Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner to-day, and she wishes Lord Palmerston to let her know the day on which he is to leave for Frankfort in order that she may prepare her letter for the Archduke accordingly.

[Footnote 33: Lord Palmerston had reported an interview with de Tallenay, who sought the co-operation of England with France in Northern Italy; the Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn or reduced, the union of Lombardy and Piedmont to be accepted as a fait accompli, and Venetian territory erected into a separate republic.]



[Pageheading: NORTHERN ITALY]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 25th July 1848.

The Queen sends Lord John Russell the enclosed Despatch from Lord Normanby, with a draft in answer to it which was sent for her approval, but which she really cannot approve. The Queen must tell Lord John what she has repeatedly told Lord Palmerston, but without apparent effect, that the establishment of an entente cordiale with the French Republic, for the purpose of driving the Austrians out of their dominions in Italy, would be a disgrace to this country. That the French would attach the greatest importance to it and gain the greatest advantage by it there can be no doubt of; but how will England appear before the world at the moment when she is struggling to maintain her supremacy in Ireland, and boasts to stand by treaties with regard to her European relations, having declined all this time to interfere in Italy or to address one word of caution to the Sardinian Government on account of its attack on Austria, and having refused to mediate when called upon to do so by Austria, because the terms were not good enough for Sardinia, if she should now ally herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to interfere against her at the moment when she has recovered in some degree her position in the Venetian territory?

The notion of establishing a Venetian State under French guarantee is too absurd. Lord Palmerston in his draft says that we believe that the French plan would be agreed to by Austria. Now this is completely at variance with every account, report, or despatch we have received from Verona, Innspruck, or Vienna; however, Lord Palmerston hints that the King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. The French Republic seems not to be anxious for war, not able to conduct it, and the country appears to be decidedly against it; all M. Bastide says is: "There were two extremes which it would be very difficult for them to admit without opposition, viz. the restoration of Lombardy to the Dominion of Austria on the one side, and the union under one powerful state under Charles Albert of all the principalities into which the north of Italy has hitherto been divided." With this explicit declaration, it would surely be best for the interests of Europe that we should name this to Charles Albert, and call upon him to rest satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude a peace with Austria, leaving her what he cannot take from her, and thus avoid calling in France as an arbiter. Why this has not been done long ago, or should not be done now, the Queen cannot comprehend.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 27th July 1848.

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's two letters with respect to Italy. The alterations in the draft meet many of the Queen's objections, giving to the whole step another appearance. The Queen ... must acknowledge the advantage of our trying to bind [the French] to good conduct; only this must be done in a way not to appear as a league with them against a friendly Power, struggling to preserve to herself a territory granted to her by a Treaty to which we were a party.

As the amended draft secures us against these appearances, and leaves us free for the future, the Queen approves it.



[Pageheading: MINOR GERMAN STATES]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

OSBORNE, 1st August 1848.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I had yesterday the happiness of receiving your kind letter of the 29th, for which I return my best thanks.

There are ample means of crushing the Rebellion in Ireland,[34] and I think it now is very likely to go off without any contest.... Lord Hardinge is going over there to serve on the Staff, which is very praiseworthy of him.

I do not think the fate of the Minor Princes in Germany is so completely decided as Charles[35] ... is so anxious to make one believe. There is only a question of taking certain powers and rights away, and not at all of getting rid of them; and I think you will see that the Ausfuehrung of the Unity will be an impossibility, at least in the sense they propose at Frankfort. The Archduke John has spoken very reassuringly both to Ernest and the Duke of Meiningen, and the attachment in many of those smaller principalities is still extremely great, and I am sure they will never consent to being ausgewischt. Coburg, for instance, on the occasion of the suppression of a very small riot, showed the greatest attachment and devotion to Ernest; at Gotha the feeling of independence is very great, and at Strelitz, on the occasion of Augusta's confinement with a son, the enthusiasm and rejoicing was universal. All this cannot be entirely despised.

We are as happy as possible here, and would be perfectly so, if it was not for the sorrow and misfortunes of so many dear to us, and for the state of the world in general.

I have always forgotten to tell you that we bought a fine marble bust of you quite by accident in London the other day. It is in armour and with moustaches, but quite different to the one the Gardners have at Melbourne; Albert saw it at the window of a shop, and heard it had been bought in a sale of a General Somebody. Now, with Albert's best love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

We have just heard that there has been an action in Ireland in which some of the insurgents have been killed; fifty Police dispersed four thousand people. Smith O'Brien is, however, not yet taken.

[Footnote 34: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 141.]

[Footnote 35: The Frankfort Assembly, in pursuance of the policy of German consolidation, had placed the central executive power in the hands of a Reichsverweser, or Vicar of the Empire. The Archduke John, uncle of the Emperor of Austria, was elected to this position, and the Queen's half-brother Charles, Prince of Leiningen, was entrusted with the Department of Foreign Affairs.]



[Pageheading: AN AMBASSADOR TO FRANCE]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

OSBORNE, 8th August 1848.

... The Queen has attentively perused the statement of Lord Palmerston in favour of accrediting an Ambassador at Paris. As the proposed arrangement for the present is to be only a provisional one, the Queen thinks that the appointment of a Minister now will leave it quite open to have an Ambassador hereafter, if it should be found necessary or advantageous, whilst it would set that matter at rest for the moment. Withdrawing an Ambassador and substituting a Minister hereafter, would be much more difficult. The French Republic would no doubt like to have an Ambassador here, and perhaps take immediate steps to secure that object if Lord Normanby were accredited Ambassador at Paris, against which we would be secured in having only a Minister there.... Lord Normanby's acquaintance with the public men at Paris is as much an inconvenience as it may be a convenience in some respects; his having been the great admirer and friend of M. Lamartine, for instance, etc., etc. The possibility of mixing freely with persons of various kinds, which Lord Palmerston adduces as an important consideration will, in the Queen's opinion, be more easy for a Minister than for a person of the high rank of Ambassador. All things considered therefore, the Queen will prefer to have temporarily a Minister accredited at Paris.

M. de Tallenay the Queen would receive in London on Tuesday next at six o'clock, when the Queen will be in Town.



Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

OSBORNE, 11th August 1848.

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday. The Queen was quite surprised to hear from Lord Palmerston in his last communication that he had written to Lord Normanby to offer him to stay as Minister at Paris, after his having before stated to the Queen that this would never do and could not be expected from Lord Normanby; Lord Normanby's answer declining this offer therefore does in no way alter the matter, and must have been foreseen by Lord Palmerston. By the delay and Lord Normanby's various conversations with M. Bastide[36] and General Cavaignac it has now become difficult to depart from the precedent of the Belgian and Sardinian Missions without giving offence at Paris. The Queen must, however, insist upon this precedent being fully adhered to. She accordingly sanctions Lord Normanby's appointment as Ambassador Extraordinary, on the distinct understanding that there is to be no Ambassador sent in return to London now, and that a Minister is to be appointed to Paris when the diplomatic intercourse is permanently to be settled. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to bear this in mind, and to submit to her the arrangement which he thinks will be best calculated to carry this into effect.

[Footnote 36: Minister of Foreign Affairs.]



[Pageheading: LORD NORMANBY'S APPOINTMENT]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 11th August 1848.

The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of to-day. The Queen is highly indignant at Lord Palmerston's behaviour now again with respect to Lord Normanby's appointment; he knew perfectly well that Lord Normanby could not accept the post of Minister, and had written to the Queen before that such an offer could not be made, and has now made it after all, knowing that, by wasting time and getting the matter entangled at Paris, he would carry his point. If the French are so anxious to keep Lord Normanby as to make any sacrifice for that object, it ought to make us cautious, as it can only be on account of the ease with which they can make him serve their purposes. They, of course, like an entente cordiale with us at the expense of Austria;... but this can be no consideration for us....

Threatening the Austrians with war, or making war upon them in case they should not be inclined to surrender their provinces at his bidding [Lord Palmerston] knows to be impossible; therefore the entente with the Republic is of the greatest value to him, enabling him to threaten the Austrians at any time with the French intervention which he can have at command if he agrees to it.[37] The Queen has read the leading articles of the Times of yesterday and to-day on this subject with the greatest satisfaction as they express almost entirely the same views and feelings which she entertains. The Queen hopes that Lord John Russell will read them; indeed, the whole of the Press seem to be unanimous on this subject, and she can hardly understand how there can be two opinions upon it....

[Footnote 37: The success of the Piedmontese in Northern Italy had not continued through the summer, and the States whose assistance they had hitherto received began to fall away from them. The King of Naples, successful within his own dominions, had withdrawn his troops; the Pope hesitated to attack Austria; even undivided support from Venetia could no longer be counted upon. After several reverses, Charles Albert, now left virtually alone in the contest, was decisively defeated by Radetzky, at Custozza, and retreated across the Mincio. With what was left of his troops he entered Milan, which he was eventually forced to surrender, being unable to maintain himself there. Italy now turned to France for assistance, but Cavaignac, virtually Dictator in Paris, would not go further than combining with England to effect a peaceful mediation. Austria was not in a frame of mind to relinquish any part of the provinces she had had so severe a struggle to retain.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

OSBORNE, 20th August 1848.

The Queen has received an autograph letter from the Archduke John (in answer to the private letter she had written to him through Lord Cowley), which has been cut open at the Foreign Office. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to take care that this does not happen again. The opening of official letters even, addressed to the Queen, which she has of late observed, is really not becoming, and ought to be discontinued, as it used never to be the case formerly.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 21st August 1848.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, but cannot say that she has been satisfied by the reasons given by Lord Palmerston. The union of Lombardy and Piedmont cannot be considered as a concession to France for the maintenance of peace, because we know that it is the very thing the French object to. The Queen quite agrees that the principal consideration always to be kept in sight is the preservation of the peace of Europe; but it is precisely on that account that she regrets that the terms proposed by Lord Palmerston (whilst they are not in accordance with the views of France) are almost the only ones which must be most offensive to Austria. Lord Palmerston will have his kingdom of Upper Italy under Charles Albert, to which every other consideration is to be sacrificed, and Lord Normanby's alteration of the terms certainly serve that purpose well; but it is quite independent of the question of mediation, and the only thing in the whole proceeding which is indefensible in principle.

It will be a calamity for ages to come if this principle is to become part of the international law, viz. "that a people can at any time transfer their allegiance from the Sovereign of one State to that of another by universal suffrage (under momentary excitement)," and this is what Lord Normanby—no doubt according to Lord Palmerston's wishes—has taken as the basis of the mediation. For even the faits accomplis, which are a convenient basis to justify any act of injustice, are here against Charles Albert.

Lord Palmerston's argument respecting Schleswig,[38] which the Queen quoted in her last letter, had no reference to the Treaty of 1720.

[Footnote 38: The first act of the Vor-Parlament, a body which had existed temporarily at Frankfort, to pave the way for the National Assembly of a Consolidated Germany, had been to treat Schleswig, theretofore part of the Danish dominions, as absorbed in the German Confederation, and Lord Palmerston's objections to this proceeding had been treated by the Queen in a letter of 19th August as inconsistent with his attitude towards Austria.]



[Pageheading: PRUSSIA AND GERMANY]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

OSBORNE, 29th August 1848.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Most warmly do I thank you for your very kind and dear letter of the 26th, with so many good wishes for that dearest of days. It is indeed to me one of eternal thankfulness, for a purer, more perfect being than my beloved Albert the Creator could not have sent into this troubled world. I feel that I could not exist without him, and that I should sink under the troubles and annoyances and degouts of my very difficult position, were it not for his assistance, protection, guidance, and comfort. Truly do I thank you for your great share in bringing about our marriage.

Stockmar I do not quite understand, and I cannot believe that he really wishes to ruin all the smaller States, though his principal object is that unity which I fear he will not obtain.

I do not either at all agree in his wish that Prussia should take the lead; his love for Prussia is to me incomprehensible, for it is the country of all others which the rest of Germany dislikes. Stockmar cannot be my good old friend if he has such notions of injustice as I hear attributed to him. But whatever they may be, I do not believe the Ausfuehrung to be possible.

I have great hopes of soon hearing of something decided about the fortunes of the poor French family. You will have seen how nobly and courageously good Joinville and Aumale behaved on the occasion of the burning of that emigrant ship off Liverpool.[39] It will do them great good. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 39: One hundred and seventy-eight persons perished in the burning of the Ocean Monarch; the French Princes were on board a Brazilian steam frigate, which saved one hundred and fifty-six lives.]



[Pageheading: AUSTRIA DECLINES MEDIATION]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

OSBORNE, 2nd September 1848.

The Queen has read in the papers the news that Austria and Sardinia have nearly settled their differences, and also "that it was confidently stated that a French and British squadron, with troops on board, are to make a demonstration in the Adriatic."

Though the Queen cannot believe this, she thinks it right to inform Lord Palmerston without delay that, should such a thing be thought of, it is a step which the Queen could not give her consent to.



Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 4th September 1848.

The Queen since her arrival in Town has heard that the answer from Austria declining our mediation has some days ago been communicated to Lord Palmerston. The Queen is surprised that Lord Palmerston should have left her uninformed of so important an event. The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the proposal to mediate on the part of the central power of Germany,[40] and does not see why that power, which has a responsible Government, is to be precluded from taking part in a negotiation because the Archduke John might be friendly towards Austria—whereas the French republic, which had in public documents espoused the Italian Cause, is to be a party to it.

Neither France nor England are neighbours to or directly interested in Lombardy, whereas Germany is both.[41]

[Footnote 40: See ante, p. 188, note 35.]

[Footnote 41: Lord Palmerston's object, in which he ultimately succeeded, was, by obtaining the French Government's co-operation in mediating between Austria and Piedmont, to prevent the aggressive party in France from maturing any designs on Italy.]



[Pageheading: AUSTRIA AND ITALY]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

ON BOARD THE Victoria and Albert, ABERDEEN, 7th September 1848.

The Queen must send the enclosed draft to Lord John Russell, with a copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston upon it. Lord Palmerston has as usual pretended not to have had time to submit the draft to the Queen before he had sent it off. What the Queen has long suspected and often warned against is on the point of happening, viz. Lord Palmerston's using the new entente cordiale for the purpose of wresting from Austria her Italian provinces by French arms. This would be a most iniquitous proceeding. It is another question whether it is good policy for Austria to try to retain Lombardy, but that is for her and not for us to decide. Many people might think that we would be happier without Ireland or Canada. Lord John will not fail to observe how very intemperate the whole tone of Lord Palmerston's language is.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BALMORAL CASTLE, 13th September 1848.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I yesterday received your dear and kind letter of the 9th (it having arrived in London only the day before), which is very quick, and I thank you much for it. The Schleswig affair at Frankfort is very unfortunate, and there seems a lamentable want of all practical sense, foresight, or even common prudence.[42]

The poor Austrians seem now to accept the (to me very doubtful) mediation. It reminds me of the wolf in the lamb's skin. Nous verrons, how matters will be arranged....

My letter to Louise will have informed you of our voyage and our arrival here. This house is small but pretty, and though the hills seen from the windows are not so fine, the scenery all around is the finest almost I have seen anywhere. It is very wild and solitary, and yet cheerful and beautifully wooded, with the river Dee running between the two sides of the hills. Loch Nagar is the highest hill in the immediate vicinity, and belongs to us.

Then the soil is the driest and best known almost anywhere, and all the hills are as sound and hard as the road. The climate is also dry, and in general not very cold, though we had one or two very cold days. There is a deer forest—many roe deer, and on the opposite hill (which does not belong to us) grouse. There is also black cock and ptarmigan. Albert has, however, no luck this year, and has in vain been after the deer, though they are continually seen, and often quite close by the house. The children are very well, and enjoying themselves much. The boys always wear their Highland dress.

I must now wish you good-bye, and repeat how much delighted we are that everything goes on so well in Belgium. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 42: The incorporation of Schleswig had been forcibly resisted, and Sweden determined on armed intervention; but a temporary armistice was arranged in August. This the National Assembly attempted to disavow, but a few days after this letter was written it was ratified.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

Memorandum by Queen Victoria.

BALMORAL, 19th September 1848.

I said to Lord John Russell, that I must mention to him a subject, which was a serious one, one which I had delayed mentioning for some time, but which I felt I must speak quite openly to him upon now, namely about Lord Palmerston; that I felt really I could hardly go on with him, that I had no confidence in him, and that it made me seriously anxious and uneasy for the welfare of the country and for the peace of Europe in general, and that I felt very uneasy from one day to another as to what might happen. Lord John replied that he was aware of it; that he had considered the matter already, having heard from his brother (the Duke of Bedford) how strongly I felt about it; that he felt the truth of all that I had said, but that, on the other hand, Lord Palmerston was a very able man, entirely master of his office and affairs, and a very good colleague, never making any difficulties about other questions, but (certainly unreasonably) complaining of other people mixing with and interfering in the affairs of his office. I said that ... I fully believed that that Spanish marriage question, which had been the original cause of so many present misfortunes, would never have become so embrouille had it not been for Lord Palmerston. This led Lord John to say, that though he disapproved the length of Lord Palmerston's correspondence, still that we could not have done otherwise than object to the marriage. This is true enough. I repeated that all that had been done in Italy last winter had also done harm, as it was done by Lord Palmerston, who was distrusted everywhere abroad, which Lord John regretted. I said that I thought that he often endangered the honour of England by taking a very prejudiced and one-sided view of a question;... that his writings were always as bitter as gall and did great harm, which Lord John entirely assented to, and that I often felt quite ill from anxiety; that I wished Lord Clarendon (who, I had heard, was tired of Ireland) could come over and be Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and Lord Palmerston go to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. Lord John said nothing would be better, for that he was sure that Lord Palmerston would make an admirable Lord-Lieutenant, but that another thing to be considered was the danger of making Lord Palmerston an enemy by displacing him, that Lord Minto (who was formerly a great friend and admirer of Lord Palmerston's) had told Lady John when she spoke to him on the subject of placing Lord Palmerston in another office, that he (Lord Palmerston) would certainly turn against the Government if displaced. I said that might be, but that sometimes there were great interests at stake which exceeded the danger of offending one man, and that this was here the case; Lord John said it was very true, but that at moments like these one of course was anxious not to do anything which could cause internal trouble. I admitted this, but repeated my anxiety, which Lord John quite understood, though he thought I a little overrated it, and said I was afraid that some day I should have to tell Lord John that I could not put up with Lord Palmerston any longer, which might be very disagreeable and awkward.

It ended by Lord John's promising to bear the subject in mind, and I must say that he took it all just as I could wish.

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN THE PUNJAB]

[Pageheading: HOSTILITY OF THE SIKHS]

Minute by the Governor-General of India.

30th September 1848.

... The course of events, as they have developed themselves, and long and anxious considerations of this important subject, have finally and immovably confirmed in my mind the conviction which the earlier events of the insurrection at Mooltan long since had founded, that there will be no peace for India, nor any stability of Government in the Punjab, nor any release from anxiety and costly defensive preparations on our frontier, unless the British Government, justly indignant at the unprovoked and treacherous aggression once again committed against them by the Sikhs, shall now effectually provide against future dangers by subverting for ever the Dynasty of the Sings, by converting the Punjab into a British province, and by adopting the only measure which will secure the observance of peace by the Sikhs, namely, depriving them utterly of all the means of making war. I continue as fully convinced as ever that the establishment of a strong, friendly, Hindoo Government in the Punjab would be the best settlement that could be made for the interests of British India, if it could be formed. But I am convinced that such a Government cannot be formed.[43]

[Footnote 43: See Introductory Note for 1849, post, p. 208.]

The Chiefs of the Punjab are utterly powerless and worthless. The great body of the nation is adverse to all control, and in no degree submissive to the authority of those who are professedly their rulers.

Even admitting, which I am by no means prepared to do, that the Sirdars are not treacherously or hostilely disposed to the British Government, of what advantage, what defence to us is the fidelity of the Chiefs, if they are confessedly unable to control the army which is as avowedly hostile to us? That which we desire to secure is a peaceful and well-governed neighbour, and a frontier free from alarms, nor demanding a permanent garrison of 50,000 men. If their army are able to disturb and eager to disturb on every occasion the peace we seek to render permanent, of what profit to us is the assumed fidelity of the Chiefs, who cannot repress their soldiers' turbulence, or command their obedience?

I discredit altogether the assurances of the fidelity of the Chiefs on the evidence of the facts before us....

To all these recommendations my colleagues in the Council have yielded their ready assent.

I have to the last sought to avert, or to avoid, the necessity, if it could prudently or fitly be avoided.

The Sikh nation have forced the necessity upon us. Having resolved at once, and fully, to meet it, I shall proceed with all speed to the frontier, and shall endeavour by every exertion, and by all the means in my power, to carry into effect vigorously the measures on which the Government of India has resolved, and which, in my conscience I believe, are imperatively called for by regard to the peace of India, to the security of our Empire there, and to the happiness of the people over whom we rule.

DALHOUSIE.



[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ITALIAN POLICY]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 7th October 1848.

The Queen sends Lord Palmerston's answer to her last letter, of which the Queen has sent a copy to Lord John Russell, and encloses likewise a copy of her present answer. The partiality of Lord Palmerston in this Italian question really surpasses all conception, and makes the Queen very uneasy on account of the character and honour of England, and on account of the danger to which the peace of Europe will be exposed. It is now clearly proved by Baron Wessenberg that upon the conclusion of the Armistice with Sardinia, negotiations for peace would have speedily been entered into, had our mediation not been offered to the King, to whom the offer of Lombardy was too tempting not to accept, and now that promise is by fair or unfair means to be made good. The Queen cannot see any principle in this, as the principle upon which Lord Palmerston goes is Italian Nationality and Independence from a foreign Yoke and Tyranny. How can the Venetian territory then be secured to Austria? and if this is done, on what ground can Lombardy be wrung from her? It is really not safe to settle such important matters without principle and by personal passion alone. When the French Government say they cannot control public feeling, Lord Palmerston takes this as an unalterable fact, and as a sufficient reason to make the Austrians give up Lombardy; when, however, the Austrian Government say they cannot give up Lombardy on account of the feeling of the Army which had just reconquered it with their blood and under severe privations and sufferings, Lord Palmerston flippantly tells the Austrian Government, "if that were so, the Emperor had better abdicate and make General Radetzky Emperor." When Charles Albert burned the whole of the suburbs of Milan to keep up the delusion that he meant to defend the town, Lord Palmerston said nothing; and now that the Austrian Governor has prohibited revolutionary placards on the walls, and prolonged the period at which arms are to be surrendered, at the end of which persons concealing arms are to be tried by court-martial, he writes to Vienna: "that this savage proclamation, which savours more of the barbarous usages of centuries long gone by than of the spirit of the present times, must strike everybody as a proof of the fear by which the Austrian Commander is inspired," etc., etc., etc.

Venice was to have been made over to Austria by the Armistice, and now that this has not been done, Austria is not even to retake it, in order (as Lord Normanby says) to keep something in hand against which Austria is to make further concessions. Is all this fair? In the meantime, from the account of our Consul at Venice, the French agents are actively employed in intrigues against Austria in that town, and have asked him to assist, which he refused. Lord Palmerston merely approved his conduct, and did not write a line to Paris about it. Now the question at issue is not even to be submitted to a Conference of European powers, but to be settled by the French Republic and Lord Palmerston alone, Lord Normanby being the instrument who has pledged himself over and over again for Italian independence (so called). If Austria makes peace with Sardinia, and gives her Italian provinces separate National Institutions with a liberal constitutional Government, who can force upon her another arrangement?



[Pageheading: GREECE]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

OSBORNE, 8th October 1848.

The Queen cannot refrain from telling Lord Palmerston what a painful impression the perusal of a draft of his to Lord Normanby referring to the affairs of Greece has made upon her, being so little in accordance with the calm dignity which she likes to see in all the proceedings of the British Government; she was particularly struck by the language in which Lord Palmerston speaks of King Otho, a Sovereign with whom she stands in friendly relations, and the asperity against the Government of the King of the French, who is really sufficiently lowered and suffering for the mistakes he may have committed, and that of all this a copy is to be placed in the hands of the Foreign Minister of the French Republic, the Queen can only see with much regret.[44]

[Footnote 44: Lord Palmerston replied that his observations on the two Kings lay at the very root of his argument, and were necessary to conciliate the present Government of France.]



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 10th October 1848.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Our voyage yesterday was much saddened by a terrible accident at Spithead, which delayed us half an hour, and which still fills us with horror. The sea was running very high, and we were just outside what is called The Spit, when we saw a man in the water, sitting on the keel of a boat, and we stopped, and at that moment Albert discerned many heads above the sea, including a poor woman. The tide was running so strong that we could only stop an instant and let a boat down, but you may imagine our horror. We waited at Gosport to hear if the people had been saved, and we learnt that three had, two of whom by our Fairy's boat, and that four were drowned. Very horrid indeed.

The state of Germany is dreadful, and one does feel quite ashamed about that once really so peaceful and happy people. That there are still good people there I am sure, but they allow themselves to be worked upon in a frightful and shameful way.... In France a crisis seems at hand. What a very bad figure we cut in this mediation! Really it is quite immoral, with Ireland quivering in our grasp, and ready to throw off her allegiance at any moment, for us to force Austria to give up her lawful possessions. What shall we say if Canada, Malta, etc., begin to trouble us? It hurts me terribly. This ought to be the principle in all actions, private as well as public: "Was du nicht willst, dass dir geschieht, das thu' auch einem andern nicht." ...

I must now conclude. With every good wish, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: THE BOERS]

Earl Grey to Queen Victoria.

COLONIAL OFFICE, 25th October 1848.

Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to inform your Majesty that no official accounts have been received of the engagement on the Cape Frontier between your Majesty's forces under Sir H. Smith and the insurgent Dutch farmers, of which an account is published in the newspapers.[45] Lord Grey has, however, seen a private letter, which mentions, in addition to what is stated in the Government notice in the Cape newspapers, that Sir Harry Smith exposed himself very much, and was slightly wounded; most fortunately, he was merely grazed in the leg; his horse was also struck by a bullet in the nose. A very large proportion of those who were hit by the fire of the rebels were officers, who appear to have been particularly aimed at.

[Footnote 45: In July, Pretorius, the Boer leader, had in consequence of the British annexation of territory, expelled the British Resident from Bloemfontein. See Introductory Note, ante, p. 142. Sir Harry Smith decisively defeated the Boers on the 29th of August.]



Queen Victoria to Earl Grey.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 26th October 1848.

The Queen has received Lord Grey's letter, and is glad to hear that Sir H. Smith's wound was not of a serious nature. The loss of so many officers, the Queen is certain, proceeds from their wearing a blue coat whilst the men are in scarlet; the Austrians lost a great proportion of officers in Italy from a similar difference of dress.

As to the Medal for Major Edwardes, the Queen did not approve but disapprove the step, and wished the Bath to be given instead, which has been done. The medals for troops in general (given by the East India Company) are a new and doubtful thing, and now it is proposed to reward even a special case of personal distinction by the Company's conferring a mark of honour. Lord Grey will agree with the Queen that it will be better not to establish two fountains of honour in the Realm. If the East India Company wish to mark their approbation, perhaps they might send Major Edwardes a fine sword or something of that kind.



[Pageheading: GOVERNORSHIP OF GIBRALTAR]

Earl Grey to Queen Victoria.

COLONIAL OFFICE, 26th October 1848.

Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has just had the honour of receiving your Majesty's letter. Lord Fitzroy Somerset happened to be here when it arrived, and Lord Grey read to him that part of it which relates to the danger occasioned to officers in action from wearing a dress of a different colour from that of the men. Lord Fitzroy observed that although there can be no doubt of the objection to the blue coats worn by officers, in this instance their having suffered so much cannot be attributed to that cause, as it appears that all the officers who were wounded but one, belonged to regiments (the Rifle Battalion or the Cape Mounted Rifles) in which the officers are dressed in the same colour as the men....

Lord Grey begs to submit to your Majesty that the usual time for relieving the present Governor of Gibraltar is now come, and that he thinks it very desirable to appoint a successor to Sir Robert Wilson, who now fills that situation. It appears to Lord Grey that, considering the nature of the appointment and also the great advantage which would result from affording greater encouragement to the officers serving under the Ordnance, it would be very proper to confer this government upon a General Officer belonging to the Royal Artillery or Engineers. There is some difficulty in making a selection from the officers of these Corps, because, from their retiring only by seniority, they seldom attain the rank of General Officer while they are still in possession of sufficient strength and activity for employment. Lord Grey, however, believes from the information he has been able to obtain, that Sir Robert Gardiner might, with advantage, be appointed to this command, which he therefore begs leave to recommend to your Majesty to confer upon him. Lord Grey has had no communication with Sir R. Gardiner, and is entirely ignorant whether he would accept this employment.[46]

[Footnote 46: Sir Robert Gardiner, K.C.B.. was appointed Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Gibraltar on the 21st of November, and held that post till 1855.]



[Pageheading: ITALY AND AUSTRIA]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 27th October 1848.

The Queen has not yet acknowledged the receipt of Lord John Russell's communication of the views of the Cabinet on the Italian affairs.[47] She is very glad that the Cabinet should have considered this important question, and that she should have received an assurance "that she will not be advised to have recourse to forcible intervention." The Queen understands this principle to apply to Lombardy as well as to Sicily, and that, of course, "forcible intervention" will not only be avoided as to British means, but likewise as to French means, with British consent and concurrence. Though Lord John Russell does not enter so much into particulars with regard to the opinions of the Members of the Cabinet as the Queen might have wished, she infers from the proposition that Lombardy should be constituted separately under an Archduke, that the idea of making it over to the King of Sardinia is finally abandoned.

[Footnote 47: Lord John had written to the effect that, while no definite decision had been arrived at with regard to Italy, it was thought by the Cabinet that every means should be used to induce Austria to give up Lombardy to an Austrian Prince, as most conformable to the interests of Austria herself. The question of Sicily (he added) was more difficult, but if no agreement could be arrived at by amicable negotiation, the Cabinet would not be disposed to advise the Queen to have recourse to forcible intervention.]



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 19th November 1848.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.

It will probably be necessary to send troops to India, who will then be no longer chargeable to this country. But Lord John Russell thinks it his duty to state that however unwilling he may be to diminish the Military and Naval force, it is still more essential to keep our income within our expenditure.

The whole matter will be under the consideration of the Cabinet next week.

The approaching election of a President in France must decide the question of the future Government of France. Louis Bonaparte may probably play the part of Richard Cromwell.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 21st November 1848.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I write to thank you for your kind letter of the 18th on your god-daughter's eighth birthday! It does seem like an incredible dream that Vicky should already be so old! She is very happy with all her gifts.

In Vienna things are much better. Louis Napoleon's election seems certain, and I own I wish for it as I think it will lead to something else.

You will grieve to hear that our good, dear, old friend Melbourne is dying; there is no hope, and I enclose a pretty letter of Lady Beauvale's,[48] which I think will interest you, and which I beg you to return. One cannot forget how good and kind and amiable he was, and it brings back so many recollections to my mind, though, God knows! I never wish that time back again.

We go to-morrow for four weeks to our dear, peaceful Osborne.

I will now take my leave. Begging you to believe me ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 48: See Greville's appreciative description of Lady Beauvale in his Journal for the 30th of January 1853.]



Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

BROCKET HALL, 23rd November 1848.

Viscount Palmerston is here engaged in the melancholy occupation of watching the gradual extinction of the lamp of life of one who was not more distinguished by his brilliant talents, his warm affections, and his first-rate understanding, than by those sentiments of attachment to your Majesty which rendered him the most devoted subject who ever had the honour to serve a Sovereign.



[Pageheading: DEATH OF LORD MELBOURNE]

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

BROCKET HALL, 25th November 1848.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has to state that Viscount Melbourne was released from further suffering at about six o'clock yesterday afternoon. His bodily strength had been rapidly declining during the last few days, and it was only at intervals that he retained any degree of apparent consciousness. The last transition took place quietly and with almost imperceptible gradation.



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 26th November 1848.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty: he sees no political objection to a visit to Osborne on the part of the Duke and Duchess of Nemours. The election of a President in France is so completely absorbing attention that any mark of regard to the Duke of Nemours may well pass unnoticed.

Lord John Russell had the honour of seeing Louis Philippe in this house on Friday. He was in much better spirits, owing to the convalescence of the Queen; but the illness has been a very serious one.

Lord John Russell had understood that the affairs of property belonging to the Orleans family were arranged, and that Louis Philippe would ultimately be possessed of more than a million sterling.

Louis Philippe expressed his opinion in favour of Louis Bonaparte as a candidate for the Presidency. He feels confident that France cannot go to war on account of the state of her finances.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

OSBORNE, 21th November 1848.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Thank God! that the news from Berlin are better. It is to be hoped that this may have a good effect elsewhere.

In France there ought really to be a Monarchy before long, qui que ce soit.

Our poor old friend Melbourne died on the 24th. I sincerely regret him, for he was truly attached to me, and though not a firm Minister he was a noble, kind-hearted, generous being. Poor Lord Beauvale and Lady Palmerston feel it very much. I wish it might soften the caro sposo of the latter-named person.

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE POPE]

Pope Pius IX. to Queen Victoria.[49]

To the Most Serene and Potent Sovereign Victoria, the Illustrious Queen of England, Pius Papa Nonus.

Most Serene and Most Potent Queen, Greeting! Your Royal Majesty has already learned what a subversion of public affairs has taken place at Rome, and what utterly unheard-of violence was, on the 16th of the late month of November, offered to us in our very Palace of the Quirinal, in consequence of a nefarious conspiracy of abandoned and most turbulent men. Hence, in order to avoid more violent commotions and more serious dangers, as likewise for the purpose of freely performing the functions of our apostolic Ministry, we, not without the deepest and most heartfelt sorrow, have been constrained to depart for a time from our Holy City, and from the whole state of our pontifical dominions; and in the meanwhile we come as far as Gaeta, where, as soon as we had arrived, our first care was to declare to our subjects the sentiments of our mind and will, by a public edict, a copy of which we transmit to your Royal Majesty, together with these our letters. Without doubt, through your own wisdom, you will perfectly understand, Most Serene and Potent Sovereign, that amongst the other most cruel difficulties by which we are pressed, we must be chiefly solicitous concerning those subject to our temporal rule and the rights and possessions of the Roman Church, which, moreover, your august Uncle and the other Princes of Europe protected with so much zeal. But we do not in the least doubt that, in conformity with your exalted magnanimity, your justice, and your known desire to maintain order in public affairs, you will by no means suffer this same to be wanting to us at this most lamentable time. Trusting indeed in this hope, we do not cease, in the humility and affliction of our heart, from earnestly beseeching God, the All Good and All Great, that He may heap upon your Royal Majesty and your whole House all true and solid prosperity, and that He may unite you with us in perfect charity.

Given at Gaeta, the 4th day of December 1848, in the third year of our Pontificate.

PIUS PP. IX.[50]

[Footnote 49: Official translation.]

[Footnote 50: This letter was suitably acknowledged in general terms. See p. 210.]



[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

OSBORNE, 13th December 1848.

MY BELOVED UNCLE,—Pray accept my warmest and best wishes for many, many happy returns of your birthday—a day so dear to so many, and which will be hailed with such joy in Belgium. You have indeed reason to look with satisfaction on all around you, though it is a painful thing to think how many have been ruined and made miserable since this day twelvemonths. Let us hope that another year may bring many things round again.

The weather is beautiful, and I wish much we could fly over to pay our respects to you on your dear birthday.

The papers are just come, and I see there is no doubt of Louis Napoleon's election, which I am very glad of, as it is a sign of better times. But that one should have to wish for him is really wonderful.

Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

OSBORNE, 19th December 1848.

MY DEAREST, KINDEST UNCLE,—Your dear letter, full of interesting topics, which I received yesterday, gave me great pleasure, and I thank you much for it. The success of Louis Napoleon[51] is an extraordinary event, but valuable as a universal condemnation of the Republic since February.

It will, however, perhaps be more difficult to get rid of him again than one at first may imagine. Nemours thinks it better that none of themselves should be called into action for some time to come. I fear that he feels now that they ought to have foreseen the dangers in February, and ought not to have yielded; when I said to him that the Pope had declared that he would never quit Rome, and did so do the very next day, he said: "Ah! mon Dieu, on se laisse entrainer dans ces moments." Louise said to me that her Father had so often declared he would never quit Paris alive, so that when she heard of his flight she always believed it was untrue and he must be dead....

[Footnote 51: He was elected President on the 10th of December, by an immense majority.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 22nd December 1848.

The Queen has been waiting to receive an answer from Lord John Russell upon her last letter, and has therefore delayed sending the enclosed letter from Lord Palmerston.[52] But lest any further delay might cause future inconvenience, she sends it now without having received Lord John's answer. The Queen is sure Lord John will feel that neither Lord Palmerston nor Lord Normanby have shown a proper regard for the Queen's wishes and opinion in this matter. Lord Normanby's Despatch shows that the step to be taken with reference to an Ambassador to be sent here is avowedly for the purpose of controlling the future action of the Queen's Government, and to oblige her to keep a permanent Ambassador at Paris in the person of Lord Normanby. It is not very delicate in Lord Normanby to convey such a message, nor in Lord Palmerston to urge it so eagerly. M. de Beaumont's departure from this country without taking leave of the Queen was neither very becoming.

The Queen has already, on Lord Palmerston's account, received two public affronts: the one by her Minister in Spain having been sent out of that country,[53] the other now, by the new Emperor of Austria not announcing to her by special mission his accession to the Throne, which he did to all other Sovereigns, avowedly, as it appears, to mark the indignation of Austria at the inimical proceedings of the British Foreign Secretary. The Queen does not think that, in the face of such slurs, the dignity of England will be vindicated by a race between her representative and that of Spain, who is to present his credentials first to the new President of the French Republic, which Lord Palmerston considers of such importance as to render an immediate decision indispensable.

Should Lord John think that we cannot do less now for Louis Napoleon than has been done in the case of General Cavaignac, the Queen will not object to renewing Lord Normanby's credentials as Ambassador-Extraordinary on a special mission.

[Footnote 52: Lord Palmerston had written to say that Lord Normanby's credentials were provisional, and regular credentials would become necessary. The new French Government were sending Ambassadors to Vienna, Rome, and other capitals, which in return would send Ambassadors to Paris, so that it would be injurious for this country's representative to be of inferior diplomatic rank. "It would," he wrote subsequently, "be derogatory to the dignity of your Majesty, and to the character of your Majesty's Government if, in the present state of things between the British and Spanish Governments the Spanish Ambassador should, by a dilatoriness on the part of your Majesty's Government, be allowed to raise a question about precedence with your Majesty's representative at Paris; it would be very inconvenient if that question were decided unfavourably to your Majesty's representative, and very undesirable that he should appear to be under obligation to the French Government for a decision in his favour."]

[Footnote 53: See ante, p. 175.]



INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XVIII

The opening of Parliament (1849) was noteworthy for the appearance of Mr Disraeli as leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, in place of Lord George Bentinck, who had died suddenly in the recess; the Peelites, though influential, were numerically few, and they continued by their support to maintain the Whigs in office, the principal measure of the session being the Act for the repeal of the Navigation Laws, a natural corollary to Peel's free trade policy. A Royal visit was paid to Ireland in August, and at Cork, Waterford, Dublin, and Belfast, the Queen and Prince were received with great enthusiasm.

Abroad, the cause of United Italy suffered a severe check. The Sicilian revolt came to an end, and Austrian ascendency was re-established in Northern Italy. King Charles Albert was defeated at Novara, and abdicated in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel. The Pope, who had fled from Rome in disguise, in November 1848, and was living at Gaeta, was now under the protection of Austria and France, and General Oudinot occupied the Papal city on his behalf in June. Austrian influence restored Tuscany, Parma, and Modena to their rulers, and in Central Europe operated to prevent the acceptance by the King of Prussia of the Imperial Crown of Germany. Hungary, in consequence of the help rendered to the Viennese insurrectionists in 1848, was reduced to submission, but only with Russian co-operation. Heavy retribution was inflicted on the Hungarians; Kossuth and other revolutionaries fled to Turkey, the Russian and Austrian Governments unsuccessfully demanding their extradition.

The British operations against the Sikhs were brought to a successful termination; the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gough, with inferior numbers, had engaged the enemy at Chillianwalla, with indecisive and virtually unfavourable results, and Sir Charles Napier was sent out to supersede him. Mooltan, where the outrage of the previous year had taken place, had been besieged, and fell on the 22nd of January. Dalhousie had established himself at Ferozepore. A week or two later the Sikhs and Afghans were overwhelmingly defeated at Gujerat, and on the 29th of March the Punjab was incorporated in the British Empire; the "Koh-i-noor" was, in token of submission, presented by the Maharajah to the Queen. Lord Dalhousie received a Marquisate, and the thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to all concerned.



CHAPTER XVIII

1849

Memorandum on Matters connected with the Form of addressing the Pope in Answer to his Letter to Her Majesty of 4th December 1848.

FOREIGN OFFICE, 5th January 1849.

The accompanying draft of answer to the letter which the Pope addressed to Her Majesty from Gaeta on the 4th of December is in the same form as letters which were written to Pope Pius VII. by George the Fourth while Prince Regent, and after he came to the Throne. They address the Pope as "Most Eminent Sir," style him "Your Holiness," and finish with the mere signature after the date of the conclusion of the letter. Copies of those letters are annexed.

Other forms of writing Royal letters are:—

1st. Commencing "Sir my Brother" (or "Sir my Cousin," etc., as the case may be), and ending thus:

"Sir my Brother, Your Majesty's Good Sister."

This is the form used between Sovereign and Sovereign.

2nd. Commencing with the Queen's titles. In these letters the plural "we" and "our" are employed instead of "I" and "my," and the letters terminate thus:—

"Your Good Friend, ...."

This form is now used almost exclusively for Royal letters to Republics.

In the State Paper Office there is, with only one exception, no record of any letter from a Sovereign of England to the Pope from the time of Henry VIII., when the State Paper Office records commence. The single exception is an original letter from Queen Mary in 1555 to Pope Paul IV. It seems that when the time of her expected confinement drew nigh, she caused letters to be prepared announcing the birth of a son, and signed them in anticipation of the event. When no birth took place, the letters were of course not sent off; but they have been preserved to the present day, and among them is the letter to the Pope. The accompanying paper contains a copy of the beginning and conclusion of it.

There is no trace in the State Paper Office of any letter of credence having been given by James II. to Lord Castlemaine in 1685. The correspondence of the reign of James II. is, however, very defective, and much of it must either have been suppressed or have got into private hands.



[Pageheading: REPLY TO THE POPE]

Draft] Queen Victoria to Pope Pius IX.[1]

MOST EMINENT SIR,—I have received the letter which your Holiness addressed to me from Gaeta on the 4th of December last, and in which you acquaint me that in consequence of the violent proceedings of certain of your subjects, you had felt yourself obliged to depart from Rome, and for a time to quit your dominions. I assure your Holiness that I have been deeply pained at the intelligence of the events to which your letter refers, and that I do the fullest justice to the motives which induced your Holiness to withdraw for a time from your capital. Your Holiness has given so many proofs of being animated by a sincere desire to improve the condition of the people whom, under Divine Providence, you have been chosen to govern, and the clemency of your heart and the rectitude of your intentions are so well known and so truly appreciated, that I cannot but hope that the trials which you have experienced in consequence of popular commotion will speedily come to an end, and will be succeeded by a cordial, good understanding between your Holiness and the Roman people. I request your Holiness to believe that it would afford me real pleasure to be able in any degree to contribute to a result so much to be desired; and I am happy in having this opportunity of assuring you of my sincere friendship, and of the unfeigned respect and esteem which I entertain for your person and character.

Given at Windsor Castle the [ ] day of January 1849.

[Footnote 1: See p. 204.]



[Pageheading: LETTER FROM PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON]

The President of the French Republic to Queen Victoria.

ELYSEE NATIONAL, le 22 Janvier 1849.

TRES CHERE ET GRANDE AMIE,—Une de mes premieres pensees lorsque le v[oe]u de la nation Francaise m'appela au pouvoir fut de faire part a votre Majeste de mon avenement et des sentiments que j'apportais dans ma nouvelle position.

Des circonstances particulieres ont retarde le depart de l'ambassadeur qui devait porter ma lettre; mais aujourd'hui que l'Amiral Cecile se rend a Londres je desire exprimer a votre Majeste la respectueuse sympathie que j'ai toujours eprouvee pour sa personne; je desire surtout lui dire combien je suis reconnaissant de la genereuse hospitalite qu'elle m'a donnee dans ses etats lorsque j'etais fugitif ou proscrit et combien je serais heureux si ce souvenir pouvait servir a resserrer les liens qui unissent les gouvernements et les peuples de nos deux pays.

Je prie votre Majeste de croire a mes sentiments. Votre ami,

LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 22nd January 1849.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and would now wish to consult Lord Lansdowne on the propriety of offering to Lord Palmerston to exchange the Foreign Office for the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.[2]

As Lord John Russell has always approved in the main of the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston, he could only make this offering in a mode honourable to Lord Palmerston—that is to say, for instance, by offering him at the same time an English Earldom, or an English Barony with the Garter. Nor could he proceed in the matter without Lord Lansdowne's concurrence.

[Footnote 2: Hostilities were in progress between the Sicilian insurgents and their Sovereign. An agent for the former came to England to purchase arms, but was informed by the contractor to whom he applied that the whole of his stock had been pledged to the Ordnance Office. Lord Palmerston, without consulting the Cabinet, allowed this stock to be transferred to the insurgents. The matter became public property, and the Premier brought it before the Cabinet on the 23rd of January, when, somewhat unexpectedly, the Foreign Secretary consented to make an apology to the Neapolitan Government; so that the crisis terminated for the time.]



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 22nd January 1849.

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter and enclosures, the contents of which have deeply grieved her, as the honour of her Government has always been nearest to her heart. She feels deeply the humiliation to have to make an apology to the Government of Naples, which stands so very low in public estimation, and she naturally dreads the effect this disclosure about the guns will have in the world, when she considers how many accusations have been brought against the good faith of this country latterly by many different Governments. Of course they will all consider their suspicions and accusations, however absurd they may have been, as justified and proved.

The Queen supposes that the proposition Lord John makes to her about moving Lord Palmerston to Ireland is the result of his conviction that after this disclosure it will be no longer to the advantage of the public service to leave the direction of the Foreign Affairs in these critical times in Lord Palmerston's hands. The Queen will be anxious to see Lord John upon this subject. All she wishes for is, that matters may be so managed as to reflect the least possible discredit upon the Government and Lord Palmerston himself.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 6th February 1849.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—We are well. All went off extremely well on Thursday, but the Government must expect difficulties upon their (very doubtful) Foreign Policy. I own I do not feel reassured about peace. Italy and the Pope, etc., are very ticklish subjects.

Everybody says Louis Napoleon has behaved extremely well in the last crisis—full of courage and energy, and they say that he is decidedly straightforward, which is not to be despised. I will not admit that the Gemuethlichkeit ist fuer immer begraben in Germany; it will surely return when this madness is over, but how soon no one can tell. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



Queen Victoria to the Earl of Dalhousie.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 6th February 1849.

The Queen has not yet thanked Lord Dalhousie for his long and interesting letter which she received in the summer. Since that period many important events have taken place in India, and the last news have naturally made the Queen feel very anxious. She deeply laments the loss of General Cureton and Colonel Havelock, officers who will not be easily replaced. The Queen thinks that Lord Dalhousie has throughout acted most judiciously and has thwarted more mischief being done. She will abstain from remarking upon the conduct of the Commander-in-Chief, as she knows that the Duke of Wellington has written fully to Lord Dalhousie on this painful subject.[3] The Queen concludes with expressing her hopes that Lord and Lady Dalhousie are in good health, and with the Prince's kindest remembrances to Lord Dalhousie.

[Footnote 3: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 208.]



[Pageheading: STATE OF EUROPE]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 10th February 1849.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—I have to offer my most affectionate thanks for your dear letter of the 6th. The state of the Queen seems better, though I fear not so solidly as to be beyond mischief; but the improvement is real, and will act as a moral support. They have been severely tried, those poor exiles, and Heaven knows what is still in store for them. I don't think that in Italy there will be war. The French cannot think of it for some months, probably not before June or July, and the Italians cannot make it alone without being licked; the better informed know that. The Pope ought to be replaced on his seat for the sake of every one; and his ultra-Liberal policy entitles him to be supported by all Governments and by all right-minded people.

Louis Bonaparte has not ill-behaved, it seems; negatively he might have done much harm. The position continues to be abominable. There is for every one an absence d'avenir which ruins everything and everybody—that is the real difficulty.

Die Gemuethlichkeit in Germany was the consequence of its political existence these last thousand years; that is now all going to ruin, and the Gemuethlichkeit will be as little found again que l'urbanite Francaise so much talked of formerly and now unknown.

This part of February puts me always in mind of my dear little sejour with you in 1841. How far that period is now, though but eight years from us; the very features of everything changed, I fear for ever, and not for the better.... Now I must conclude, and remain ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.



[Pageheading: LOUIS NAPOLEON.]

Memorandum by Queen Victoria.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 19th February 1849.

Admiral Cecile, who dined here for the first time after the presentation of his credentials as Ambassador from the French Republic, with whom I spoke for some time after dinner, said: "Nous en avons fait de tristes experiences en France," but that he hoped "que les choses s'amelioraient"; that the Government was very firm and decided, and determined not to allow order to be disturbed; "Paris a maintenant fait quatre Revolutions que la France a subies; votre Majeste sait qui a proclame la Republique au mois de Fevrier? Une centaine de coquins! Personne s'en doutait, et cependant la France s'y est soumise!" That the Government was however determined, and so were all the Departments, that this should never happen again; no doubt the danger from the Socialists was great, all over the world; that that was the real danger, and that they would readily make another attempt like the fearful one in June (the result of which for three days was uncertain), but that they had not the power; that he was continually impressing upon all his friends in France the necessity of supporting whatever form of Government there was whose object was the maintenance of order, and to unite "contre cet ennemi commun." The President, he continued, had risen amazingly in the opinion of every one by his firmness, courage, and determination—which he had shown in those critical days a fortnight or three weeks ago—and that in these two months he had acquired "une grande aptitude pour les affaires; tout le monde est etonne, parce que personne ne s'y attendait." He spoke with great delight of Belgium—and how it had stood the shock of the events in France—and also of England. Italy, he considered, was by far the greatest object of danger.

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: GAELIC AND WELSH]

Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.

OSBORNE, 3rd March 1849.

The Queen sends Lord Lansdowne the book[4] she mentioned to him. It is an extraordinary production for people of the working classes, and there are a great many sound and good observations in it on education; the observations on the deficiency in the religious instruction and in the preaching the Queen thinks are particularly true. It likewise shows a lofty and enlarged view of education which is often overlooked.

The Queen takes this occasion of repeating her hope that Gaelic will be taught in future in the Highland schools, as well as English, as it is really a great mistake that the people should be constantly talking a language which they often cannot read and generally not write. Being very partial to her loyal and good Highlanders, the Queen takes much interest in what she thinks will tend more than anything to keep up their simplicity of character, which she considers a great merit in these days.

The Queen thinks equally that Welsh should be taught in Wales as well as English.[5]

[Footnote 4: This book was probably Popular Education, as regards Juvenile Delinquency, by Thos. Bullock, 1849.]

[Footnote 5: Lord Lansdowne, in his reply, undertook "to combine instruction in the Gaelic with the English language in the Highland as well as the Welsh schools, and to have a view to it in the choice of Inspectors."]



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

OSBORNE, 6th March 1849.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Your dear letter reached me yesterday, and I thank you warmly for it. I wish you could be here, for I never remember finer weather than we have had since we came here; perfect summer, and so sweet, so enjoyable, and then with all the pleasures and beauties of Spring you have that beautiful sea—so blue and smooth as it has been these three days. If we have no mountains to boast of, we have the sea, which is ever enjoyable. We have camelias which have stood out two winters covered with red flowers, and scarlet rhododendrons in brilliant bloom. Does this not sound tempting? It seems almost wrong to be at home, and Albert really hardly is.

I wish you joy of your twenty-four foxes. If there was a black one amongst them I should beg for one, as the skin you sent me last year was not a black one.

The news from India are very distressing, and make one very anxious, but Sir Charles Napier is instantly to be sent out to supersede Lord Gough, and he is so well versed in Indian tactics that we may look with safety to the future after his arrival.

The Italian Question remains very complicated, and the German one a very perplexing, sad one. Prussia must protect the poor Princes and put herself at the head, else there is no hope. Austria should behave better, and not oppose the consolidation of a central Power, else I know not what is to become of poor Germany.

Pray use your influence to prevent more fatal mischief.

Now adieu, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 16th March 1849.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the debate last night was brought to a close.[6]

Mr Cobden and Mr Disraeli made very able speeches at the end of the debate.

The debate has been a remarkable one, and the division shows tolerably well the strength of parties. The Protectionists, animated by the cry of agricultural distress, are disposed to use their power to the utmost. Mr Disraeli shows himself a much abler and less passionate leader than Lord George Bentinck.

On the other hand, the friends of Sir Robert Peel and the party of Mr Cobden unite with the Government in resisting the Protectionist party. The House of Commons thus gives a majority, which, though not compact, is decided at once against the extreme Tory and the extreme Radical party. With such a House of Commons the great interests of the Throne and the Constitution are safe. An abrupt dissolution would put everything to hazard.

[Footnote 6: On Mr Disraeli's motion for payment of the half of local rates by the Treasury, which was defeated by 280 to 189.]



[Pageheading: END OF THE SIKH WAR]

[Pageheading: MRS GEORGE LAWRENCE]

The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.

CAMP, FEROZEPORE, 24th March 1849.

The Governor-General presents his most humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour of acknowledging the receipt of the letter which your Majesty most graciously addressed to him on the 5th of February.

He is deeply sensible of your Majesty's goodness, and most grateful for the expression of approbation which it has conveyed.

The Governor-General is not without fear that he may have intruded too often of late upon your Majesty's time. But he is so satisfied of the extreme pleasure which your Majesty would experience on learning that the prisoners who were in the hands of the Sikhs, and especially the ladies and children, were once again safe in the British camp, that he would have ventured to convey to your Majesty that intelligence, even though he had not been able to add to it—as happily he can—the announcement of the surrender of the whole Khalsa army, and the end of the war with the Sikhs.

Major-General Gilbert pushed on rapidly in pursuit of the Sikhs, who were a few marches in front of him, carrying off our prisoners with them.

At Rawul Pindee, half-way between the Jhelum and Attock, the Sikh troops, as we have since heard, would go no further. They received no pay, they were starving, they had been beaten and were disheartened; and so they surrendered.

All the prisoners were brought safe into our camp. Forty-one pieces of artillery were given up. Chuttur Singh and Shere Singh, with all the Sirdars, delivered their swords to General Gilbert in the presence of his officers; and the remains of the Sikh army, 16,000 strong, were marched into camp, by 1000 at a time, and laid down their arms as they passed between the lines of the British troops.

Your Majesty may well imagine the pride with which British Officers looked on such a scene, and witnessed this absolute subjection and humiliation of so powerful an enemy.

How deeply the humiliation was felt by the Sikhs themselves may be judged by the report which the officers who were present have made, that many of them, and especially the grim old Khalsas of Runjeet's time, exclaimed as they threw their arms down upon the heap: "This day Runjeet Singh has died!"

Upwards of 20,000 stands of arms were taken in the hills. Vast quantities were gathered after the flight of the Sikhs from Gujerat. As a further precaution, the Governor-General has ordered a disarming of the Sikhs throughout the Eastern Doabs, while they are yet cast down and afraid of punishment. He trusts that these measures may all tend to ensure the continuance of peace.

The Sirdars will arrive at Lahore to-day, where they will await the determination of their future places of residence. The officers who were prisoners have also reached Lahore, together with Mrs George Lawrence and her children.

It is impossible to speak too highly of the admirable spirit which this lady has displayed during many months of very arduous trial.

By the kindness of others, the Governor-General has had the opportunity of seeing constantly the little notes which were secretly despatched by her from her prison. The gallant heart she kept up under it all, the cheerful face she put upon it, and the unrepining patience with which she bore the privations of captivity and the dangers which it threatened to her children, her husband, and herself, must command the highest respect and make one proud of one's countrywomen.

General Gilbert, by the latest intelligence, had seized the fort of Attock, had crossed the Indus, and was advancing on Peshawur, whither the Afghans had retired.

By next mail the Governor-General trusts that he will be able to announce that every enemy has been swept away by your Majesty's Armies, and that the Afghans have either been crushed like the Sikhs or have fled to Cabul again.

He has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble and very faithful Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.



[Pageheading: THE KING OF SARDINIA]

The King of Sardinia (Victor Emanuel) to Queen Victoria.

TURIN, le 30 Mars 1849.

MA TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,—La participation officielle que je m'empresse de vous donner de mon avenement au trone m'offre une occasion que je suis heureux de saisir pour vous exprimer dans une lettre de ma main les sentiments de ma vive gratitude pour l'affection dont ma maison a recu des preuves marquantes et reiterees de votre part, comme pour le bienveillant interet que votre Gouvernement a temoigne a ce pays particulierement dans les graves evenements qui ont eu lieu pendant cette derniere annee.

Je vous prie d'etre persuadee que rien n'est plus sincere que la reconnaissance que j'en conserve, et de me laisser nourrir la confiance que je puis compter sur la continuation de ces dispositions si aimables.

En vous renouvelant les sentiments d'amitie la plus parfaite, je suis, votre tres cher Frere,

VICTOR EMANUEL.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 10th April 1849.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—You will, I am sure, share our joy at Ernest's wonderful success at Eckerforde.[7] It is a marvellous piece of good fortune pour son bapteme de feu, but it alarmed and agitated us all to think that he might have been wounded, to say the least, for he had his horse killed under him. At all events, he has done honour to the poor race to which he belongs, and it makes us both very happy. I think it will tend decidedly to shorten the war. Poor dear Alexandrine! in what anxiety she will have been.

The victory of Novara[8] seems to have been one of the hardest fought and most brilliant battles known for years and years, and old Radetzky says that he must name every individual if he was to do justice to officers and men. But the loss was very severe. The regiment of Kinsky lost twenty-four officers! The Archduke Albert distinguished himself exceedingly, which is worthy of his noble father. I could work myself up to a great excitement about these exploits, for there is nothing I admire more than great military exploits and daring.

[Footnote 7: In this engagement with the Danes, arising out of the Schleswig-Holstein dispute, Prince Ernest greatly distinguished himself.]

[Footnote 8: In which Marshal Radetzky defeated the Piedmontese.]



[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]

Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.

1st May 1849.

The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering to the Duke of Wellington her warmest and sincerest wishes for many happy returns of this day. She hopes the Duke will place the accompanying trifle on his table, and that it will recall to his mind one who ever reflects with gratitude on the services he has rendered and always does render to his Sovereign and his country.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 8th May 1849.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Alas! poor Germany, I am wretched about her; those news from Dresden are very distressing.[9] Really with such an excellent man as the poor King, it is too wicked to do what they have done. If only some sort of arrangement could be made; then afterwards there might be modifications, both in the Constitution, etc., for that Constitution never will work well.

Our Navigation Laws debate in the House of Lords began last night, and is to be concluded to-night. There seems to be almost a certainty that there will be a majority, though a very small one, and the danger of course exists that any accident may turn it the other way.

Knowing your esteem for our worthy friend, Sir Robert Peel, you will, I am sure, be glad to hear that his second son, Frederick,[10] made such a beautiful speech—his maiden speech—in the House of Commons last night; he was complimented by every one, and Sir Robert was delighted. I am so glad for him, and also rejoice to see that there is a young man who promises to be of use hereafter to his country.

Albert is again gone to lay a first stone. It is a delight to hear people speak of the good he does by always saying and doing the right thing....

[Footnote 9: The King of Prussia, finding Saxony, Bavaria, Wuertemberg, and Hanover opposed to the ascendency of Prussia in the Confederation, declined the Imperial Crown of Germany; fresh disturbances thereupon ensued, and at Dresden, the King of Saxony had to take refuge in a fortress.]

[Footnote 10: Afterwards the Right Hon. Sir Frederick Peel, who died in 1906.]



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 22nd May 1849.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I could not write to you yesterday, my time having been so entirely taken up by kind visitors, etc., and I trust you will forgive these hurried lines written just before our departure for Osborne.[11] I hope that you will not have been alarmed by the account of the occurrence which took place on Saturday, and which I can assure you did not alarm me at all. This time it is quite clear that it was a wanton and wicked wish merely to frighten, which is very wrong, and will be tried and punished as a misdemeanour. The account in the Times is quite correct. The indignation, loyalty, and affection this act has called forth is very gratifying and touching.

Alice gives a very good account of it, and Lenchen[12] even says, "Man shot, tried to shoot dear Mamma, must be punished." They, Affie, and Miss Macdonald were with me. Albert was riding, and had just returned before me. Augustus and Clem had left us just two hours before....

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 19th. What a state Germany is in!—I mean Baden, but I hope that this violent crisis may lead to good.

I must conclude. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 11: The Queen, while driving down Constitution Hill, was fired at by one William Hamilton, the pistol being charged only with powder. He was tried under the Act of 1842, and sentenced to seven years' transportation.]

[Footnote 12: Princess Helena (now Princess Christian), born 25th May 1846.]



[Pageheading: ANNEXATION OF THE PUNJAB]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 26th May 1849.

The Queen has to say, in answer to Lord John Russell's communication respecting India, that she quite approves the annexation of the Punjab, and is pleased to find that the Government concur in this view. The elevation of Lord Dalhousie to a Marquisate is well deserved, and almost the only thing that can be offered him as a reward for his services; but considering his want of fortune, the Queen thinks that it should be ascertained in the first instance whether the increase of rank will be convenient to him. Lord Gough's elevation to the dignity of Viscount has the Queen's sanction.



[Pageheading: FOREIGN OFFICE BUSINESS]

Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.

CHESHAM PLACE, 19th June 1849.

SIR,—I have spoken to Lord Palmerston respecting the draft to Mr Buchanan.[13]

It appears that he converted it into a private letter, as I suggested, but he thought fit to place it on record, as it contained information derived from authentic sources, and of importance.

It appears the drafts are still sent to the Queen at the same time as to me, so that my remarks or corrections, or even the cancelling of a despatch, as not infrequently happens, may take effect after the Queen's pleasure has been taken.

This appears to me an inconvenient course.

Lord Palmerston alleges that as 28,000 despatches were received and sent last year, much expedition is required; but he professes himself ready to send the despatches to me in the first instance, if the Queen should desire it.

It appears to me that all our despatches ought to be thoroughly considered, but that Her Majesty should give every facility to the transaction of business by attending to the drafts as soon as possible after their arrival.

I would suggest therefore that the drafts should have my concurrence before they are submitted to the Queen, and in case of any material change, that I should write to apprise Her Majesty of my views, and, if necessary, submit my reasons, I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,

J. RUSSELL.

[Footnote 13: Mr (afterwards Sir) Andrew Buchanan (1807-1882), Secretary of Legation at St. Petersburg.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell.

20th June 1849.

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,—Your proposal with respect to the mode of taking the Queen's pleasure about the drafts is perfectly agreeable to the Queen. She would only require that she would not be pressed for an answer within a few minutes, as is now done sometimes.

Lord Palmerston could always manage so that there are twelve or twenty-four hours left for reference to you, and consideration, and there are few instances in which business would suffer from so short a delay. As Lord Palmerston knows when the Mails go, he has only to write in time for them, and he must recollect that the 28,000 despatches in the year come to you and to the Queen as well as to himself.

Should the Queen in future have to make any remark, she will make it to you, if that will suit you. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.



Lord John Russell to Viscount Palmerston.

21st June 1849.

MY DEAR PALMERSTON,—I wrote the substance of what you wrote to me to the Prince, and proposed that the drafts should, in the first instance, be sent to me. You will see by the enclosed letter from the Prince that the Queen approves of this proposal.

It may somewhat abridge the circuit if, when I have no remark to make, I forward the drafts with the Foreign Office direction to the Queen at once.

I cannot pretend to say that I paid the same attention to the 28,000 despatches of 1848 that you are obliged to do. Still I agree in the Prince's remark that directions to Foreign Ministers ought to be very maturely weighed, for the Queen and the Government speak to foreign nations in this and no other manner. Yours truly,

J. RUSSELL.



[Pageheading: SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 21st June 1849.

The Queen returns the enclosed drafts, which she will not further object to, but she feels it necessary to say a few words in answer to Lord Palmerston's letter. The union of Schleswig and Holstein[14] is not an ideal one, but complete as to Constitution, Finance, Customs, Jurisdiction, Church, Universities, Poor Law, Settlement, Debts, etc., etc., etc. It is not established by the Kings-Dukes, but has existed for centuries. To defend Holstein against the attack made by Denmark upon this union, Germany joined the war. It is true that it is now proposed in the new Constitution for Germany to consent to the separation of Schleswig and Holstein, although last year the Frankfort Parliament had desired the incorporation of Schleswig into Germany with Holstein; but the question for Germany is now not to begin a war, but to close one by a lasting peace. In this she has, in the Queen's opinion, a right and a duty to see that the independence of Schleswig is secured before she abandons that country. The comparison with Saxony does not hold good for a moment, for the Schleswig Revolution was not directed against the Duke, but against the King of Denmark, who invaded the rights of the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein; the assistance of Prussia could therefore not be given to Denmark, but to Schleswig-Holstein. The case of Hungary has neither any similitude. Hungary is not to be torn from its connection with the German States by the Austrian Government, but just the reverse.

Lord Palmerston cannot be more anxious for a speedy termination of the Danish war than the Queen is, but she thinks that the mediation will not effect this as long as the mediating power merely watches which of the two parties is in the greatest difficulties for the moment, and urges it to give way; but by a careful and anxious discovery of the rights of the question and a steady adherence to the recommendation that what is right and fair ought to be done. The cause of the war having been the unlawful attempt to incorporate Schleswig into Denmark, the peace cannot be lasting unless it contains sufficient guarantees against the resumption of that scheme.[15]