mansion House in support of the scheme; the popular voice had not been unanimous in approval, and subscriptions had hung fire, but henceforward matters improved, and Mr Paxton's design for a glass and iron structure was accepted and proceeded with.

The friction with Lord Palmerston was again increased by his action in respect to General Haynau, an Austrian whose cruelty had been notorious, and who was assaulted by some of the employes at a London brewery. The Foreign Office note to the Austrian Government nearly brought about Palmerston's resignation, which was much desired by the Queen.

At the close of the year the whole country was in a ferment at the issue of a Papal Brief, re-establishing the hierarchy of Bishops in England with local titles derived from their sees; and Cardinal Wiseman, thenceforward Archbishop of Westminster, by issuing a pastoral letter on the subject, made matters worse. The Protestant spirit was aroused, the two Universities presented petitions, and the Prime Minister, in a letter to the Bishop of Durham, helped to fan the "No Popery" flame. Just at a time when a coalition of Whigs and Peelites was beginning to be possible, an Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, almost fatal to mutual confidence, became necessary.



CHAPTER XIX

1850

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 5th February 1850.

MY DEAR UNCLE,—We had the house full for three days last week on account of our theatrical performances on Friday, which went off extremely well. The Grand Duchess Stephanie was here, tres aimable, and not altered. She spoke much of Germany and of politics, and of you in the highest terms—"Comme le Roi Leopold s'est bien tenu"—and that she had mentioned this at Claremont, and then felt shocked at it, but that the poor King had answered: "Il avait mon exemple devant lui, et il en a profite!" She thought the whole family tres digne in their malheur, but was struck with the melancholy effect of the whole thing.

Our affairs have gone off extremely well in Parliament, and the Protectionists have received an effective check; the question of the Corn Laws seems indeed settled. This is of great importance, as it puts a stop to the excitement and expectations of the farmers, which have been falsely kept up by the aristocracy....

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.

CARLTON GARDENS, 15th February 1850.

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,—I have altered this draft so as I think to meet the views of the Queen and of yourself in regard to the continuance of the suspension.[1] I should not like to put into a despatch an instruction to accept less than we have demanded, because that would imply what I don't think to be the fact, viz. that we have demanded more than is due. If the demands were for the British Government, we might forego what portions we might like to give up, but we have no right to be easy and generous with the rights and claims of other people. Besides, if we get anything, we shall get all. The whole amount is quite within the power of the Greek Government to pay. Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

[Footnote 1: I.e. of hostilities against the Greek Government, designed to extract compensation for the injuries inflicted on British subjects. See ante, p. 231.]



[Pageheading: THE DRAFT TO GREECE]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 17th February 1850.

The Queen sent the day before yesterday the proposed draft to Mr Wyse back to Lord Palmerston, enclosing a Memorandum from Lord John Russell, and telling Lord Palmerston "that she entirely concurred with Lord John, and wished the draft to be altered accordingly." She has not yet received an answer from Lord Palmerston, but just hears from Lord John, in answer to her enquiry about it, that Lord Palmerston has sent the draft off unaltered.[2] The Queen must remark upon this sort of proceeding, of which this is not the first instance, and plainly tell Lord Palmerston that this must not happen again. Lord Palmerston has a perfect right to state to the Queen his reasons for disagreeing with her views, and will always have found her ready to listen to his reasons; but she cannot allow a servant of the Crown and her Minister to act contrary to her orders, and this without her knowledge.

[Footnote 2: See Ashley's Palmerston, vol. i. chap. v.]



[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION]

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

CARLTON GARDENS. 17th February 1850.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's communication of this day, he begs to state that upon receiving, the day before yesterday, your Majesty's Memorandum on the proposed draft to Mr Wyse, together with the accompanying Memorandum[3] from Lord John Russell, he altered the draft, and sent it to Lord John Russell, and received it back from Lord John Russell with the accompanying note in answer to that which he wrote to Lord John Russell. It was important that the messenger should go off that evening, and the time occupied in these communications rendered it just, but barely, possible to despatch the messenger by the mail train of that evening. The despatch thus altered coincided with the views of your Majesty and Lord John Russell as to the question in regard to the length of time during which reprisals should be suspended to give scope for the French negotiation. The other question as to giving Mr Wyse a latitude of discretion to entertain any proposition which might be made to him by the Greek Government was considered by the Cabinet at its meeting yesterday afternoon, and Viscount Palmerston gave Mr Wyse a latitude of that kind in regard to the claim of Mr Pacifico, the only one to which that question could apply, in a despatch which he sent by the overland Mediterranean mail which went off yesterday afternoon. That despatch also contained some instructions as to the manner in which Mr Wyse is to communicate with Baron Gros,[4] and those instructions were the result of a conversation which Viscount Palmerston had with the French Ambassador after the meeting of the Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston was only waiting for a copy of the despatch of yesterday evening, which, owing to this day being Sunday, he has not yet received, in order to send to your Majesty the altered draft of yesterday evening, with an explanation of the circumstances which rendered it impossible to submit them to your Majesty before they were sent off.[5]

[Footnote 3: Lord John Russell's opinion was that three weeks should be allowed to Mr Wyse and Sir W. Parker to accept terms as satisfactory as they could obtain, and that Sir W. Parker should not be obliged to resume coercive measures, if the concessions of the Greek Government should appear to afford a prospect of a speedy settlement of the affair.]

[Footnote 4: Baron Gros was the Commissioner despatched by the French Government to Athens to assist in arranging the dispute.]

[Footnote 5: See subsequent correspondence between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, Walpole's Russell, vol. ii. chap. xix.]



[Pageheading: RE-ARRANGEMENT SUGGESTED]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PLAN]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 3rd March 1850.

Before leaving Town yesterday we saw Lord John Russell, who came to state what had passed with reference to Lord Palmerston. He premised that Lord Palmerston had at all times been a most agreeable and accommodating colleague; that he had acted with Lord John ever since 1831, and had not only never made any difficulty, but acted most boldly and in the most spirited manner on all political questions; besides, he was very popular with the Radical part of the House of Commons as well as with the Protectionist, so that both would be ready to receive him as their Leader; he (Lord John) was therefore most anxious to do nothing which could hurt Lord Palmerston's feelings, nor to bring about a disruption of the Whig Party, which at this moment of Party confusion was the only one which still held together. On the other hand, the fact that the Queen distrusted Lord Palmerston was a serious impediment to the carrying on of the Government. Lord John was therefore anxious to adopt a plan by which Lord Palmerston's services could be retained with his own goodwill, and the Foreign Affairs entrusted to other hands. The only plan he could think of was to give Lord Palmerston the lead in the House of Commons—the highest position a statesman could aspire to—and to go himself to the House of Lords. He had communicated his views to Lord Lansdowne, who agreed in them, and thought he could do nothing better than speak to Lord Palmerston at once. Lord Palmerston said that he could not have helped to have become aware that he had forfeited the Queen's confidence, but he thought this had not been on personal grounds, but merely on account of his line of policy, with which the Queen disagreed. (The Queen interrupted Lord John by remarking that she distrusted him on personal grounds also, but I remarked that Lord Palmerston had so far at least seen rightly; that he had become disagreeable to the Queen, not on account of his person, but of his political doings, to which the Queen assented.) Lord Palmerston appeared to Lord John willing to enter into this agreement.

On the question how the Foreign Office should be filled, Lord John said that he thought his father-in-law, Lord Minto, ought to take the Foreign Office.... As the Queen was somewhat startled by this announcement, I said I thought that would not go down with the public. After Lord Palmerston's removal (who was considered one of the ablest men in the country) he ought not to be replaced but by an equally able statesman; the Office was of enormous importance, and ought not to be entrusted to any one but Lord John himself or Lord Clarendon. On the Queen's enquiry why Lord Clarendon had not been proposed for it, Lord John said he was most anxious that the change of the Minister should not produce a change in the general line of policy which he considered to have been quite right, and that Lord Clarendon did not approve of it; somehow or other he never could agree with Lord Clarendon on Foreign Affairs; he thought Lord Clarendon very anti-French and for an alliance with Austria and Russia. The Queen replied she knew Lord Clarendon's bad opinion of the mode in which the Foreign Affairs had been conducted, and thought that a merit in him, but did not think him Austrian or Russian, but merely disapproving of Lord Palmerston's behaviour. I urged Lord John to take the Foreign Affairs himself, which he said would have to be done if the Queen did not wish Lord Minto to take them; he himself would be able to do the business when in the House of Lords, although he would undertake it unwillingly; with the business in the House of Commons it would have been impossible for him.

The Queen insisted on his trying it with a seat in the House of Lords, adding that, if he found it too much for him, he could at a later period perhaps make the Department over to Lord Clarendon.

I could not help remarking that it was a serious risk to entrust Lord Palmerston with the lead in the House of Commons, that it might be that the Government were defeated and, if once in opposition, Lord Palmerston might take a different line as leader of the Opposition from that which Lord John would like, and might so easily force himself back into office as Prime Minister. Lord John, however, although admitting that danger, thought Lord Palmerston too old to do much in the future (having passed his sixty-fifth year); he admitted that Sir George Grey was the natural leader of the Commons, but expected that a little later the lead would still fall into his hands.

The arrangements of the Offices as proposed would be that Lord Palmerston would take the Home Office, and Sir George Grey the Colonial Office, and Lord Grey vacate this office for the Privy Seal. If Lord Minto, however, was not to have the Foreign Office, the arrangement must be recast. Lord Clarendon would become Secretary of State for Ireland, after the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy. Possibly also Sir George Grey might take the office, and Lord Clarendon take the Colonies, which Lord Grey would be glad to be rid of. On my observing that I had thought the Colonies would have done best for Lord Palmerston, leaving Sir George Grey at the Home Office, Lord John acknowledged that he would likewise prefer this arrangement, but considered it rendered impossible from its having been the very thing Lord Grey had proposed in 1845, and upon which the attempt to form a Whig Government at that time had broken down, Lord Palmerston having refused to enter the Cabinet on those terms. Lord John ended by saying that Lord Palmerston having agreed to the change, it was intended that nothing should be done about it till after the close of the Session, in order to avoid debates and questions on the subject; moreover, Lord Lansdowne had agreed to continue still this Session his labours as Leader in the House of Lords, and begged for the utmost secrecy at present.

ALBERT.

Lord John Russell already last year had spoken to me of his wish to go to the House of Lords, finding the work in the House of Commons, together with his other business, too much for him, and Lord Lansdowne being desirous to be relieved from the lead in the Upper House.

ALBERT.



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM]

Memorandum by Baron Stockmar.[6]

12th March 1850.

The least the Queen has a right to require of her Minister is:—

1. That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she has to give her royal sanction.

2. Having given once her sanction to a measure, the Minister who, in the execution of such measure alters or modifies it arbitrarily, commits an act of dishonesty towards the Crown, which the Queen has an undoubted constitutional right to visit with the dismissal of that Minister.

STOCKMAR.

[Footnote 6: Compare this with the Memorandum ultimately drawn up on the 12th of August.]



Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 16th March 1850.

The Queen wishes to remark to Lord Lansdowne, that his answer to Lord Stanley in the House of Lords last night might possibly lead to the misapprehension that Lord Palmerston's delay in sending the despatch to Mr Wyse had been caused by the time it took to get the Queen's approval of it. She must protest against such an inference being drawn, as being contrary to the fact, Lord Palmerston indeed having sent out in the first instance a different despatch from that which she had approved.



[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN FRANCE]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 25th March 1850.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,— ... King Louis Philippe seems better, but still he is evidently breaking; there is no wonder when one considers all he has gone through, and is still to suffer! No one can tell a day [ahead] what may happen in France, and if all the family have, which is but[7] in France, may not be confiscated. The thirst for spoliation is great; the people who lead have no other view, they are not fanatics, their aim is to rise and to enrich themselves; the remainder is mere humbug, exactly as you have it very near home. Never was there a nation in a worse and a more helpless state, and the numerous parties who will not unite render all solutions impossible, and the republic will be maintained for that very reason. It is but a name and no substance, but that name of republic encourages every extravagant or desperate proceeding, and turns people's heads in the old monarchies; every doctor or magistrate sees himself president of some republic, and the ambitions of so many people who see all the impediments which existed formerly removed, and who, according to their own opinion, are wonderful people, will be insatiable and much more dangerous than you imagine in England. On the Continent every man thinks himself fit to be at the head of the Government; there is no political measure or scale, and the success of some bookseller or doctor or advocate, etc., turns the heads of all those in similar positions—on ne doute de rien. When you consider that a banqueroutier like Ledru Rollin[8] ruled over France for six months almost with absolute power, merely because he took it, you may imagine how many thousands, even of workmen, cooks, stage people, etc., look to be taken to rule over their fellow-citizens; toujours convaincu de leur propre merite. I am happy to see that you escaped a ministerial crisis; the peril was great, and it would have been dreadful for you at such a moment.

Albert made a fine long speech, I see.[9] Did he read it? ex tempore, it would have been very trying. I trust we may come to that unity of mankind of which he speaks, and of universal peace which our friend Richard Cobden considers as very near at hand; if, however, the red benefactors of mankind at Paris get the upper hand, universal war will be the order of the day. We are so strongly convinced of this that we are very seriously occupied with the means of defence which this country can afford, and we imagine that if we are not abandoned by our friends, it will be impossible to force our positions on the Schelde.

I must now quickly conclude. Remaining ever, my beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 7: I.e. "only."]

[Footnote 8: He was President in 1848.]

[Footnote 9: At the Mansion House banquet to the Commissioners for the Exhibition of 1851. See quotation from it in Sir T. Martin's Life, vol. ii, p. 247.]



Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 25th March 1850.

The Queen approves these drafts, but thinks that in the part alluding to M. Pacifico, should be added a direction to Mr Wyse to satisfy himself of the truth of M. Pacifico's statements of losses before he grounds his demands upon them.[10] The draft merely allows a sub-division of the claims, but takes their validity for granted.

[Footnote 10: Don Pacifico claimed L31,500—L4,900 being for effects destroyed, and L26,600 in respect of certain claims against the Portuguese Government, the vouchers for which he stated had been destroyed by the mob which pillaged his house. His valuation of the various items was of the most extravagant description.]



[Pageheading: SPEECH BY PRINCE ALBERT]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 26th March 1850.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Albert made a really beautiful speech the other day, and it has given the greatest satisfaction and done great good. He is indeed looked up to and beloved, as I could wish he should be; and the more his rare qualities of mind and heart are known, the more he will be understood and appreciated. People are much struck at his great powers and energy; his great self-denial, and constant wish to work for others, is so striking in his character; but it is the happiest life; pining for what one cannot have, and trying to run after what is pleasantest, invariably ends in disappointment.

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 29th March 1850.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I write only a few lines to-day, begging you to give the accompanying drawing of her little namesake to dearest Louise on her birthday.

I shall duly answer your dear letter of the 25th on Tuesday, but am anxious to correct the impression that Albert read his fine speech. He never has done so with any of his fine speeches, but speaks them, having first prepared them and written them down,—and does so so well, that no one believes that he is ever nervous, which he is. This last he is said to have spoken in so particularly English a way.

We have still sadly cold winds. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 14th April 1850.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter with the drafts, which he mentioned last night to her, and she has sent his letter with them to Lord Palmerston.

Lord Palmerston's conduct in this Spanish question[11] in not communicating her letter to Lord John, as she had directed, is really too bad, and most disrespectful to the Queen; she can really hardly communicate with him any more; indeed it would be better she should not.

[Footnote 11: The question was the selection of a Minister for Madrid.]



[Pageheading: LORD HOWDEN]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 27th April 1850.

In order to save the Government embarrassments, the Queen has sanctioned the appointment of Lord Howden[12] to Madrid, although she does not consider him to be quite the stamp of person in whom she could feel entire confidence that he will be proof against all spirit of intrigue, which at all times and now particularly is so much required in Spain. But she must once more ask Lord John to watch that the Queen may be quite openly and considerately dealt by. She knows that Lord Howden has long been made acquainted with his appointment, and has been corresponding upon it with General Narvaez; the correspondent of the Times has announced his appointment from Madrid already three weeks ago, and all that time Lord Palmerston remained silent upon the matter to the Queen, not even answering her upon her letter expressing her wish to see Lord Westmorland[13] appointed. Lord John must see the impropriety of this course, and if it were not for the Queen's anxiety to smooth all difficulties, the Government might be exposed to most awkward embarrassments. She expects, however, and has the right to claim, equal consideration on the part of her Ministers. She addresses herself in this matter to Lord John as the head of the Government.

[Footnote 12: Lord Howden had been recently Minister at Rio Janeiro.]

[Footnote 13: Minister at Berlin, 1841-51.]



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 28th April 1850.

... Lord John Russell cannot but assent to your Majesty's right to claim every consideration on the part of your Majesty's Ministers. He will take care to attend to this subject, and is much concerned to find that your Majesty has so frequently occasion to complain of Lord Palmerston's want of attention.



[Pageheading: THE KOH-I-NOOR]

The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.

SIMLA, 15th May 1850.

... When the Governor-General had the honour of addressing your Majesty from Bombay, the arrangements for the transmission of the Koh-i-noor were incomplete. He therefore did not then report to your Majesty, as he now humbly begs leave to do, that he conveyed the jewel himself from Lahore in his own charge, and deposited it in the Treasury at Bombay. One of your Majesty's ships had been ordered to Bombay to receive it, but had not then arrived, and did not arrive till two months afterwards, thus causing delay. The Medea, however, sailed on 6th April, and will, it is hoped, have a safe and speedy passage to England.

By this mail the Governor-General transmits officially a record of all that he has been able to trace of the vicissitudes through which the Koh-i-noor has passed. The papers are accurate and curious.

In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of Fugueer-ood-deen, who is now at Lahore, and who was himself the messenger, that Runjeet Singh sent a message to Wufa Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, from whom he had taken the gem, to ask her its value. She replied, "If a strong man were to throw four stones, one north, one south, one east, one west, and a fifth stone up into the air, and if the space between them were to be filled with gold, all would not equal the value of the Koh-i-noor." The Fugueer, thinking probably that this appraisement was somewhat imaginative, subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same question. The Shah replied that its value was "good fortune; for whoever possessed it had conquered their enemies."

The Governor-General very respectfully and earnestly trusts that your Majesty, in your possession of the Koh-i-noor, may ever continue to realise its value as estimated by Shah Sooja.

He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep respect, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.



[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]

The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 18th May 1850.

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,—I return you the enclosed letters which forbode a new storm, this time coming from Russia.[14] I confess I do not understand that part of the quarrel, but one conviction grows stronger and stronger with the Queen and myself (if it is possible), viz. that Lord Palmerston is bringing the whole of the hatred which is borne to him—I don't mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly—by all the Governments of Europe upon England, and that the country runs serious danger of having to pay for the consequences. We cannot reproach ourselves with having neglected warning and entreaties, but the Queen may feel that her duty demands her not to be content with mere warning without any effect, and that for the sake of one man the welfare of the country must not be exposed....

ALBERT.

[Footnote 14: Russia as well as France had been appealed to by Greece against the pressure brought to bear upon her. On the 18th of April a Convention was signed in London disposing of the whole dispute, and referring Don Pacifico's claims against Portugal to arbitration. Lord Palmerston was remiss in communicating the progress of those negotiations to Mr Wyse, who persisted in his coercive measures, disregarding the intelligence on the subject he received from Baron Gros, and Greece accordingly submitted to his terms. France and Russia were incensed, the French Ambassador was recalled, and on the 18th of May Baron Brunnow intimated the imminence of similar action by the Czar.]



Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 18th May 1850.

SIR,—I feel very strongly that the Queen ought not to be exposed to the enmity of Austria, France, and Russia on account of her Minister. I was therefore prepared to state on Monday that it is for Her Majesty to consider what course it will be best for her and for the country to pursue.

1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could not make Lord Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins which will be imputed to the Government in the late negotiations.

2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in office till questions pending in the two Houses are decided. If unfavourably, a solution is obtained; if favourably, Lord John Russell will no longer remain in office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary.

These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be matured by Monday.



[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REPORT]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 20th May 1850.

Lord John Russell came to-day to make his report to the Queen on his final determination with respect to the Greek question and Lord Palmerston. He said it was quite impossible to abandon Lord Palmerston upon this question, that the Cabinet was as much to blame (if there were cause for it) as Lord Palmerston, and particularly he himself, who had given his consent to the measures taken, and was justly held responsible by the country for the Foreign Policy of the Government. Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston's personal quarrels with all Governments of foreign countries and the hostility with which they were looking upon him was doing serious injury to the country, and exposing the Crown to blows aimed at the Minister, he had consulted Lord Lansdowne.... Lord Lansdowne fully felt the strength of what I said respecting the power of the Leader of the House of Commons, and the right on the part of the Queen to object to its being conferred upon a person who had not her entire confidence. I said I hoped Lord Lansdowne would consider the communication of the letter as quite confidential, as, although I had no objection to telling Lord Palmerston anything that was said in it myself, I should not like that it should come to his ears by third persons or be otherwise talked of. Lord John assured me that Lord Lansdowne could be entirely relied upon, and that he himself had locked up the letter under key the moment he had received it, and would carefully guard it.

The result of our conference was, that we agreed that Lord Clarendon was the only member of the Government to whom the Foreign Affairs could be entrusted unless Lord John were to take them himself, which was much the best. Lord John objected to Lord Clarendon's intimate connection with the Times, and the violent Austrian line of that paper; moreover, Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the new department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The Colonial Office was much the best for Lord Palmerston, and should Lord John go to the House of Lords, Sir George Grey was to lead in the Commons. Lord John would take an opportunity of communicating with Lord Palmerston, but wished nothing should be said or done about the changes till after the close of the Session.[15]

ALBERT.

[Footnote 15: The question of the relations of Lord Palmerston with the Crown had to be postponed owing to the debates in both Houses on Foreign Policy. In the Lords, Lord Stanley moved a vote of censure on the Government for enforcing by coercive measures various doubtful or exaggerated claims against the Greek Government.]



[Pageheading: SUNDAY POSTS]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 9th June 1850.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters. If the Cabinet think it impossible to do otherwise, of course the Queen consents—though most reluctantly—to a compliance with the vote respecting the Post Office.[16] The Queen thinks it a very false notion of obeying God's will, to do what will be the cause of much annoyance and possibly of great distress to private families. At any rate, she thinks decidedly that great caution should be used with respect to any alteration in the transmission of the mails, so that at least some means of communication may still be possible.

[Footnote 16: Lord Ashley carried a resolution forbidding the Sunday delivery of letters; a Committee of Inquiry was appointed, and reported against the proposed change, which was abandoned.]



Queen Victoria to the Duke of Cambridge.

OSBORNE, 10th June 1850.

MY DEAR UNCLE,—I have enquired into the precedents, and find that though there are none exactly similar to the case of George, there will be no difficulty to call him up to the House of Lords; and I should propose that he should be called up by the name of Earl of Tipperary, which is one of your titles. Culloden, which is your other title, would be from recollections of former times obviously objectionable. There are several precedents of Princes being made Peers without having an establishment, consequently there can be no difficulty on this point.

I feel confident that George will be very moderate in his politics, and support the Government whenever he can. Princes of the Royal Family should keep as much as possible aloof from Party Politics, as I think they else invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly regardless of the mischief they cause to the Throne and Royal Family. Believe me, always, your affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: PRINCE GEORGE OF CAMBRIDGE]

The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria.

CAMBRIDGE HOUSE, 10th June 1850.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—I seize the earliest opportunity of thanking you for your very kind letter, which I have this moment received, and to assure you at the same time that I do most fully agree with you in your observations concerning the line in politics which the members of the Royal Family ought to take. This has always been my principle since I entered the House of Lords, and I am fully convinced that George will follow my example.

I must also add that I have felt the great advantage of supporting the Government, and I have by that always been well with all Parties, and have avoided many difficulties which other members of my family have had to encounter.

I shall not fail to communicate your letter to George, who will, I trust, never prove himself unworthy of the kindness you have shown him.

With the request that you will remember me most kindly to Albert, I remain, my dearest Victoria, your most affectionate Uncle,

ADOLPHUS.



Prince George of Cambridge to Queen Victoria.

ST JAMES'S PALACE, 15th June 1850.

MY DEAR COUSIN,—I have not as yet ventured to address you on a subject of much interest personally to myself, and upon which I am aware that you have been in correspondence with my father; but as I believe that the question which was brought to your notice has been settled, I cannot any longer deprive myself of the pleasure of expressing to you my most sincere and grateful thanks for the kind manner in which you have at once acceded to the anxious request of my father and myself, by arranging with the Government that I should be called up to the House of Lords. This has been a point upon which I have long been most anxious, and I am truly and sincerely grateful that you have so considerately entered into my feelings and wishes. I understand that it is your intention that I should be called up by my father's second title as Earl of Tipperary; at the same time I hope that though I take a seat in the House as Earl of Tipperary, I may be permitted to retain and be called by my present name on all occasions not connected with the House of Lords. As regards the wish expressed by yourself, that I should not allow myself to be made a political partisan, I need not, I trust, assure you that it will be ever my endeavour to obey your desires upon this as on all other occasions; but I trust I may be permitted to add, that even before this desire expressed by you, it had been my intention to follow this line of conduct. I conceive that whenever they conscientiously can do so, the members of the Royal Family should support the Queen's Government; and if at times it should happen that they have a difficulty in so doing, it is at all events not desirable that they should place themselves prominently in opposition to it. This I believe to be your feelings on the subject, and if you will permit me to say so, they are also my own.

Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to you my gratitude in person, I remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,

GEORGE.



Queen Victoria to Prince George of Cambridge.

OSBORNE, 17th June 1850.

MY DEAR GEORGE,—Many thanks for your kind letter received yesterday. I am glad to hear that you are so entirely of my opinion with respect to the political conduct of the Princes of the Royal Family who are peers, and I feel sure that your conduct will be quite in accordance with this view. With respect to your wish to be called as you have hitherto been, I do not think that this will be possible. It has never been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will be much flattered at your being called up by the title of Tipperary) would feel it as a slight if you did not wish to be called by the title you bear. All the Royal Peers have always been called by their titles in this and in other countries, and I do not think it would be possible to avoid it. Ever, etc.,

VICTORIA R.[17]

[Footnote 17: The patent was made out, but not signed, a memorandum of Prince Albert recording:—

BUCKINGHAM PALACE. 8th July 1850.

I kept this warrant back from the Queen's signature on account of the Duke of Cambridge's illness. The Duke died yesterday evening, without a struggle, after an attack of fever which had lasted four weeks. So the summons of Prince George has never been carried out.

ALBERT.]



[Pageheading: MR ROEBUCK'S MOTION]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 21st June 1850.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Mr Roebuck asked him yesterday what course the Government intends to pursue after the late vote of the House of Lords.[18]

The newspapers contain the report of Lord John Russell's answer.

Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday a general approbation of the Foreign Policy of the Government.

What may be the result of such a Motion it is not easy to say, but as Lord Stanley has prevailed on a majority in the House of Lords to censure the Foreign Policy of the Government, it is impossible to avoid a decision by the House of Commons on this subject.

The misfortune is that on the one side every detail of negotiation is confounded with the general principles of our Foreign Policy, and on the other a censure upon a Foreign Policy, the tendency of which has been to leave despotism and democracy to fight out their own battles, will imply in the eyes of Europe a preference for the cause of despotism, and a willingness to interfere with Russia and Austria on behalf of absolute government. The jealousy of the House of Commons would not long bear such a policy.

Be that as it may, Lord Stanley has opened a beginning of strife, which may last for many years to come.

[Footnote 18: Lord Stanley's Motion of Censure was carried by a majority of 37 in a House of 301.]



[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY'S MOTION]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 21st June 1850.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and read his speech in the House of Commons. She regrets exceedingly the position in which the Government has been placed by the Motion of Lord Stanley in the House of Lords. Whichever way the Debate in the House of Commons may terminate, the Queen foresees great troubles. A defeat of the Government would be most inconvenient. The Queen has always approved the general tendency of the policy of the Government to let despotism and democracy fight out their battles abroad, but must remind Lord John that in the execution of this policy Lord Palmerston has gone a long way in taking up the side of democracy in the fight, and this is the "detail of negotiations" which Lord John is afraid may be confounded with the general principle of our Foreign Policy. Indeed it is already confounded by the whole of the foreign and the great majority of the British public, and it is to be feared that the discussion will place despotic and democratic principles in array against each other in this country, whilst the original question turns only upon the justice of Don Pacifico's claims.



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 22nd June 1850.

Lord John Russell deeply regrets that your Majesty should be exposed to inconvenience in consequence of Lord Stanley's Motion. He has copied Mr Roebuck's Motion as it now stands on the votes. The word "principles" includes the general policy, and excludes the particular measures which from time to time have been adopted as the objects of approbation.

It is impossible to say at this moment what will be the result. Lord Stanley, Lord Aberdeen, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Disraeli appear to be in close concert.

Lord Stanley can hardly now abandon Protection. Mr Gladstone, one should imagine, can hardly abandon Free Trade. The anger of the honest Protectionists and the honest Free-Traders will be very great at so unprincipled a coalition.

Mr Roebuck's Motion: That the principles on which the Foreign Policy of Her Majesty's Government has been regulated have been such as were calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, and in times of unexampled difficulty to preserve peace between England and the various nations of the world.



[Pageheading: HOLSTEIN AND GERMANY]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 22nd June 1850.

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday, but cannot say that his arguments in support of his former opinion, that the Germanic Confederation should be omitted from amongst the Powers who are to be invited to sign a protocol, the object of which is to decide upon the fate of Holstein, have proved successful in convincing her of the propriety of this course. As Holstein belongs to the Germanic Confederation and is only accidentally connected with Denmark through its Sovereign, a Protocol to ensure the integrity of the Danish Monarchy is a direct attack upon Germany, if carried out without her knowledge and consent; and it is an act repugnant to all feelings of justice and morality for third parties to dispose of other people's property, which no diplomatic etiquette about the difficulty of finding a proper representative for Germany could justify. The mode of representation might safely be left to the Confederation itself. It is not surprising to the Queen that Austria and Prussia should complain of Lord Palmerston's agreeing with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France upon the Protocol before giving Prussia and Austria any notice of it.



[Pageheading: THE PROTOCOL]

Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.

CARLTON GARDENS, 23rd June 1850.

MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,—The Queen has entirely misconceived the object and effect of the proposed Protocol. It does not "decide upon the fate of Holstein," nor is it "an attack upon Germany." In fact, the Protocol is to decide nothing; it is to be merely a record of the wishes and opinions of the Power whose representatives are to sign it....[19]

How does any part of this decide the fate of Holstein or attack Germany?

Is not the Queen requiring that I should be Minister, not indeed for Austria, Russia, or France, but for the Germanic Confederation? Why should we take up the cudgels for Germany, when we are inviting Austria and Prussia, the two leading powers of Germany, and who would of course put in a claim for the Confederation if they thought it necessary, which, however, for the reasons above stated, they surely would not?...

As to my having agreed with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France before communicating with Prussia and Austria, that is not the course which things have taken. Brunnow proposed the Protocol to me, and I have been in discussion with him about it. It is he who has communicated it to the French Ambassador, to Reventlow, and to Rehausen; I sent it privately several weeks ago to Westmorland, that he might show it confidentially to Schleinitz, but telling Westmorland that it was not a thing settled, but only a proposal by Russia, and that, at all events, some part of the wording would be altered. I have no doubt that Brunnow has also shown it to Koller; but I could not send it officially to Berlin or Vienna till Brunnow had agreed to such a wording as I could recommend the Government to adopt, nor until I received the Queen's sanction to do so.

The only thing that occurs to me as practicable would be to say to Austria and Prussia that if, in signing the Protocol, they could add that they signed also in the name of the Confederation, we should be glad to have the additional weight of that authority, but that could not be made a sine qua non, any more than the signature of Austria and Prussia themselves, for I think that the Protocol ought to be signed by as many of the proposed Powers as may choose to agree to it, bearing always in mind that it is only a record of opinions and wishes, and does not decide or pretend to decide anything practically. Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON.

[Footnote 19: The Protocol was to record the desirability of the following points:—(1) that the several states which constituted the Danish Monarchy should remain united, and that the Danish Crown should be settled in such manner that it should go with the Duchy of Holstein; (2) that the signatory Powers, when the peace should have been concluded, should concert measures for the purpose of giving to the results an additional pledge of stability, by a general European acknowledgment.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S OPINION]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 25th June 1850.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter enclosing those of Lord Palmerston and Lord Lansdowne. The misconception on the Queen's part, which Lord Palmerston alleges to exist, consists in her taking the essence of the arrangement for the mere words. Lord Palmerston pretends that the Protocol "does not decide upon the fate of Holstein nor attack Germany." However, the only object of the Protocol is the fate of Holstein, which is decided upon—

(1.) By a declaration of the importance to the interests of Europe to uphold the integrity of the Danish Monarchy (which has no meaning, if it does not mean that Holstein is to remain with it).

(2.) By an approval of the efforts of the King of Denmark to keep it with Denmark, by adapting the law of succession to that of Holstein.

(3.) By an engagement on the part of the Powers to use their "soins" to get the constitutional position of Holstein settled in a peace according to the Malmoe preliminaries, of which it was one of the conditions that the question of the succession was to be left untouched.

(4.) To seal the whole arrangement by an act of European acknowledgment.

If the declarations of importance, the approval, the "soins" and the acknowledgments of all the great Powers of Europe are to decide nothing, then Lord Palmerston is quite right; if they decide anything, it is the fate of Holstein.

Whether this will be an attack upon Germany or not will be easily deduced from the fact that the attempt on the part of Denmark to incorporate into her polity the Duchy of Schleswig was declared by the Diet in 1846 to be a declaration of war against Germany merely on account of its intimate connection with the Duchy of Holstein.

The Queen does not wish her Minister to be Minister for Germany, but merely to treat that country with the same consideration which is due to every country on whose interests we mean to decide.

The Queen would wish her correspondence upon this subject to be brought before the Cabinet, and will abide by their deliberate opinion.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 25th June 1850.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Charles will have told you how kindly and amiably the Prince of Prussia has come here, travelling night and day from St Petersburg, in order to be in time for the christening of our little Arthur.[20] I wish you could (and you will, for he intends stopping at Brussels) hear him speak, for he is so straightforward, conciliatory, and yet firm of purpose; I have a great esteem and respect for him. The poor King of Prussia is recovered,[21] and has been received with great enthusiasm on the first occasion of his first reappearance in public.

We are in a crisis, no one knowing how this debate upon this most unfortunate Greek business will end. It is most unfortunate, for whatever way it ends, it must do great harm.

I must now conclude, for I am quite overpowered by the heat. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 20: The present Duke of Connaught, born on the 1st of May, the birthday of the Duke of Wellington, who was one of the sponsors, and after whom he was named.]

[Footnote 21: From an attempt to assassinate him.]



[Pageheading: THE DON PACIFICO DEBATE]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 26th June 1850.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that in the debate of last night Viscount Palmerston defended the whole Foreign Policy of the Government in a speech of four hours and three quarters.[22] This speech was one of the most masterly ever delivered, going through the details of transactions in the various parts of the world, and appealing from time to time to great principles of justice and of freedom.

The cheering was frequent and enthusiastic. The debate was adjourned till Thursday, when it will probably close.

The expectation is that Ministers will have a majority, but on the amount of that majority must depend their future course.

[Footnote 22: It lasted from dusk till dawn, and the Minister asked for a verdict on the question whether, "as the Roman in days of old held himself free from indignity when he could say, Civis Romanus sum, so also a British subject, in whatever land he may be, shall feel confident that the watchful eye and the strong arm of England will protect him against injustice and wrong." Peel, who made his last appearance in the House, voted against Palmerston.]



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

Chesham Place, 27th June 1850.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the prospects of the division are rather more favourable for Ministers than they were.

Ministers ought to have a majority of forty to justify their remaining in office.[23]

Mr Gladstone makes no secret of his wish to join Lord Stanley in forming an Administration.

Lord John Russell would desire to have the honour of an audience of your Majesty on Saturday at twelve or one o'clock.

The division will not take place till to-morrow night.

[Footnote 23: In the result, Ministers succeeded by 310 to 264, although opposed to them in the debate were Mr Gladstone, Mr Cobden, Sir Robert Peel, Mr Disraeli, Sir James Graham, and Sir William Molesworth. Next to the speeches of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, the most effective speech on the Government side was that of Mr Alexander Cockburn, afterwards Lord Chief Justice of England.]



[Pageheading: PEEL'S ACCIDENT]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 2nd July 1850.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—For two most kind and affectionate letters I offer my warmest and best thanks. The good report of my beloved Louise's improvement is a great happiness. By my letter to Louise you will have learnt all the details of this certainly very disgraceful and very inconceivable attack.[24] I have not suffered except from my head, which is still very tender, the blow having been extremely violent, and the brass end of the stick fell on my head so as to make a considerable noise. I own it makes me nervous out driving, and I start at any person coming near the carriage, which I am afraid is natural. We have, alas! now another cause of much greater anxiety in the person of our excellent Sir Robert Peel,[25] who, as you will see, has had a most serious fall, and though going on well at first, was very ill last night; thank God! he is better again this morning, but I fear still in great danger. I cannot bear even to think of losing him; it would be the greatest loss for the whole country, and irreparable for us, for he is so trustworthy, and so entirely to be depended on. All parties are in great anxiety about him. I will leave my letter open to give you the latest news.

Our good and amiable guest[26] likes being with us, and will remain with us till Saturday. We had a concert last night, and go to the opera very regularly. The Prophete is quite beautiful, and I am sure would delight you. The music in the Scene du Couronnement is, I think, finer than anything in either Robert or the Huguenots; it is highly dramatic, and really very touching. Mario sings and acts in it quite in perfection. His Raoul in the Huguenots is also most beautiful. He improves every year, and I really think his voice is the finest tenor I ever heard, and he sings and acts with such intense feeling.

What do you say to the conclusion of our debate? It leaves things just as they were. The House of Commons is becoming very unmanageable and troublesome....

I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your most affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.

I am happy to say that Sir Robert, though still very ill, is freer from pain, his pulse is less high, and he feels himself better; the Doctors think there is no vital injury, and nothing from which he cannot recover, but that he must be for some days in a precarious state.

[Footnote 24: The Queen, as she was leaving Cambridge House, where she had called to inquire after the Duke of Cambridge's health, was struck with a cane by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer, and a severe bruise was inflicted on her forehead. The outrage was apparently committed without motive, but an attempt to prove Pate insane failed, and he was sentenced to seven years' transportation.]

[Footnote 25: On the day following the Don Pacifico debate, Sir Robert Peel, after attending a meeting of the Exhibition Commissioners, had gone out riding. On his return, while passing up Constitution Hill, he was thrown from his horse, and, after lingering three days in intense pain, died on the 5th of July.]

[Footnote 26: The Prince of Prussia.]



[Pageheading: THE KING OF DENMARK]

The King of Denmark to Queen Victoria.

COPENHAGUE, 4 Juillet 1850.

MADAME MA S[OE]UR,—Je remplis un devoir des plus agreables, en m'empressant d'annoncer a votre Majeste que la paix vient d'etre signee le 2 de ce mois a Berlin entre moi et Sa Majeste le Roi de Prusse, en Son nom et en celui de la Confederation Germanique.[27]

Je sais et je reconnais de grand c[oe]ur combien je suis redevable a votre Majeste et a Son Gouvernement de ce resultat important, qui justifie mon esperance de pouvoir bientot rendre a tous mes sujets les bienfaits d'une sincere reconciliation et d'une veritable concorde.

Votre Majeste a par la sollicitude avec laquelle Elle a constamment accompli le mandat de la mediation dans l'interet du Danemark et de l'Europe, ajoute aux temoignages inappreciables de sincere amitie qu'elle n'a cesse de m'accorder durant la longue et penible epreuve que le Danemark vient de nouveau de traverser, mais qui parait, a l'aide du Tout-Puissant, devoir maintenant faire place a un meilleur avenir, offrant, sous les auspices de votre Majeste, de nouvelles garanties pour l'independance de mon antique Couronne et pour le maintien de l'integrite de ma Monarchie, a la defense desquelles je me suis voue entierement.

Je suis persuade que votre Majeste me fera la justice de croire que je suis on ne peut plus reconnaissant, et que mon peuple fidele et loyal s'associe a moi et aux miens, penetre de ces memes sentiments de gratitude envers votre Majeste.

Je m'estimerais infiniment heureux si Elle daignait ajouter a toutes Ses bontes, celle que de me fournir l'occasion de Lui donner des preuves de mon devouement inalterable et de la haute consideration avec lesquels je prie Dieu qu'il vous ait, Madame ma S[oe]ur, vous, votre auguste Epoux et tous les votres, dans sa sainte et digne garde, et avec lesquels je suis, Madame ma S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste, le bon Frere,

FREDERICK.

[Footnote 27: Denmark and the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies were still at war. Germany was bent on absorbing the Duchies, but Prussia now concluded a peace with Denmark: the enlistment of individual Germans in the insurgent army continued.]



[Pageheading: DEATH OF PEEL]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 5th July 1850.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—It gave me the greatest pain to learn of the death of our true and kind friend, Sir Robert Peel. That he should have met with his end—he so valuable to the whole earth—from an accident so easily to be avoided with some care, is the more to be lamented. You and Albert lose in him a friend whose moderation, correct judgment, great knowledge of everything connected with the country, can never be found again. Europe had in him a benevolent and a truly wise statesman....

Give my best thanks to Albert for his kind letter. I mean to send a messenger probably on Sunday or Monday to write to him. I pity him about the great Exhibition. I fear he will be much plagued, and I was glad to see that the matter is to be treated in Parliament. Alas! in all human affairs one is sure to meet with violent passions, and Peel knew that so well; great care even for the most useful objects is necessary.

I will write to you a word to-morrow. God grant that it may be satisfactory.[28] Ever, my beloved, dear Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 28: The Princess Charlotte of Belgium was seriously ill.]



Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 6th July 1850.

SIRE, MY MOST HONOURED BROTHER,—I have to express to you my thanks for the pleasure which the visit of your dear brother has given us, who, as I hope, will remit these lines to you in perfect health. That things go so well with you, and that the healing of your wound has made undisturbed progress, has been to us a true removal of anxiety. You will no doubt have learnt that I too have been again the object of an attempt, if possible still more cowardly. The criminal is, as usual, this time too, insane, or will pretend to be so; still the deed remains.

All our feelings are, in the meanwhile, preoccupied by the sorrow, in which your Majesty and all Europe will share, at the death of Sir Robert Peel. That is one of the hardest blows of Fate which could have fallen on us and on the country. You knew the great man, and understood how to appreciate his merit. His value is now becoming clear even to his opponents; all Parties are united in mourning.

The only satisfactory event of recent times is the news of your conclusion of peace with Denmark. Accept my most cordial congratulations on that account.

Requesting you to remember me cordially to the dear Queen, and referring you for detailed news to the dear Prince, also recommending to your gracious remembrance Albert, who does not wish to trouble you, on his part, with a letter, I remain, in unchangeable friendship, dear Brother, your Majesty's faithful Sister,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: DEATH OF THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 9th July 1850.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—We live in the midst of sorrow and death! My poor good Uncle Cambridge breathed his last, without a struggle, at a few minutes before ten last night. I still saw him yesterday morning at one, but he did not see me, and to-day I saw him lifeless and cold. The poor Duchess and the poor children are very touching in their grief, and poor Augusta,[29] who arrived just five hours too late, is quite heartbroken. The end was most peaceful; there was no disease; only a gastric fever, which came on four weeks ago, from over-exertion, and cold, and which he neglected for the first week, carried him off.

The good Prince of Prussia you will have been pleased to talk to and see. Having lived with him for a fortnight on a very intimate footing, we have been able to appreciate his real worth fully; he is so honest and frank, and so steady of purpose and courageous.

Poor dear Peel is to be buried to-day. The sorrow and grief at his death are most touching, and the country mourns over him as over a father. Every one seems to have lost a personal friend.

As I have much to write, you will forgive me ending here. You will be glad to hear that poor Aunt Gloucester is wonderfully calm and resigned. My poor dear Albert, who had been so fresh and well when we came back, looks so pale and fagged again. He has felt, and feels, Sir Robert's loss dreadfully. He feels he has lost a second father.

May God bless and protect you all, you dear ones! Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 29: See ante, vol. i. p. 437.]



Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

OSBORNE, 19th July 1850.

Before this draft to Lord Bloomfield about Greece is sent, it would be well to consider whether Lord Palmerston is justified in calling the Minister of the Interior of Greece "a notorious defaulter to the amount of 200,000 drachms,"[30] and should he be so, whether it is a proper thing for the Queen's Foreign Secretary to say in a public despatch!

[Footnote 30: The Convention of the 18th of April (see ante, p. 242, note 1) had decided that L8500 should be distributed among the claimants, and that Don Pacifico's special claim against Portugal should be referred to arbitration. Ultimately he was awarded only an insignificant sum.]



[Pageheading: THE FOREIGN OFFICE]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 28th July 1850.

The Queen will have much pleasure in seeing the Duke and Duchess of Bedford here next Saturday, and we have invited them. She will be quite ready to hear the Duke's opinions on the Foreign Office. Lord John may be sure that she fully admits the great difficulties in the way of the projected alteration, but she, on the other hand, feels the duty she owes to the country and to herself, not to allow a man in whom she can have no confidence, who has conducted himself in anything but a straightforward and proper manner to herself, to remain in the Foreign Office, and thereby to expose herself to insults from other nations, and the country to the constant risk of serious and alarming complications. The Queen considers these reasons as much graver than the other difficulties. Each time that we were in a difficulty, the Government seemed to be determined to move Lord Palmerston, and as soon as these difficulties were got over, those which present themselves in the carrying out of this removal appeared of so great a magnitude as to cause its relinquishment. There is no chance of Lord Palmerston reforming himself in his sixty-seventh year, and after having considered his last escape as a triumph.... The Queen is personally convinced that Lord Palmerston at this moment is secretly planning an armed Russian intervention in Schleswig, which may produce a renewal of revolutions in Germany, and possibly a general war.

The Queen only adduces this as an instance that there is no question of delicacy and danger in which Lord Palmerston will not arbitrarily and without reference to his colleagues or Sovereign engage this country.



Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark.

OSBORNE, 29 Juillet 1850.

SIRE ET MON BON FRERE,—La lettre dont votre Majeste a bien voulu m'honorer m'a cause un bien vif plaisir comme temoignage que votre Majeste a su apprecier les sentiments d'amitie pour vous et le desir d'agir avec impartialite qui m'ont animee ainsi que mon Gouvernement pendant tout le cours des longues negociations qui out precede la signature de la Paix avec l'Allemagne. Votre Majeste peut aisement comprendre aussi combien je dois regretter le renouvellement de la guerre avec le Schleswig qui ne pourra avoir d'autre resultat que l'accroissement de l'animosite et l'affaiblissement des deux nobles peuples sur lesquels vous regnez. Dieu veuille que cette derniere lutte se termine pourtant dans une reconciliation solide, basee sur la reconnaissance des droits et des obligations des deux cotes. Je me trouve poussee a vous soumettre ici, Sire, une priere pour un Prince qui s'est malheureusement trouve en conflit avec votre Majeste, mais pour lequel les liens de parente me portent a plaider, le Duc de Holstein-Augustenburg. Je suis persuadee que la magnanimite de votre Majeste lui rendra ses biens particuliers, qu'elle a juge necessaire de lui oter pendant la guerre de 1848, ce que je reconnaitrais bien comme une preuve d'amitie de la part de votre Majeste envers moi.

En faisant des v[oe]ux, pour son bonbeur et en exprimant le desir du Prince, mon Epoux, d'etre mis aux pieds de votre Majeste, je suis, Sire et mon bon Frere, de votre Majeste la bonne S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: DENMARK AND SCHLESWIG]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 31st July 1850.

The Queen must draw Lord John Russell's attention to the accompanying draft[31] with regard to Schleswig, which is evidently intended to lay the ground for future foreign armed intervention. This is to be justified by considering the assistance which the Stadthalterschaft of Holstein may be tempted to give to their Schleswig brethren "as an invasion of Schleswig by a German force."

Lord John seems himself to have placed a "?" against that passage. This is, after two years' negotiation and mediation, begging the question at issue. The whole war—Revolution, mediation, etc., etc.—rested upon the question whether Schleswig was part of Holstein (though not of the German Confederation), or part of Denmark and not of Holstein.

[Footnote 31: In this draft, Lord Palmerston was remonstrating with the Prussian Government against the orders given by the Holstein Statthalters to their army to invade Schleswig, after the signature of the peace between Prussia and Denmark.]



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 31st July 1850.

The Queen has considered Lord Seymour's memorandum upon the Rangership of the Parks in London, but cannot say that it has convinced her of the expediency of its abolition. There is nothing in the management of these parks by the Woods and Forests which does not equally apply to all the others, as Greenwich, Hampton Court, Richmond, etc. There is certainly a degree of inconvenience in the divided authority, but this is amply compensated by the advantage to the Crown, in appearance at least, to keep up an authority emanating personally from the Sovereign, and unconnected with a Government Department which is directly answerable to the House of Commons. The last debate upon Hyde Park has, moreover, shown that it will not be safe not to remind the public of the fact that the parks are Royal property. As the Ranger has no power over money, the management will always remain with the Office of Woods.