The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's draft to Mr Southern,[30] and must observe that she does not quite approve the tone of it, as it will be likely only to irritate without producing any effect. If our advice is to be taken, it must be given in a spirit of impartiality and fairness. Lord Palmerston's despatch must give the impression that we entirely espouse the cause of the rebels, whose conduct is, to say the least, illegal and very reprehensible. Lord Palmerston likewise takes the nation and the Opposition to be one and the same thing. What we must insist upon is a return to Constitutional Government. And what we may advise is a compromise with the Opposition. What Ministry is to be formed ought to be left to the Portuguese themselves. It being the 28th to-day, the Queen is afraid the despatch went already yesterday. The Queen hopes in future that Lord Palmerston will not put it out of her power to state her opinion in good time.

[Footnote 30: Secretary of Legation at Lisbon, and Charge d'Affaires in the absence of Lord Howard de Walden.]



[Pageheading: THE PENINSULAR MEDAL]

Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.

ARUNDEL CASTLE, 1st December 1846.

The Queen has not yet acknowledged the Duke of Wellington's last letter.

She fully appreciates the delicacy of the Duke in not wishing to propose himself a step having reference to his own achievements, but the Queen will not on that account forgo the satisfaction of granting this medal as an acknowledgment on her part of those brilliant achievements.

The Queen has been assured by Lord John Russell that her confidential servants will be ready to assume the responsibility of advising such a measure.



The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.

ARUNDEL CASTLE, 2nd December 1846. (Morning.)

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He did not receive your Majesty's commands, dated the 1st instant, in this Castle, till seven o'clock in the afternoon; and being under the necessity of attending at [? Dover] in the evening, he has not had it in his power till this time to express his acknowledgment of the receipt of them.

He submits to your Majesty that he has always been aware that it would be impolitic to confer upon the officers and soldiers who served in the Peninsula the wished-for distinction without the concurrence of your Majesty's confidential servants.

They alone can give the orders to carry into execution the measure, and can adopt means to remedy any inconvenience which may result from it; and it is satisfactory to him to learn, from the perusal of your Majesty's note, that Lord John Russell is disposed to adopt it, notwithstanding that the Duke has no personal wish or feeling in the adoption of the measure, excepting to see gratified the wishes of so many gallant officers and brave soldiers, who have so well served.

The few words which he addressed to your Majesty in his last letter of the 27th of November in relation to himself, referred to the expressions in that of your Majesty of the 26th November, to the Duke; from which it appeared to be your Majesty's intention "to empower many a brave soldier to wear this token, in remembrance of the Duke."

Having stated to your Majesty that he would serve your Majesty, and would promote the objects of your Majesty's Government, to the utmost of his power, he has faithfully performed his engagement, as he believes, to the satisfaction of your Majesty's servants.

His whole life being devoted to your Majesty's service, he is most anxious to deserve and receive your Majesty's approbation.

But he wishes that it should be conveyed only when it may be convenient to your Majesty's Government. Your Majesty and your Majesty's servants must be the best judges upon this point, as well as whether the medal in question shall be struck and granted at all or not.

If granted, or whatever may be the mode in which granted, or whether the Duke's name is recalled to recollection or not, the Duke will be equally satisfied, and grateful for your Majesty's gracious favour, and desirous to merit a continuance of it, by his devotion to your Majesty's service.

All of which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S DECISION]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 14th December 1846.

The Queen has still to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of the 11th. She has carefully read the Duke of Wellington's letter to Lord John, which evinces all the Duke's honourable feelings. He should certainly be relieved from the appearance of having refused honours to others, but agreed to the granting of them the moment it was intended to couple the measure with an honour conferred upon himself. On the other hand, the Queen still wishes the step to be taken as a means of doing honour to the Duke. His name should, therefore, certainly be connected with it. The introduction of the names of other commanders, even of that of Sir John Moore, the Queen does not think advisable. She does not quite understand from Lord John's letter whether he proposes to adopt the Duke's recommendation to re-issue all the medals formerly granted, or to adhere to the original idea of striking a new one. In the latter case, which appears the most natural, the word "Peninsula" would cover all the campaigns, and in these the Duke of Wellington had by far so much the greatest share that his name being introduced on all the medals cannot be considered as anomalous.



[Pageheading: CRACOW]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

OSBORNE, 14th December 1846.

The Queen returns the enclosed private letters.[31] The view Lord Palmerston takes of the affair of Cracow appears to the Queen a very sound one, and she would much wish to see the plan of a conference realised against which Lord Ponsonby does not bring any very relevant reasons. Prince Metternich's plan of a declaration "that the case is to be considered an exceptional one and not to afford a precedent to other powers" is too absurd. The Prince very justly compared it to the case of a person giving another a box on the ear and declaring at the same time that he is to consider it as exceptional, and that it is in no way to afford him a precedent for returning it. The Queen hopes the Cabinet will well consider the question, and contrive to find means to prevent the evil consequences of the unjustifiable step against Cracow by speaking out in time, before Russia or France may have decided on acts of further infraction of the Treaty of Vienna. It seems quite clear that Russia was at the bottom of the measure relative to Cracow, and it is therefore but reasonable to expect that she has an ulterior object in view.

[Footnote 31: The first ill fruits of the disruption of the entente between England and France were seen in the active co-operation of Russia, Prussia, and Austria to destroy Polish independence. See ante, p. 72.]



INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XVI

During the year 1847 the Parliament which had been elected in 1841 with a great Tory majority was dissolved, and, as a result, the position of the Whig Ministry was slightly improved; but they were still dependent on the support of Sir Robert Peel. A Factory Act limiting the labour of women and children to ten hours a day was passed. An autumn session was rendered necessary by an acute financial crisis, the Ministry having authorised the Bank of England to infringe the provisions of the recent Bank Charter Act, and as a consequence being compelled to ask Parliament for an indemnity. The knowledge of the Bank's authority to issue notes beyond the prescribed limits was of itself sufficient to allay the panic. The Church of England was convulsed by the promotion of Dr Hampden, whom Lord Melbourne had made Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, to the See of Hereford; his orthodoxy was impugned in a memorial presented by thirteen bishops to the Prime Minister, and an unsuccessful application was made to the Queen's Bench (the Court being divided in opinion) to compel the Primate to hear objections to Dr Hampden's consecration. The new House of Lords was used for the first time this year.

Perhaps the most important event in France was the cold-blooded murder of the Duchesse de Praslin (daughter of Count Sebastiani, formerly French Ambassador in England) by her husband, an incident which, like the Spanish intrigue of 1846, contributed subsequently to the downfall of the Orleanist dynasty.

Switzerland was torn by internecine strife, partly owing to the existence, side by side, of Catholic and Protestant cantons; the proposed expulsion of Jesuits and the formation of the "Sonderbund" were the questions of the day. The latter was an offensive and defensive confederation of seven cantons, and civil war raged round the question of its legality.

In Italy the death of Pope Gregory XVI. and the election of a more liberal successor induced Lord John Russell to send his father-in-law, Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, on a special mission to the new Pope Pius IX., to encourage him in the path of Reform. But more violent measures were in progress, and it was soon clear that Lombardy and Venetia were rising against Austria, and the way being paved for the Unity of Italy.

Spain was in a ferment, frequent changes of Ministry taking place, and the miserable marriage of the Queen having all the evil results anticipated in England. Portugal continued in a state of civil war, the British attempting to mediate, but the revolutionary Junta refused to abide by their terms, and ultimately armed intervention became necessary.



CHAPTER XVI

1847

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 7th January 1847.

The turn which the Portuguese affairs are now likely to take is really very satisfactory. The Queen is sure that the Court will not allow violent measures of revenge to be taken against the vanquished party nor the overthrow of a Constitutional Government; but the Queen of Portugal will have to punish those who have broken their oath of allegiance, and will have to remove from the country those who would infallibly ere long plunge the country afresh into those horrors from which it is just emerging. The further infusion of democracy into the Charter would at this moment be quite misplaced, but this opportunity should be taken by the Queen of Portugal to establish a state of legality and security, by compelling any new Ministry to lay the accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not been done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas, Septembristas, or others), by establishing irremovable judges, and appointing thereto incorruptible persons, by honestly and fairly distributing the patronage in the Army—apart from the party—which will now be possible as the King has the command himself, and by adopting such measures of internal improvement as will promote the material welfare of the people.

These are the principles which the Queen would wish to see her representative urge upon the Portuguese Court and Government, and she has no doubt that they are in perfect conformity with Lord John Russell's own views. The Queen cannot help repeating that the tone and bearing of Mr Southern are more those of a Portuguese Demagogue than of an English Representative.



[Pageheading: A CONCILIATORY POLICY]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

TUILERIES, 15th January 1847.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—I am truly happy to learn what you say about your feelings on those troublesome politics; I can assure you that many people who are, in fact, quite indifferent to politics, rencherissent in expressions of dislike and contempt seulement, because they believe that you have those opinions. Many wise people repeat sayings which they assume to come from your own mouth, such, for instance, "that Louis Philippe could never be trusted, being, after all, an old fox," etc.

The King's Speech was as unobjectionable as possible. I trust that there will be no bitterness in yours. It is as much, if not more, in the interest of Great Britain to keep France quiet and continuing a peaceable policy than in that of France. France, as the old Duke once said with great truth, has been already under water several times, what could be spoiled has been spoiled, what remains is pretty solid. To attack France in France would lead to the most dangerous consequences. In general, if we get once a great war again you will be sure to have everywhere revolutions, and to imagine that you will escape in England all reactions would be a grievous mistake. When one looks to the changes, brought about in England in consequence of the Revolution of July, one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing but the dynasty, in England the very spirit of the old Monarchy has been abolished, and what will be, in the course of time, the consequences, it is not easy to tell. A bad Constitution acts strongly on the people. Look to America, even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.



[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 14th February 1847.

Lord John Russell's memorandum contains two different questions. The one is this: how far the interests of England require an interference in the affairs of Portugal for the restoration of peace in that country and the preservation of its Throne, and how far England is bound by existing treaties to interfere.

As to this question, it appears from Lord John's memorandum that the ancient treaties having reference to foreign invasion only are inapplicable to the present case, that the Quadruple Treaty would revive on the appearance of Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an understanding with Spain ought to be come to for its execution, but Lord John does not make any specific proposal.

The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, the Ministers, and the rebels may have done to bring about the present state of affairs. This the Queen conceives can only be decided by a most minute, impartial, and anxious scrutiny. She indignantly rejects the notion to leave this decision to Mr Southern.... Lord John's statement contains, however, nothing but the echo of his reports.

Lord John will upon reflection admit that to say "that recent events exhibit a spirit of tyranny and cruelty in the Portuguese Government without a parallel in any part of Europe," there, where not one execution has taken place, is rather a strong expression.

That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from a Civil War are to be deplored, there can be no doubt of, and it is in order to stop a further continuance and perhaps aggravation of these horrors, that the Queen is so anxious to see the struggle brought to an early termination.

The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow at three o'clock, when she hopes that he will be able to submit a definitive step.



[Page Heading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL]



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

14th March 1847.

The Queen wishes again to call Lord John Russell's serious attention to the state of Spain and Portugal, and to the policy which has been pursued with regard to them, and the result of this policy. In Spain we have taken up the cause of the Progressistas, and what has been the consequence? They desert us.

We have no longer the slightest influence in that country; France has it all her own way, and we shall see the Cortes confirm the succession of the Infanta and her children without being able to prevent it. Of the Progressistas, on whom Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, and others always placed their hopes, Mr Bulwer says now: "The fact is, that though they are the party least servile to France, they are the most impracticable party, and belonging to a lower class of society, who have not the same feelings of honourable and gentlemanlike conduct which sometimes guide a portion, though a very small one, of their opponents."

In Spain therefore it is, the Queen fears, too late; but let us not throw away this lesson, and, if it is still possible, not also lose Portugal. Our influence there is fast going, and Sir H. Seymour[1] confirms what every one but Mr Southern has stated for the last two months, viz. that we are believed to be favourable to the rebels; consequently, that no advice of ours will be listened to. Sir H. Seymour further says: "I should have been glad to have gained a little time, and not at the outset of my mission to be obliged to call the Government to account upon various scores. Your orders, however, leave me no option, and I shall be obliged to administer a series of reproofs which will, I fear, confirm the notion as to our unfriendly feelings." This is the course the Queen thinks so very unfortunate; trifles about two horses, the beating of a gardener of Lord Howard's by some soldiers on a march in times of Civil War, etc., are made topics of serious complaint. Most peremptory notes are written, threatening the Government with our men-of-war, whilst it is held to be unwise to threaten the insurgents.

Then, the Court is told to believe our feelings of attachment for them!

Sir H. Seymour says that his position is rendered very difficult in consequence. We have now the results before us. Let us, therefore, before Portugal, our ancient ally, turns also away from us, and leans to France or Spain in preference, as she must, if we give her such doubtful support, try to pursue a more conciliatory course; these peremptory and dictatory notes, these constant complaints, produce the worst and most unfortunate effect.

These very Septembristas have been always the greatest enemies of England, and would be the first to turn against us should they succeed.

There should more latitude be given to the resident Minister not to press things at moments when they produce embarrassment to a Government already tottering, but to give him the option of waiting for a fit opportunity, and for the manner in which it is to be done, which a person on the spot can be a better judge of than we can in England.

Once more the Queen earnestly warns Lord John of the imminent danger of England losing all legitimate influence in Portugal, which ought now, more than ever, to be of the greatest importance to us.

The Queen has in all this spoken solely of English influence, but this influence becomes of still greater importance to her when the Sovereigns of that country are her near and dear relations.[2]

[Footnote 1: Envoy Extraordinary at Lisbon.]

[Footnote 2: This letter at once bore fruit, a conference being held in London between the representatives of Great Britain, Spain, France, and Portugal, and armed co-operation to enforce the acceptance of certain terms by the Revolutionary Junta being decided upon.]



[Page Heading: THE SEPTENNIAL ACT]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 19th March 1847.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord John Russell thinks it right to state to your Majesty that the prevailing opinion in the Cabinet is that when the necessary business in the House of Commons has been finished, a Dissolution of Parliament should take place.

This course would be conformable to the usage from the passing of the Septennial Act till 1830. From 1830 to the present year no House of Commons has been allowed to continue six years. The Dissolutions of Lord Grey in 1831 and 1832, of Sir Robert Peel in 1834, the death of William the Fourth in 1837, Lord Melbourne's Dissolution in 1841, have all interrupted the natural life of Parliaments. But all Governments since the accession of the House of Hanover have been of opinion (with one or two exceptions) that it is hazardous to allow a Parliament to continue seven years, as circumstances may arise making a Dissolution very detrimental to the public welfare.

These being general considerations, Lord John Russell would reserve any decision on the subject till the moment shall arrive when a Dissolution may appear to your Majesty's advisers to be the course most likely to secure moderate and fair elections.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

25th March 1847.

The Queen with pleasure approves the appointment of Lord Clarendon's brother to the vacant stall at St Paul's. The Queen would, however, draw Lord John's attention generally to the mode of filling up those Church sinecures. She is quite aware how necessary it is for a Minister to be able to recommend to such places persons of political connections, but she thinks that where it can be done, it would be of great use both to the Church and the country to give these places of emolument to Churchmen distinguished for their scientific attainments, who have neither the means nor the time to prosecute their researches, whilst their labours might be of the greatest importance to the country. Such person of this kind, for instance, the Prince thinks, is a Mr Cureton, who has just published the real epistles of St Ignatius, which he translated from the Syriac, and is about to produce a Gospel of St Matthew which is considered the undoubted original in the Coptic dialect, and other most important documents lately acquired for the British Museum.



[Page Heading: FOREIGN OFFICE DRAFTS]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 17th April 1847.

The Queen has several times asked Lord Palmerston, through Lord John Russell and personally, to see that the drafts to our Foreign Ministers are not despatched previous to their being submitted to the Queen. Notwithstanding, this is still done, as for instance to-day with regard to the drafts for Lisbon. The Queen, therefore, once more repeats her desire that Lord Palmerston should prevent the recurrence of this practice.



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 18th May 1847.

Lord John Russell has the painful duty of announcing to your Majesty the death of the Earl of Bessborough.[3] The firmness and kindness of his temper, together with his intimate knowledge of Ireland and his sound judgment, make this event a public misfortune.

It appears to Lord John Russell very desirable that his successor should be named without loss of time, and as the Cabinet agreed yesterday that the Earl of Clarendon was the fittest person for the office, Lord John Russell would suggest that a Council should be held on Thursday next, at the hour your Majesty may appoint, for a Council for the purpose of the declaration of your Majesty's pleasure.

It was the opinion of the Cabinet that although it is advisable finally to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant, it is not advisable to propose any measure, or make any announcement for the present.

[Footnote 3: John William, formerly Lord Duncannon, 4th Earl, born 1781; Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.]



[Pageheading: JENNY LIND]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 12th June 1847.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—We are here in terrible hot water, though I think we shall get out of it.[4] But only think that the Radicals and Protectionists join to attack Government for our interference in Portugal! A change of Government on such a subject would be full of mischief for the future, independent of the great momentary inconvenience; but it would cripple all future Governments in their future conduct respecting Foreign Affairs, would create distrust abroad in our promises, and is totally contrary to England's ancient policy of upholding Portugal.

In short, it would be very bad. The old Duke will do every thing to set matters right.

To-night we are going to the Opera in state, and will hear and see Jenny Lind[5] (who is perfection) in Norma, which is considered one of her best parts. Poor Grisi is quite going off, and after the pure angelic voice and extremely quiet, perfect acting of J. Lind, she seems quite passee. Poor thing! she is quite furious about it, and was excessively impertinent to J. Lind.

To-morrow we go to a ball at Stafford House, and on Thursday to one at Gloucester House. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 4: The Government were severely attacked by a coalition of Radicals and Protectionists for their intervention in Portugal. A hostile motion of Lord Stanley's in the House of Lords was opposed by the Duke of Wellington and defeated, while one of Mr Hume's in the House of Commons was talked out, Sir Robert Peel supporting the Ministry.]

[Footnote 5: She made her debut in London on the 4th of May in Roberto il Diavolo. The Queen had heard her sing previously at Stolzenfels. In May 1849, after singing for two years to enthusiastic audiences, she retired from the stage, and made extended concert tours in Europe and America.]



[Pageheading: THE WELLINGTON STATUE]

The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.

LONDON, 12th July 1847. (Five in the afternoon.)

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He submits to your Majesty the expression of his sorrow and shame that your Majesty should be troubled for a moment by anything so insignificant as a statue of himself.

When he first heard of the intention to remove the statue from the pedestal on which it had been placed, he was apprehensive that the measure might be misconstrued and misrepresented in this country as well as abroad.

That feeling was increased when the probable existence of such misconstruction was adverted to in one of the printed papers circulated by the Committee for the erection of the statue; and still farther when the removal became the subject of repeated discussions in Parliament. His daily experience of your Majesty's gracious reception of his endeavours to serve your Majesty; and the events of every day, and the repeated marks which he received of your Majesty's consideration and favour proved clearly, as the Duke stated in his letter to Lord John Russell, that there was no foundation for the misconstruction of the intended act—which undoubtedly existed. The apprehension of such misconstruction had from the first moment created an anxious wish in the mind of the Duke that the removal should be so regulated and should be attended by such circumstances as would tend to relieve the transaction from the erroneous but inconvenient impression which had been created.

The Duke apprehended that he might find it impossible to perform the duties with which he had been entrusted, and therefore, when Lord John Russell wrote to him, he deprecated the measure in contemplation; and he rejoices sincerely that your Majesty has been most graciously pleased to countermand the order for the removal of the statue.

All of which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.[6]

[Footnote 6: The Duke of Wellington wrote to Croker, 19th of December 1846:—"I should desire never to move from my principles of indifference and non-interference on the subject of a statue of myself to commemorate my own actions."

And again, on the 14th of June 1847, the Duke wrote to Croker:—"It has always been my practice, and is my invariable habit, to say nothing about myself and my own actions.

"More than forty years ago Mr Pitt observed that I talked as little of myself or my own acts as if I had been an assistant-surgeon of the army....

"I follow the habit of avoiding to talk of myself and of what I have done; with the exception only of occasions when I am urging upon modern contemporaries measures which they don't like, and when I tell them I have some experience, and have had some success in these affairs, and feel they would experience the benefit of attending to my advice, I never talk of myself.

"These are the reasons for which they think that I don't care what they do with the statue.

"But they must be idiots to suppose it possible that a man who is working day and night, without any object in view excepting the public benefit, will not be sensible of a disgrace inflicted upon him by the Sovereign and Government whom he is serving. The ridicule will be felt, if nothing else is!"...]



Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 12th July 1847.

The Queen has been informed by Lord John Russell that the Duke of Wellington is apprehensive that the removal of his statue from the Arch to another pedestal might be construed as a mark of displeasure on her part. Although the Queen had hoped that her esteem and friendship for the Duke was so well known to the public in general as not to render such a construction possible, and although she had thought that another pedestal would have been more suitable for this statue, and that the Arch might have been more becomingly ornamented in honour of the Duke than by the statue now upon it, she has given immediate direction that the Statue should remain in its present situation, and only regrets that this monument should be so unworthy of the great personage to whose honour it has been erected.



[Pageheading: INDIAN AFFAIRS]

Viscount Hardinge to Queen Victoria.

27th July 1847.

Lord Hardinge, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly acknowledges the letter in which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve of his conduct in the Government of your Majesty's Eastern Empire, and to sanction his return to Europe the end of this year.

It will always be a source of happiness to Lord Hardinge to have contributed his efforts towards maintaining the stability of your Majesty's Indian possessions committed to his charge, and he feels, in the performance of these duties, that the approbation of his Sovereign is the most grateful distinction to which honourable ambition can aspire.

The Governor-General entertains the most sanguine expectations that peace has been securely established beyond the north-west frontiers, as well as throughout India, and in this confidence he has ordered nearly 50,000 men of the native force to be reduced, which reductions have caused no discontent, being for the most part voluntary on the part of the men and accompanied by gratuities in proportion to the service performed.

As regards internal dangers, there is no native power remaining able to face a British army in the field. The people are very generally engaged in trade and agriculture, and to a great extent in the British Provinces no longer carry arms. Confidence in the protection of the Government has superseded the necessity. Formerly trade and wealth were concentrated in a few large cities—and Indian manufactures have been ruined by cheaper goods sent from England; but wealth and comfort have, under British rule, been more extensively diffused through the agricultural districts, and all classes, including the warlike tribes, are becoming more devoted to the happier and safer pursuits of peace.

In this state of things Lord Hardinge entertains a very confident expectation that the Government of India, by judicious attention to the native army in time of peace—which may have its peculiar dangers—will maintain due subordination in its ranks; and by abstaining from all interference in the religious prejudices of the people, will secure their loyal attachment to your Majesty, and their willing obedience to the Governor acting in your Majesty's behalf.

Lord Hardinge has the honour to subscribe himself your Majesty's most humble and dutiful Subject and Servant,

HARDINGE.



[Pageheading: A GENERAL ELECTION]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 5th August 1847.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that he considers the elections which have taken place since he last addressed your Majesty as satisfactory.

The Liberal gains, upon the whole, have been upwards of thirty, and when the elections are concluded will probably be upwards of forty.

The rejection of so distinguished a man as Mr Macaulay[7] is the most disgraceful act in the whole election. It has only a parallel in the rejection of Mr Burke by the city of Bristol.

The result of the whole elections will be, even if Sir George Grey is defeated in Northumberland, that neither Lord John Russell or any other Minister will have the command of a regular party majority.

But it is probable that Government will be sufficiently strong to resist both a reaction against free trade, and any democratic movement against the Church or the aristocracy.

[Footnote 7: In consequence of his vote on Maynooth. The poem he wrote on the present occasion will be remembered.]



[Pageheading: THE IRISH ELECTIONS]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

PEMBROKE LODGE, 21st August 1847.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that Lord Fitzwilliam writes that he shall feel hurt if the Earldom of Strafford should be given to Lord Strafford.

To save his feelings on this subject (Lord Fitzwilliam having the first Wentworth Earl of Strafford's property), Lord John Russell would humbly propose that Lord Strafford should be created Earl of Middlesex.

But as the relations of the late Duke of Dorset might also object, Lord John Russell will adhere to his original proposal if your Majesty should deem it best.

In fact, many titles have been given in succession to different families. Leinster, Orford, Westmorland, are familiar instances.

Lord John Russell has drawn up a paper respecting the Irish elections, on which the Prince wished to have his remarks. The subject is a dark and a dreary one....

Changes of Ministry may occur, but it is to be hoped that your Majesty may be enabled to keep the present Parliament for five or six years. For nothing tends so much to favour such reformations, to impede sober improvements, and to make members stand in servile awe of their constituents, as frequent General Elections.

Lord John Russell is happy to see in the newspapers the successful progress of your Majesty's journey. It has occurred to Lord John Russell that as the harvest is very promising, and the election heats will have subsided, it may be desirable that your Majesty should go for three days to Ireland on your Majesty's return. The want of notice might in some respects be favourable, and would be an excuse to many Irish peers, who might otherwise complete their ruin in preparations.



Queen Victoria to Earl Fitzwilliam.

3rd September 1847.

The Queen has received Lord Fitzwilliam's letter of the 31st.[8] As she sees Lord Strafford's elevation to an Earldom already announced in the Gazette of the same day, it will be impossible for the Queen to have the question of Lord Fitzwilliam's adverse claim reconsidered. She thinks it right, however, to say, that, knowing that the Wentworth property came to Lord Fitzwilliam, it was only after the Heralds College had proved that Lord Strafford was the representative of the Earl of Strafford of the Second Creation, whilst Lord Fitzwilliam was not properly considered the representative of the first, that the Queen approved the selection of the title of Earl of Strafford for the present Lord. The Queen is very sorry to find that this step should have been annoying to Lord Fitzwilliam, for whom she has ever entertained a sincere regard. She has sent his letter on to Lord John Russell.

[Footnote 8: On John, Baron Strafford, who as Sir John Byng had been distinguished in the Peninsula and at Waterloo, receiving the Earldom of Strafford, Lord Fitzwilliam had written: "Your Majesty has, undoubtedly, the power of conferring this, or any other titular dignity, according to your good pleasure, but I venture to hope that, if it be your Majesty's pleasure to revive the Earldom of Strafford, it will not be bestowed upon any other person than the individual who has now the honour of addressing your Majesty.

"The name and history of the first Earl of Strafford is, of course, familiar to your Majesty, and I venture to conclude that your Majesty is not unaware of my being his descendant, his heir, and his successor. I own his lands, I dwell in his house, I possess his papers, and, if neither my father nor myself have ever applied to the Crown for a renewal of his titles, it has not been because either of us was indifferent to those honours or to the favour of the Sovereign, but because we were well aware of the embarrassment which such applications frequently occasion to the Crown and its advisers."]



[Pageheading: MISSION TO THE VATICAN]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

ARDVERIKIE, 3rd September 1847.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters of the 31st and 1st inst., and is glad to find that the views expressed in the Prince's Memorandum coincide with those entertained by Lord John and Lord Palmerston, and also by Lord Minto, as she infers. As it seems difficult to find a person of inferior rank and position than Lord Minto, and of equal weight, the Queen sanctions his undertaking the mission on the understanding that the object of it will be communicated beforehand to the Courts of Vienna and Paris, and that both these Governments will be made fully acquainted with the position England thinks herself bound to take with regard to the Italian controversy.[9] After this shall have been done, the sending of Sir William Parker with his fleet to the West Coast of Italy strikes the Queen as a very proper measure to give countenance to the Sovereigns engaged in Liberal Reform, and exposed alike to the inroads of their absolutist neighbour, and to the outbreaks of popular movements directed by a republican party, and perhaps fostered by the Austrian Government.

[Footnote 9: Lord John Russell proposed that Lord Minto should be sent on a special mission to the Vatican. See Introductory Note for the Year, ante, p. 115.]



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

ARDVERIKIE, 7th September 1847.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I thank you much for your kind letter of the 28th. Mamma writes me such a good report of you both, which gives us the greatest pleasure. I hope you like young Ernest? This horrid Praslin tragedy [10] is a subject one cannot get out of one's head. The Government can in no way be accused of these murders, but there is no doubt that the standard of morality is very low indeed, in France, and that the higher classes are extremely unprincipled. This must shake the security and prosperity of a nation. In my opinion, nothing has gone on so well since the unfortunate false move of the Spanish marriages, and I think you will admit que cela n'a pas porte bonheur au Roi. I am very anxious to explain that I was out of spirits, and, I fear, humour, when I wrote to you last, for I love this place dearly, and the quiet, simple and wild life we lead here, particularly, in spite of the abominable weather we have had; and I am not the enemy of La Chasse, as I expressed myself—on the contrary, I am very keen about it, and am only annoyed at being unable to see it all. Really, when one thinks of the very dull life, and particularly the life of constant self-denial, which my poor, dear Albert leads, he deserves every amusement in the world, and even about his amusements he is so accommodating that I am deeply touched by it. He is very fond of shooting, but it is all with the greatest moderation. Do you know that you never wished Albert joy of his birthday?

The state of politics in Europe is very critical, and one feels very anxious for the future.

With my dearest Albert's love, and mine, to my beloved Louise. Believe me, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 10: The sensational murder in Paris of the Duchesse de Praslin, daughter of the diplomatist, Sebastiani, by her husband, who committed suicide. This event, as well as the affair of the Spanish marriages, largely contributed to the Orleanist catastrophe of 1848, for it was suspected that the Court and the police had not merely connived at, but had actually furnished the means for, the Duke's suicide, in order to prevent certain exposures which would have resulted from his trial.]



[Pageheading: PORTUGAL]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 9th October 1847.

The Queen has just received these drafts, which she has read attentively, and thinks very proper; she only perceives one omission which should be rectified, viz. the one in which Lord Palmerston directs Sir H. Seymour and the Admiral to remain perfectly neutral in case of a conflict, and that is that our Fleet should naturally give protection to the persons of the King and Queen and Royal Family in case of danger, for we cannot allow them to be murdered, even if we should not be able to prevent their losing their Crown (which God forbid).

The Queen must again observe that the drafts have since some weeks past been sent to her after they were gone, so that she can make no remark upon them. The Queen wishes to have copies of these drafts.



[Pageheading: CRISIS IN THE CITY]

[Pageheading: MR COBDEN]



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 14th October 1847.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has seen the Governor (Mr Morris) and Deputy-Governor (Mr Prescott) of the Bank, Mr Jones Loyd[11] and Mr Newman. Sir Charles Wood has seen many others connected with the City, and they have both made statements to the Cabinet.

The general result is: That an unsound state of trade has prevailed for some time.

More failures may be expected.[12]

The funds may fall still lower.

Any interference by Government in the way of issuing more notes might postpone but would aggravate the distress.

The railway calls add much to the present difficulty.

No forcible interference with railways would be justifiable, but a voluntary postponement of the execution of their Acts might be proposed to Parliament.

It will be seen by this short summary that the persons who by official position, practical experience, and much reflection are most capable of giving an opinion think that little or nothing can be done by Parliament or by Government.

It is one of those revulsions in trade which take place periodically, increased in extent by the expansion of commerce, but controlled in its operation by the sound principles of currency which have lately prevailed.

The Act of 1844 is generally blamed, but without the least reason. The accommodation afforded by the Bank has been large, liberal, and continuous. The circulation of notes approaches nineteen millions.

Upon fully considering the difficulty of finding a person of ability and experience to place at the head of the Poor Law Commission, Lord John Russell has come to the conclusion that the best course he can take is to propose to Mr Cobden to accept the Presidency with a seat in the Cabinet, and to propose to the Duke of Bedford at the same time a seat in the Cabinet without office.

Various reasons for making this offer to Mr Cobden will occur to your Majesty. His ability, his popularity with the working classes, and his knowledge of sound principles of political economy are undoubted. Sir Robert Peel's tribute to him has raised him both on the Continent and in this country, so that his presence in the Cabinet would give satisfaction to many.

On the other hand, the landed nobility and gentry would be glad to see the Duke of Bedford take part in the deliberations of the Government.

With your Majesty's permission Lord John Russell will propose these arrangements to the Cabinet to-morrow.

He has sent for Mr Lee[13] to offer him the Bishopric of Manchester. It is with great regret he states that Mr Stephen[14] is obliged from ill health to retire from the Colonial Office. He has asked Lord Grey to be made a Privy Councillor, having received an assurance from Lord Stanley that Sir Robert Peel would propose it to your Majesty on his retirement. Lord John Russell submits the proposal to your Majesty as an honour due to Mr Stephen's long, able, and calumniated[15] public services.

Lord John Russell has the honour to submit a letter of Lord Clarendon's in reference to a Memorandum of His Royal Highness Prince Albert.

Lord John Russell thinks that in the present state of affairs, the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy must not be thought of, and that with the exception noticed by Lord Clarendon, the suggestions made by the Prince would be the best measures for adoption, when that event takes place.

It is possible the Prince may not have a copy of the Memorandum.

[Footnote 11: Afterwards Lord Overstone.]

[Footnote 12: There had been many failures in London, Liverpool, and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 13: James Prince Lee, then Headmaster of King Edward's School, Birmingham, Bishop of Manchester, 1847-1869.]

[Footnote 14: James Stephen, Under-Secretary for the Colonies, 1836-1847, afterwards Professor of Modern History at Cambridge.]

[Footnote 15: He had made enemies by supporting the abolition of slavery.]



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 14th October 1847.

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, bringing several very important subjects before her. She regrets that the state of the Money Market should still be so uncomfortable, but is sure that the Government cannot by any interference do much to mend matters, though it might easily render them still more complicated, and make itself responsible for a crisis, which it has in no way either brought on or been able to avert.[16]

As to Mr Cobden's appointment to the Poor Law Board, the Queen thinks that he will be well qualified for the place in many respects, and that it will be advantageous to the Government and the Country that his talents should be secured to the service of the State, but the elevation to the Cabinet directly from Covent Garden[17] strikes her as a very sudden step, calculated to cause much dissatisfaction in many quarters, and setting a dangerous example to agitators in general (for his main reputation Mr Cobden gained as a successful agitator). The Queen therefore thinks it best that Mr Cobden should first enter the service of the Crown, serve as a public functionary in Parliament, and be promoted subsequently to the Cabinet, which step will then become a very natural one.

The Duke of Bedford's entrance into the Cabinet the Queen would see with great pleasure.

The Queen returns the Prince's Memorandum to Lord John, whilst she has retained Lord Clarendon's letter upon it, which the Prince is anxious to keep if Lord John will allow him. The Queen must agree with Lord John and Lord Clarendon that the present moment is not a favourable one for the experiment of abolishing the Lord-Lieutenancy.

Mr Stephen's elevation to the Privy Council will be a very proper reward for his long and faithful services. Would he not be a proper person for one of the new Civil degrees of the Bath?[18]

[Footnote 16: Matters, however, became worse, and Lord John Russell and Sir Charles Wood wrote recommending that the Bank should enlarge their discounts and advances, for which they would propose a bill of indemnity. By degrees the panic subsided.]

[Footnote 17: Free Trade meetings had taken place in Covent Garden Theatre.]

[Footnote 18: He was made a K.C.B.]



[Pageheading: ENGLAND'S FOREIGN POLICY]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 18th October 1847.

The Queen cannot resist drawing Lord John Russell's attention to the enclosed paragraph taken from the Revue des Deux Mondes, which gives an account of the late events in Spain. How little honourable our line of policy appears according to this version, which the Queen is afraid is so very plausible that it will be received as the truth by the whole French public and a great part of the European public at large! It is, no doubt, perverted, but still the Queen must admit that our policy, and especially Mr Bulwer's conduct at Madrid, lays itself open to similar construction. After the gross duplicity and immorality which characterised the conduct of France with respect to the Spanish marriages, though she had all the profit and we all the loss, still we had a very strong position on the side of integrity, morality, and honour. The Queen is afraid that the diplomatic intrigues and counter intrigues at Madrid have made us lose daily more of that advantageous position without any compensation on the other side. The Queen entreats Lord John Russell not to underrate the importance of keeping our foreign policy beyond reproach. Public opinion is recognised as a ruling power in our domestic affairs; it is not of less importance in the society of Europe with reference to the conduct of an individual state. To possess the confidence of Europe is of the utmost importance to this country. That is the reason why the Queen is uneasy about our dealings in Greece, and anxious that we should not be misunderstood with respect to Italy. The Queen is sorry to perceive that the French complain of unfair dealing on our part with reference to the negotiations in the River Plate.[19] Have they any right to do so? Have Lord Howden's private instructions been at variance in any way with the public instructions which had been agreed upon with the French Government? The Queen would consider any advantage gained at the expense of an ally as a loss.

[Footnote 19: Sir John Hobart Caradoc, second Lord Howden, British Minister at Rio Janeiro, was, together with Count Walewski, the French Minister there, engaged in a special mission to the River Plate and Uruguay; Buenos Ayres was blockaded by the British Fleet.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF SPAIN]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 24th October 1847.

The Queen has perused with eagerness Mr Bulwer's accounts of the late extraordinary events in Spain, but must confess that she has in vain looked for an explanation of the real motives and causes of the crisis. Has Lord Palmerston received any private letters throwing more light upon the matter? There seems to prevail the greatest mystery about the affair. Is the Queen reconciled with her husband? Has she sent for him? Have all the accounts of her hatred for Don Francisco and the Queen-Mother been false? All these questions are unanswered.



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN OF PORTUGAL]

Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

FOREIGN OFFICE, 30th October 1847.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has many apologies to make for not having attended your Majesty's Council to-day, and the more so as his absence arose from an inadvertence which he is almost ashamed to mention. But having got on horseback to ride to the station, with his thoughts occupied with some matters which he was thinking of, he rode mechanically and in a fit of absence to the Nine Elms Station,[20] and did not recollect his mistake till he had got there; and although he made the best of his way afterwards to the Paddington Station, he could not get there in time for any train that would have taken him early enough to Windsor.

Viscount Palmerston received this morning your Majesty's remarks upon his proposed drafts to Sir Hamilton Seymour, and has modified some of the expressions in those drafts; but those drafts are only private and confidential answers in his own name to private and confidential communications from Sir Hamilton Seymour, and they express only his own personal opinions, and not those of the Government.

Viscount Palmerston is sorry to say that the circumstances lately mentioned by Sir Hamilton Seymour, coupled with the course pursued at Lisbon almost ever since the successful interference of the Allied Powers, have brought Viscount Palmerston to the painful convictions expressed in the above-mentioned drafts, and he feels desirous, for his own sake, to place those convictions at least upon record in this Office. He will be most happy to find that he is mistaken, and will most truly and heartily rejoice if events should prove that the confidence which your Majesty reposes in the sincerity and good faith of the Queen of Portugal is well founded; but in a matter of this importance Viscount Palmerston feels that it is his bounden duty to your Majesty not to conceal his opinions, even though they should, as in the present case, unfortunately differ from those which your Majesty entertains.

[Footnote 20: The former terminus of the London and South-Western Railway.]



Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 21st October 1847.

The Queen acknowledges Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday. She can have no objections to Lord Palmerston's putting on record his opinion that the Queen of Portugal is leaning to the Chartist Party, and exposing herself, her Throne and country, to great danger by so doing; but she would much deprecate the putting on record the grave accusation "that the Queen of Portugal is in a secret and perfect understanding with the Cabrals,"[21] which is really not warranted by the facts of the case, and is likely to mislead both our Government and the Minister at Lisbon. Since the Queen wrote yesterday the Prince received a letter from the King of Portugal (which he sent to Lord Palmerston), and which quite explains the position and views of the Court: we must not forget either that Sir Hamilton Seymour acknowledges that a change of Ministry at this moment would provoke a fresh Revolution at Lisbon. Although this would come from the Cabralists, the Queen of Portugal very naturally may not feel inclined to run that risk to avoid a danger the existence of which she does not see or comprehend.

[Footnote 21: The Ministry in which Castro Cabral had been Premier, and his brother, Jose, Minister of Justice, had resigned in May 1846.]



[Pageheading: THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 10th November 1847.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and after reflecting on the various reasons in favour of, and objections against, different Bishops for promotion to the Archbishopric of York, he humbly submits to your Majesty the name of Dr Musgrave, Bishop of Hereford, to be appointed Archbishop of York. The Bishop of Hereford is a man of sound information, good judgment, and business habits. It is of such consequence to have an Archbishop of York, who will, like the late Archbishop, avoid quarrels and crotchets, and live peaceably with all men.

Should your Majesty approve, he would then submit the name of Dr Hampden to be the new Bishop, and that of the Bishop of Oxford[22] as Queen's Almoner.

[Footnote 22: Samuel Wilberforce.]



The Bishop of Oxford to Mr Anson.

16th November 1847.

MY DEAR ANSON,—I enclose you a letter from Lord John Russell, offering me the Lord Almonership. I have ventured to write direct to Her Majesty, to express to her my grateful feelings at this notice of me. But I have been so afraid of offending by anything like freedom of expression that I much fear I have instead said coldly and formally what, if I had said it naturally, would have expressed the deepest and most exuberant feelings of what I trust I may venture to say is not an ungrateful heart. Ungrateful it would be most certainly if it did not feel to its deepest core the uniform and great kindness I have received now for so many years from Her Majesty and from the Prince. I wish I could better show them my feelings....

You have read no doubt the Times article on Dr Hampden. I am afraid it is too true. I cannot conceive what was Dr Hampden's recommendation. He was not a persecuted man, for he had got a station far higher than he ever dreamed of already; he is not an able, or an active man, or one popular with any party, and unless Lord John Russell wished for an opportunity of shocking the young confidence of the Church in him, I cannot conceive why he should have made it. I deeply lament it. Pray let me hear of your health, if it be only a single line (to Cuddesdon), and believe me to be, ever your truly affectionate,

S. OXON.



[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S DESPATCHES]

Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

17th November 1847.

The Queen has been struck by the concluding passage of the accompanying draft to Mr Bulwer. It gives an official declaration of the views of England with respect to a point of the greatest gravity and importance, and upon which the Queen apprehends that the mind of the Cabinet is not yet made up. The Queen herself has come to no determination upon it, and it may involve the question of peace or war. Surely our line of policy under future and uncertain contingencies ought not to be pledged beforehand and in such an indirect way. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to speak to Lord John Russell upon the subject, and to show him the draft and these remarks of the Queen upon it.



Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.

FOREIGN OFFICE, 17th November 1847.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in compliance with your Majesty's wishes he has omitted the whole of the latter part of the proposed despatch to Mr Bulwer.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

(Undated.)

The Queen has seen with surprise in the Gazette the appointment of Mr Corigan,[23] about which she must complain to Lord John Russell. Not only had her pleasure not been taken upon it, but she had actually mentioned to Lord Spencer that she had her doubts about the true propriety of the appointment. Lord John will always have found the Queen desirous to meet his views with regard to all appointments and ready to listen to any reasons which he might adduce in favour of his recommendations, but she must insist upon appointments in her Household not being made without her previous sanction, and least of all such as that of a Physician to her person.

[Footnote 23: Dominic John Corigan, M.D., Physician-in-Ordinary to Her Majesty in Ireland.]



[Pageheading: SWITZERLAND]

[Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE KING OF PRUSSIA]

The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria.

[Translation.]

25th November 1847.

... I hear with delight and thankfulness that it has pleased your Majesty to agree to a Conference for regulating the dreadful Swiss quarrels.[24] I took the liberty to propose my beloved and truly amiable town of Neuchatel as the place for the Conference, not only because its position in neutral territory and in Switzerland herself qualifies it above every other place for that purpose, but particularly because this meeting of the representatives of the great Powers there would protect it and the courageous and faithful country of Neuchatel from indignities, spoliation, and all the horrors which oppress at this moment the unfortunate and far from courageous Fribourg. I am afraid that your Majesty has not a full appreciation of the people and the partisans who fill Switzerland with murders and the miseries of the most abominable Civil War. Your Majesty's happy realms have centuries ago passed through the "phase" of such horrors, and with you the state of parties has been (as one says here) grown in bottles,[25] under the glorious Constitution given by God and History, but not "made"; but there, in Switzerland, a party is becoming victorious!!! which, notwithstanding the exercise of Christian charity, can only be called "Gottlos und Rechtlos" (without God and without right). For Germany, the saving of Switzerland from the hands of the Radicals is simply a vital question. If they are victorious there, in Germany likewise torrents of blood will flow; I will answer for that. The murder of Kings, Priests, and Aristocrats is no empty sound with them, and Civil War in song, writing, word, and deed, is their watchword. "Toute charite bien entendue commence par soi-meme." So they begin with their own country, true to this "Christian" (!) motto. If they are allowed to proceed, surely they won't stop there. Thousands of emigrated malefactors wait only for a sign (which their comrades and allies in Germany will not be backward in giving) to pour forth beyond the German frontier. In Germany the PEOPLE are just as little fond of them as they were in Switzerland, but the experience of Switzerland teaches us that that alone cannot stem their victorious march, if circumstances are favourable to them. The German people rely upon their Governments, and do nothing, but Governments are weakened by the modern Liberalism (the precursor of Radicalism, as the dying of chickens precedes the Cholera) and will have to take the consequences of their own negligence. Notwithstanding people and princes, that godless band will march through Germany, because, though small, it is strong through being united and determined. All this I have pondered in my head and heart (led, so to say, by the hand of History), and that has prompted me now to propose that the German Confederation (which en parenthese includes a population of more than forty millions) should appear as one of the great Powers of Europe at the settlement of the Swiss dispute, and should be admitted as such by the other great Powers. Would your Majesty do justice, and give PROTECTION to this idea?...

F. W.

[Footnote 24: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 115.]

[Footnote 25: As old wine improves by being kept in bottles.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY]

Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia.

OSBORNE, 5th December 1847.

Since your letter was written events have followed each other so rapidly that at this moment the war in Switzerland may be considered as terminated; by the capitulations of the Cantons formerly constituting the Sonderbund, two parties, between which a mediation of the great Powers could have taken place, have ceased to exist, and consequently mediation and the Conference resulting from it are in fact no longer necessary or possible. I had proposed London as the place of conference, but should with pleasure have waived this proposition to adopt the place which you have expressed a wish of seeing fixed for that purpose, viz. Neuchatel, and I should have felt truly happy if by so doing I could have met your wishes, and given further protection to the principality against possible aggressions on the part of the Federal Government of Switzerland. As matters now stand, the only complication which might arise is that between Neuchatel and the Diet. I have, in anticipation of any such event, instructed Sir Stratford Canning to exert himself to his utmost to dissuade the Diet from any plan of aggression on your territory, and he has been furnished with an able and elaborate state paper for his guidance, which Chevalier Bunsen had drawn up, discussing the legal merits of the case. Should events prove that Sir S. Canning did not arrive in time, or had not the power of averting a hostile step against Neuchatel, you may rely upon my readiness at all times to put my good offices at your disposal. Should a conference upon Swiss affairs still become necessary, I conceive that the only plea upon which the great Powers could meet in conference would be their having guaranteed the independence and neutrality of Switzerland, and by implication the Federal Compact amongst the Cantons. This has not been the case with regard to the German Confederation, and I do not readily see in consequence how the Confederation could be admitted into this Conference, however much I confess I would like to see Germany take her place amongst the Powers of Europe, to which her strength and population fairly entitle her. I may say that my Government are equally impressed with me with the importance of German unity and strength and of this strength weighing in the balance of power of Europe; I am sure that the English public generally share this feeling, but I must not conceal from your Majesty that much would depend upon the manner in which this power was represented. Much as the English would like to see this power represented by the enlightened councils of your Majesty, they would be animated with very different feelings in seeing it in the hands of Prince Metternich ...

VICTORIA R.



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

OSBORNE, 19th December 1847.

The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of several letters from Lord John Russell. She was pleased to see that the Debates have been brought to such a satisfactory conclusion, all the propositions of the Government having passed with such good majorities. The Queen must mention to Lord John that she was a little shocked at Sir Charles Wood in his speech upon the Commission of Inquiry, designating the future Government, and selecting Lord George Bentinck, Mr Disraeli(!), and Mr Herries as the persons destined to hold high offices in the next Government.

The Bishops behave extremely ill about Dr Hampden, and the Bishop of Exeter[26] is gone so far, in the Queen's opinion, that he might be prosecuted for it, in calling the Act settling the supremacy on the Crown a foul act and the Magna Charta of Tyranny.

The Queen is glad to hear that Lord John is quite recovered. We are going to Windsor the day after to-morrow.

[Footnote 26: Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, 1830-1869.]



[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE]

Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

BROCKET HALL, 30th December 1847.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has received with great pleasure your Majesty's letter of this morning, and reciprocates with the most cordial heartiness your Majesty's good wishes of the season, both for your Majesty and His Royal Highness. Lord Melbourne is pretty well in health, perhaps rather better than he has been, but low and depressed in spirits for a cause which has long pressed upon his mind, but which he has never before communicated to your Majesty. Lord Melbourne has for a long time found himself much straitened in his pecuniary circumstances, and these embarrassments are growing now every day more and more urgent, so that he dreads before long that he shall be obliged to add another to the list of failures and bankruptcies of which there have lately been so many. This is the true reason why Lord Melbourne has always avoided the honour of the Garter, when pressed upon him by his late Majesty and also by your Majesty. Lord Melbourne knows that the expense of accepting the blue ribbon amounts to L1000, and there has been of late years no period at which it would not have been seriously inconvenient to Lord Melbourne to lay down such a sum.[27]

[Footnote 27: The Queen, through the agency of Mr Anson, advanced Lord Melbourne a considerable sum of money, which seems to have been repaid at his death. Apparently Lord Melbourne's declining health caused him to magnify his difficulties. The report which Mr Anson made shows that he was in no sense seriously embarrassed.]



INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XVII

At the outset of the year 1848 great alarm was felt throughout England at the supposed inadequacy of her defences, a panic being caused by the indiscreet publication of a confidential letter from the Duke of Wellington to Sir John Burgoyne, to the effect that in his judgment the whole South Coast was open to invasion, and that there were no means of opposing a hostile force. The Government turned its attention to reconstructing the Militia, and raising the Income Tax for the purpose. But the outlook was completely changed by the French Revolution; Louis Philippe, who had just lost his sister and counsellor, Madame Adelaide, impulsively abdicated, on a rising taking place, and escaped with his family to this country. England and Belgium were unaffected by the outburst of revolution which convulsed Europe: the Emperor of Austria was forced to abdicate, and Metternich, like Guizot, became a fugitive; Prussia was shaken to her foundation, and throughout Germany the movement in favour of representative institutions made rapid headway; a National Assembly for Germany was constituted, and Schleswig was claimed as an integral part of the German dominions. In Italy also the Revolution, though premature, was serious. The Pope, not yet reactionary, declared war against Austria; the Milanese rose against Radetzky, the Austrian Governor, and King Charles Albert of Sardinia marched to their assistance. A republic was proclaimed in Venice, but these successes were afterwards nullified, and a Sicilian rising against Ferdinand II. of Naples was suppressed. In France the revolutionary movement held steadily on its course, a National Assembly was elected, and national workshops established; Louis Bonaparte, who had been a fugitive in England, was allowed to return, and was elected President of the Republic by an immense majority of the popular vote.

The friends of Revolution had no success in England; a very serious riot at Glasgow was dispersed, and the meeting convened by Feargus O'Connor for the 10th of April on Kennington Common, which was to carry a huge petition in favour of the People's Charter to the House of Commons, proved a ridiculous fiasco. Ireland was much disturbed during the year by what was known as the Young Ireland agitation, a movement organised by youthful, and for the most part cultivated, leaders, and utterly different from the sturdy Repeal movement of O'Connell. Smith O'Brien, brother of Lord Inchiquin, was the ringleader, and was backed by Mitchel, Duffy, Meagher, and others, as well as by the Nation and United Irishman newspapers. Like Chartism, the movement ignominiously collapsed and its leaders were convicted of treason. An Act was at the same time passed reducing some offences (till then legally defined as treason) to felonies, and improving the law as to offences against the person of the Sovereign.

The treacherous murder of two Englishmen in the Punjab led to operations against the Sikhs, Lord Dalhousie—who had recently become Viceroy—after some hesitation, reinforcing Lord Gough, the Commander-in-Chief, and proceeding in person to the frontier; a British force sustained a reverse at Ramnuggur on 22nd November, and a decisive result was not arrived at till 1849.

In South Africa, a proclamation by Sir Harry Smith, the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope, extending British sovereignty over the country between the Orange and Vaal rivers, led to a collision with the Boers, and ultimately to the founding of the Transvaal State. Sir Harry Smith defeated the Boers on the 29th of August at Boom Platz.



CHAPTER XVII

1848

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 1st January 1848.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—This is a most melancholy beginning of the year. Our poor Aunt Adelaide,[1] so kind to us, has departed this life yesterday morning. Poor Louise feels it dreadfully, as nothing could be more affectionate and more motherly than she was for Louise. She was always very kind and friendly to me, and I must confess I feel the blow much. I am very much alarmed about the poor King; he must feel the loss of a sister and friend so entirely devoted to him deeply; it is the thing most likely to hurt and shake his health. You will forgive if I cut short here, as I am much disturbed by this melancholy event. I think you would act kindly in writing to the King. We are too nearly connected not to do it, and it will soothe him, who has been enough persecuted since last year. I trust you begin better than we do this most melancholy January. My best love to Albert, and believe me ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly and devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 1: Sister of King Louis Philippe.]



[Pageheading: DEATH OF MADAME ADELAIDE]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.[2]

WINDSOR CASTLE, 3rd January 1848.

The Queen sends Lord John Russell a letter from her Uncle, the King of the Belgians, which will show how dreadful a blow Mme. Adelaide's death will be to the King of the French and Royal Family. The Queen's first thought was to write to the King, which she would not have done without first mentioning it to Lord John; but upon reflection she thought it quickest and best to write at once to her cousin Clementine (Princess Augustus of Saxe-Coburg), to convey in her name to the King her sincere sympathy at this melancholy event. The King of the Belgians' letter has, however, brought back to the Queen her first thought of writing to the King, and she wishes to know what Lord John thinks of it. The Queen thinks it as undignified as unfeeling to carry on political coolness at moments like these, when her own feelings of sympathy are so strong and so sincere. The Queen would certainly under other circumstances have instantly written to the King. On the other hand, her first letter to her cousin (the King's daughter) may be sufficient, as it conveys a direct message; and there may be people who will construe this into a political act, but the Queen thinks that this risk should rather be run than that she should appear unfeeling and forgetful of former kindness and intimacy.

The Queen would be glad to have Lord John's opinion on this subject as soon as possible.

[Footnote 2: This letter is headed "Reproduction—Substance of a letter to Lord John Russell, written from recollection."]



The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 3rd January 1848.

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,—I thank you most sincerely for your kind last letter, and all your good wishes for the New Year. Alas! the year ended and began in a most painful and heartrending way for us. The loss of my good, excellent, beloved Aunt is an immense misfortune for us all, and the most dreadful blow for my poor Father. We are all broken-hearted by this, at last unexpected event. Some years we were uneasy about my poor Aunt's health, and of late I had been particularly alarmed by what I heard of her increasing weakness; but I was very far from believing that her end was so near. I was only anxious for the winter. At least her end was peaceful. She went to sleep and did not wake more. She died without a struggle; the horror of death, and the still greater pang of the last farewell, of the last leave-taking of her beloved brother, was spared her. I thank God for this proof of His mercy, and hope He will keep up my Father under such a heavy affliction. To him the loss is irretrievable. My Aunt lived but for him; one may almost say that her affection alone had kept her alive these last years, and a devotion like hers—that devotion of all instants—so complete, so full of self-denial—cannot, will never, be replaced. A heart like hers, so true, so noble, so warm, so loving, so devoted, is rarely seen. To us also, independently of my Father, the loss is a dreadful one. My Aunt was a second mother for us; we loved her and looked up to her in this way, and certainly few mothers do for their children what she did for us, or loved them better. We are overwhelmed with grief by the sudden disappearance of a being so dear and so necessary to us all, and we go to-morrow to Paris, to mourn with the remainder of the family, and offer my poor Father the only consolation he can feel at this cruel moment, that of being surrounded by all those he loves. I have still so much to do previous to our melancholy journey that I cannot say more to-day. I am sure you will excuse me. I shall, God willing, write in a more proper way the next time. In the meanwhile I thank God that you are unberufen all well, and, in sorrow or in joy, I am equally, my beloved Victoria, from the bottom of my heart, yours most devotedly,

LOUISE.



[Pageheading: LETTER TO KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

WOBURN ABBEY, 4th January 1848.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has no hesitation in saying that he thinks your Majesty will do well to follow your own kind impulse to write a letter to the King of the French. There will be some persons, and M. Guizot perhaps among the number, who will construe this into a political act; but it is better to be subject to such misconstructions than to leave undone any act of sympathy to the King of the French in his sore affliction.

Should the King attempt to found upon your Majesty's letter any political intercourse, Lord John Russell has no doubt that your Majesty will explain to him that your present proceeding is entirely founded upon private regard, and past recollections of intimacy, and is not intended as an opening for political correspondence.



Queen Victoria to the King of the French.

CH. DE WINDSOR, 5 Janvier 1848.

SIRE ET MON BON FRERE,—Je ne voulais pas suivre l'impulse de mon c[oe]ur, dans les premiers instants de la vive douleur de votre Majeste, en vous ecrivant—mais maintenant ou la violence de cette rude secousse peut-etre sera un peu adoucie, je viens moi-meme exprimer a votre Majeste la part sincere que nous prenons, le Prince et moi, a la cruelle perte que vous venez d'eprouver, et qui doit vous laisser un vide irreparable. Ayez la bonte, Sire, d'offrir nos expressions de condoleance a la Reine, et faisant des v[oe]ux pour le bonheur de V.M., je me dis, Sire et mon bon Frere, de V.M., la bonne S[oe]ur,

V. R.

A S.M. le Roi des Francais.



[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND THE PORTE]

The King of the French to Queen Victoria.

PARIS, 8 Janvier 1848.

MADAME MA BONNE S[OE]UR,—Dans la profonde douleur ou m'a plonge le coup cruel qui vient de me frapper, une des plus douces consolations que je pusse recevoir, est la lettre que votre Majeste a eu la bonte de m'adresser, tant en son nom qu'en celui du Prince son Epoux. L'expression de la part que vous prenez tous deux a mon malheur, et de l'interet que vous continuez a me porter, m'a vivement emu, et quelque douloureuse qu'en soit l'occasion, qu'il me soit permis, Madame, de vous en remercier, et de dire a votre Majeste que mon c[oe]ur et mes sentimens pour elle, sont et seront toujours les memes que ceux que j'etais si heureux de Lui manifester a Windsor et au Chateau d'Eu.

Je prie votre Majeste de vouloir bien etre, aupres du Prince son Epoux, l'interprete de toute ma sensibilite. La Reine est bien touchee de ce que votre Majeste m'a charge de Lui temoigner, et je la prie de croire que je suis toujours, Madame, ma bonne S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste, le bon Frere,

LOUIS PHILIPPE R.



Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.

CLAREMONT, 11th January 1848.[sic: 1843]

The Queen has this morning seen a draft addressed to Lord Cowley, in which he is desired to advise the Sultan to give Abd-el-Kader a command in his Army—a step which the Queen cannot approve, not because it is not good advice to the Porte, but because it is uncalled for on our part, and might be considered by France as a hostile step towards her. What would we say if the French were to advise M. Ali to give Akbar Khan the command of his army?[3]

[Footnote 3: See ante, vol. i. p. 254.]



[Pageheading: CLAREMONT]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

CLAREMONT, 11th January 1848.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I always write with pleasure to you from this so very dear old place, where we are safely and happily housed with our whole little family since yesterday. The weather is very cold, and it is the third night of a black frost which is likely to continue for some days. Many thanks for your kind letter of the 7th, which, according to the new arrangement, I received already on the 8th. Your visit will, I fear, have been a very melancholy one. Poor Mme. Adelaide's death was so extremely sudden, it must be a dreadful blow to the poor King. I have written to him. Louise will have told you that poor Aunt Sophia[4] is decidedly sinking.

I wish, dearest Uncle, if even Louise feels unequal to coming to us now (which would be a sad disappointment), you would come to see us. Why not come while she is at Paris? It would be such a pleasure to us. You will of course have no balls, and you might come even sooner than you originally intended. Pray do see if you could manage this. I am sure you could. If Louise could come, of course that would be still better.

Albert desires me to ask you the following favour, viz. if you would give us the picture that is here of Grand Uncle Frederic (the Field-Marshal), that we might hang it up in London, where we have made a fine collection of his contemporaries, and we would replace it by a faithful copy, which could be hung up in the frame here. Will you grant this?

We are very desirous of getting the Woods and Forests to build a small glass dome to the greenhouse here where the palm-trees are, and (if you approved) there could be no difficulty in getting this done; the palm-trees are beautiful, and will be quite stunted and spoilt if not allowed to grow. We shall stay here till Monday next. With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 4: Fifth daughter of George III., born 1777. She died in May 1848.]



[Pageheading: THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 12th January 1848.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—A messenger of my own going to England, I take advantage of it to write you a few words. Your kind letter to the poor King was an act for which I thank you from the bottom of my soul, because it made him so happy. I was still in his rooms—where the family has been breakfasting and dining till now—when your letter arrived; he was so delighted with it that he kissed it most tenderly. I left him tolerably well on Monday, but with rather a severe cold. He had certainly at the end of December the Grippe, which perhaps was the immediate cause of poor Aunt's death, as from over-anxiety for her beloved brother, she got up in the night to find out how he was. His cold had been better when he went to Dreux, then he met the procession, and walked with it bareheaded to the church; this seems to have given him a new cold. His nerves are also a good deal shaken, and this renders him very irritable. He is much occupied about some of the arrangements connected with poor Aunt's fortune; she left her landed property to Nemours, Joinville, and Montpensier, charged with the various sums she left to nearly all the branches of her family. The King is to have, however, the enjoyment of the whole of this fortune for his life. His great wish would be to employ the revenues, from the whole of the succession legacies as well as landed property, to free the landed property of the mortgage of the various legacies. This will require a good many years, and I told him that it would force him to live till it would be arranged, which will easily require ten years. In France a good feeling has been shown on this occasion. I heard from trustworthy quarters that even people who were known to be personally not very kind to the King, expressed themselves most anxious for his preservation. Whenever that sad event will take place, the reaction in Europe will be great, as all the bad passions which are kept down by him will then of course try to get the over hand. The Queen is much affected by all this, and thinks much of her own end. The children, including good Helene, have all behaved with the utmost affection to their parents, and nothing can equal particularly good Nemours' devotion and attention. My beloved Child, your truly devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.



[Pageheading: REVOLUTION IN FRANCE]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 12th February 1848.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—... From Paris the news are alarming;[5] the struggle of the Liberal Party leaning towards radicalism, or in fact merely their own promotion; principles are out of the question. This state of affairs reacts in a very lamentable way upon the well-being of the great European community. Great complaints are made that the working classes are deprived of work and at the same time political agitation is kept up, which must have the effect of stopping transactions of every description. The human race is a sad creation, and I trust the other planets are better organised and that we may get there hereafter.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 5: The Republican movement had been making rapid headway in Paris, and the leader of the Opposition, M. Odilon Barrot, proposed Guizot's impeachment on the 22nd of February. Louis Philippe, when it was unfortunately too late, consented to a change of Ministry, but the formation of a new Government proved impossible. The Revolution could have been quelled, had it not been for the King's reluctance to shed blood in defence of the Throne to which he had been elected; even to the agitators themselves the completeness of the Revolution was a surprise.]



Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

DOWNING STREET, 23rd February 1848.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty at three o'clock to-morrow.

Lord Normanby's letters from Paris give a little information.[6]

There has been some fighting in the streets, and some apprehension for the night. But it does not appear probable that any serious danger will be incurred, with the troops in such force in Paris.

Hereafter there may be a serious struggle between the Government of the King, and the Republicans. But in that case such men as M. Odilon Barrot will shrink from the contest.

[Footnote 6: A letter from Lord Normanby on the 13th of March to Lord Palmerston (published in Ashley's Life of Palmerston, vol. i. chap. iii.) gives an account of the situation on the eve of the 22nd of February. On the 25th of February he wrote:—

"The National Guards, mixed with the people, were in full march upon the Tuileries, and the latter threatening the life of the King, when Emile Girardin, the editor of the Presse newspaper, who was in advance as an officer of the National Guard, hastily drew up an Act of Abdication, and placed it before the King as the only means of safety. The King at first refused, saying that he would rather die; but the Duc de Montpensier urged him, not only for his own sake, but to save his country from confusion. The King at last signed it, and threw it impatiently at the Duc de Montpensier, who, I believe, has been in favour of conciliatory counsel throughout. The Royal Family then retired through the garden, the King saying to every one as he passed, 'J'abdique, j'abdique.'"]



The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 26th February 1848.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—I am very unwell in consequence of the awful events at Paris. How will this end? Poor Louise is in a state of despair which is pitiful to behold. What will soon become of us God alone knows; great efforts will be made to revolutionise this country; as there are poor and wicked people in all countries it may succeed.

Against France we, of course, have a right to claim protection from England and the other Powers. I can write no more. God bless you. Ever your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.



[Pageheading: FLIGHT OF FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY]

The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

BRUSSELS, 27th February 1848.

MY DEARLY BELOVED VICTORIA,—I understand by an account arrived this morning, and which seems to be correct, that my unfortunate parents arrived in England before yesterday evening: but I don't know where they are. (I don't know anything of them since the 23rd, evening!!!) But you will surely know, and kindly forward the letter to my poor mother. I have just received your kind letter of the 25th, but I am unable to say more to-day. You will easily conceive my agony and anguish. What an unbelievable clap of thunder! I know still nothing of what Nemours and Montpensier are become. I rely on your interest and sympathy, and remain as ever, yours most devotedly,