The Queen approves of the Bishop of Lichfield[8] being transferred to the See of Ely in case Doctor Turton should decline it.

It would give the Queen much pleasure to stand sponsor to Sir Robert Peel's little grandson, and perhaps Sir Robert would communicate this to Lady Villiers.

[Footnote 7: Dr Thomas Turton (1780-1864), formerly Dean of Peterborough.]

[Footnote 8: John Lonsdale (1788-1867) was Bishop of Lichfield from 1843 till his death.]



[Pageheading: PURCHASE OF OSBORNE]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 25th March 1845.

... I copied what you wrote me about Peel[9] in a letter I wrote him, which I am sure will please him much, and a Minister in these days does require a little encouragement, for the abuse and difficulties they have to contend with are dreadful. Peel works so hard and has so much to do, that sometimes he says he does not know how he is to get through it all!

You will, I am sure, be pleased to hear that we have succeeded in purchasing Osborne in the Isle of Wight,[10] and if we can manage it, we shall probably run down there before we return to Town, for three nights. It sounds so snug and nice to have a place of one's own, quiet and retired, and free from all Woods and Forests, and other charming Departments who really are the plague of one's life.

Now, dearest Uncle, adieu. Ever your truly devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 9: See Peel's reply, Life of the Prince Consort, chap. xiii.]

[Footnote 10: The purchase was suggested by Sir Robert Peel.]



Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 3rd April 1845.

The Queen had intended to have written to Lord Melbourne from Osborne to thank him for his last note of the 19th, but we were so occupied, and so delighted with our new and really delightful home, that she hardly had time for anything; besides which the weather was so beautiful, that we were out almost all day. The Queen refers Lord Melbourne to Mr Anson for particulars of the new property, which is very extensive, as she is not at all competent to explain about acres, etc. But she thinks it is impossible to imagine a prettier spot—valleys and woods which would be beautiful anywhere; but all this near the sea (the woods grow into the sea) is quite perfection; we have a charming beach quite to ourselves. The sea was so blue and calm that the Prince said it was like Naples. And then we can walk about anywhere by ourselves without being followed and mobbed, which Lord Melbourne will easily understand is delightful. And last, not least, we have Portsmouth and Spithead so close at hand, that we shall be able to watch what is going on, which will please the Navy, and be hereafter very useful for our boys.

The Children are all well. The Queen has just had a lithograph made after a little drawing which she did herself of the three eldest, and which she will send Lord Melbourne with some Eau de Cologne.

Fanny and Lord Jocelyn dined here last night; she is looking very well, and he seems much pleased at being in office, and being employed.

The Queen hopes Lord Melbourne is enjoying this fine weather, and here concludes with the Prince's kind remembrance.



[Pageheading: THE MAYNOOTH GRANT]

[Pageheading: RELIGIOUS BIGOTRY]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 15th April 1845.

MY BELOVED UNCLE,—Here we are in a great state of agitation about one of the greatest measures ever proposed;[11] I am sure poor Peel ought to be blessed by all Catholics for the manly and noble way in which he stands forth to protect and do good to poor Ireland. But the bigotry, the wicked and blind passions it brings forth is quite dreadful, and I blush for Protestantism![12] A Presbyterian clergyman said very truly, "Bigotry is more common than shame...."

[Footnote 11: The Bill to increase the grant to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth was carried by Peel in the teeth of opposition from half his party: another measure was passed to establish colleges for purely secular teaching ("godless colleges" they were nicknamed) in Cork, Belfast, and Galway, and affiliate them to a new Irish university.]

[Footnote 12: As Macaulay had said during the previous night's debate: "The Orangeman raises his war whoop, Exeter Hall sets up its bray, Mr Macneile shudders to see more costly cheer than ever provided for the priests of Baal at the table of the Queen, and the Protestant operatives of Dublin call for impeachments in exceedingly bad English."]



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 23rd April 1845.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Our Maynooth Bill is through the second reading. I think, if you read Sir Robert's admirable speeches, you will see how good his plan is. The Catholics are quite delighted at it—full of gratitude, and behave extremely well; but the Protestants behave shockingly, and display a narrow-mindedness and want of sense on the subject of religion which is quite a disgrace to the nation. The case of Austria, France, etc., cannot be compared to this, as this is a Protestant country, while the others are Catholic; and I think it would never do to support a Roman Catholic Church with money belonging to the Protestant Church. The Protestant Establishment in Ireland must remain untouched, but let the Roman Catholic Clergy be well and handsomely educated.

The Duc de Broglie[13] dined with us last night; his travaux are going on satisfactorily; he asked when you were coming, and said you were "beaucoup Anglais et un peu Francais," which is true, I think.

With Albert's affectionate respects, believe me always, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 13: Achille Charles, Duc de Broglie, ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs.]



Mr Goulburn[14] to Queen Victoria.

DOWNING STREET, 30th April 1845.

Mr Goulburn submits with his humble duty to your Majesty that several representations have been made to the Treasury as to the convenience which the public would derive from the circulation of silver threepenny-pieces. Such pieces are lawfully current under your Majesty's Proclamation of the 5th July 1838. But as such pieces have been hitherto reserved as your Majesty's Maundy money, and as such especially belong to your Majesty's service, Mr Goulburn considers that a coinage of them for general use could not take place without a particular signification of your Majesty's pleasure.

Mr Goulburn therefore humbly submits for your Majesty's gracious consideration the signification of your Majesty's pleasure as to the issue of such a coinage.

[Footnote 14: Chancellor of the Exchequer.]



[Pageheading: PUBLIC EXECUTIONS]

Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria.

WHITEHALL, 13th May 1845.

Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to lay before your Majesty the enclosed Memorial.

The proceedings in Newgate on the occasion of the last condemned sermon and on the morning of the execution have been fully investigated;[15] and the report established the necessity of legislative interference to prevent the recurrence of scenes so disgraceful and demoralising. The policy of depriving capital executions of their present publicity is well worthy of careful revision; and Sir James Graham, in obedience to your Majesty's desire, will bring the subject under the notice of his colleagues. He is disposed to think that the sentence might be carried into execution in the presence of a Jury to be summoned by the Sheriff with good effect; and that the great body of idle spectators might be excluded, without diminishing the salutary terror and awful warning which this extreme punishment is intended to produce on the public mind. In dealing, however, with a matter in which the community has so deep an interest, it is prudent not to violate public opinion, and caution is necessary before a change of the long-established usage is proposed.[16]

Sir James Graham deeply regrets the part taken by the newspapers in seeking to indulge the general curiosity with respect to all details of the conduct, habits, and demeanour of these wretched criminals in their last moments; but he fears that the license of the Press cannot be checked by any act of authority; if the public be excluded from witnessing the executions, they will probably become still more anxious to obtain a printed report of all that has taken place; and Sir James Graham is so thoroughly convinced that the punishment of death in certain cases must be maintained, that he would consider any course inexpedient which was likely to lead the public to desire the remission of capital executions in all cases without exception....

J. R. G. GRAHAM.

[Footnote 15: The attraction these executions had for the general public was at this time a great scandal.]

[Footnote 16: Public executions were abolished in 1868.]



[Pageheading: A BIRTHDAY LETTER]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 21st May 1845.

MY DEAREST AND MOST BELOVED VICTORIA,—Receive my sincerest and most heartfelt good wishes on the happy reappearance of your birthday. I need not dwell on my sentiments of devotion to you; they began with your life, and will only end with mine. The only claim I make is to be remembered with some little affection. Thank heaven, I have little to wish you, than that your present happiness may not be disturbed, and that those who are dear to you may be preserved for your happiness.

My gift is Charlotte's portrait. The face is extremely like, and the likest that exists; the hair is a little too fair, it had become also darker. I take this opportunity to repeat that Charlotte was a noble-minded and highly gifted creature. She was nervous, as all the family have been; she could be violent, but then she was full of repentance for it, and her disposition highly generous and susceptible of great devotion.

I am the more bound to say this, as I understood that you had some notion that she had been very imperious, and not mistress of her temper. Before her marriage some people by dint of flattery had tried to give her masculine tastes; and in short had pushed her to become one day a sort of Queen Elizabeth. These sentiments were already a little modified before her marriage. But she was particularly determined to be a good and obedient wife; some of her friends were anxious she should not; amongst these Madame de Flahaut must be mentioned en premiere ligne.

This became even a subject which severed the intimacy between them. Madame de Flahaut, much older than Charlotte, and of a sour and determined character, had gained an influence which partook on Charlotte's part a little of fear. She was afraid of her, but when once supported took courage.

People were much struck on the 2nd of May 1816 at Carlton House with the clearness and firmness with which she pronounced "and obey," etc., as there had been a general belief that it would be for the husband to give these promises. The Regent put me particularly on my guard, and said, "If you don't resist she will govern you with a high hand." Your own experience has convinced you that real affection changes many sentiments that may have been implanted into the mind of a young girl. With Charlotte it was the more meritorious, as from a very early period of her life she was considered as the heiress of the Crown; the Whigs flattered her extremely, and later, when she got by my intervention reconciled to the Tories, they also made great efforts to please her.

Her understanding was extremely good; she knew everybody, and I even afterwards found her judgment generally extremely correct. She had read a great deal and knew well what she had read. Generous she was almost too much, and her devotion was quite affecting, from a character so much pushed to be selfish and imperious.

I will here end my souvenir of poor dear Charlotte, but I thought that the subject could not but be interesting to you. Her constancy in wishing to marry me, which she maintained under difficulties of every description, has been the foundation of all that touched the family afterwards. You know, I believe, that your poor father was the chief promoter, though also the Yorks were; but our correspondence from 1814 till 1816 was entirely carried on through his kind intervention; it would otherwise have been impossible, as she was really treated as a sort of prisoner. Grant always to that good and generous Charlotte, who sleeps already with her beautiful little boy so long, where all will go to, an affectionate remembrance, and believe me she deserves it.

Forgive my long letter, and see in it, what it really is, a token of the great affection I have for you. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle.

LEOPOLD R.



Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 12th June 1845.

The Queen understands that the Deanery of Worcester has become vacant by some new arrangement. Believing that Sir Robert's brother, Mr John Peel, has a fair claim to such preferment, but being afraid that Sir Robert would perhaps hesitate to recommend him on account of his near relationship to him, the Queen wishes to offer herself this Deanery through Sir Robert to his brother.



Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 12th June 1845.

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, hastens to acknowledge your Majesty's most kind and considerate communication, and to express his grateful acknowledgments for it.

He must, in justice to his brother, assure your Majesty that he never has expressed, and probably never would express, a wish to Sir Robert Peel on the subject of preferment in the Church.

Sir Robert Peel might have hesitated to bring the name of one so nearly connected with him under the notice of your Majesty, but as his brother was highly distinguished in his academical career at Oxford, and is greatly respected for the discharge of every professional duty, Sir Robert Peel could not feel himself justified in offering an impediment to the fulfilment of your Majesty's gracious intentions in his favour, if, when the vacancy shall have actually occurred in the Deanery of Worcester, no superior claim should be preferred.[17]

[Footnote 17: Dean Peel lived till 1875.]



[Pageheading: AUSTRALIAN WINE]

Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria.

DOWNING STREET, 10th July 1845.

Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, submits to your Majesty a despatch just received from the Governor of South Australia, enclosing the letter of a settler in the province, Mr Walter Duffield, who is anxious to be allowed the honour of offering for your Majesty's acceptance a case of the first wine which has been made in the colony.

Lord Stanley will not venture to answer for the quality of the vintage; but as the wine has been sent over with a loyal and dutiful feeling, and the importer, as well as the colonists in general, might feel hurt by a refusal of his humble offering, he ventures to hope that he may be permitted to signify, through the Governor, your Majesty's gracious acceptance of the first sample of a manufacture which, if successful, may add greatly to the resources of this young but now thriving colony.

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject,

STANLEY.



[Pageheading: THE KING OF HOLLAND]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

OSBORNE, 29th July 1845.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Accept my best thanks for your very kind little note of the 26th. As Albert writes to you about the King of Holland's visit[18] I will say but little, except that it really went off wonderfully well in our little house. We took him a sail in the Victoria and Albert on Saturday, which he admired amazingly, and after luncheon he went away, Albert taking him over to Gosport. He intends, I believe, to come here one morning for luncheon to take leave. He is grown old, and has lost all his front teeth, but he is as talkative and lively as he used to be, and seems very happy to be in England again. He was very anxious that we should pay him a visit this year, but was quite satisfied when we told him that this year it was impossible, but that we hoped some other time to do so. He was much struck at seeing me now independent and unembarrassed, and talking; as when he was here in 1836[19] I was extremely crushed and kept under and hardly dared say a word, so that he was quite astonished. He thought me grown. Believe me, always, dearest Uncle, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 18: This visit lasted ten days, and included a visit to Goodwood races and a review of the Household troops in Hyde Park. His Majesty was also appointed a Field-Marshal.]

[Footnote 19: Ante, vol. i. p. 47. He was then Prince of Orange, and succeeded his father, who abdicated in his favour in 1840.]



Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.

OSBORNE, 31st July 1845.

The Queen thanks Lord Melbourne very much for his last kind letter of the 11th, by which she was truly rejoiced to see he was better. We are comfortably and peacefully established here since the 19th, and derive the greatest benefit, pleasure, and satisfaction from our little possession here. The dear Prince is constantly occupied in directing the many necessary improvements which are to be made, and in watching our new house, which is a constant interest and amusement. We are most anxiously waiting for the conclusion of the Session that we may set off on our much-wished-for journey to Germany. The Queen is extremely sorry to leave England without seeing Lord Melbourne, and without having seen him all this season; but something or other always prevented us from seeing Lord Melbourne each time we hoped to do so. We only return the night before the Prorogation and embark that same day. We have the children here. We went to the Undercliff—Ventnor, Bonchurch, etc.—on Monday, and were much delighted with all we saw. We had a visit from the King of Holland last week, who is grown old, but otherwise just the same as he used to be.

The Queen joins with Lord Melbourne in unfeigned satisfaction at the success of the Irish measures, after so much factious opposition. Lord Grey's death[20] will have shocked Lord Melbourne, as it has us. Poor Lord Dunmore's death is a very shocking event. The Prince wishes to be most kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne.

[Footnote 20: Charles, second Earl Grey, had been Prime Minister, 1830-1834.]



[Pageheading: THE SOVEREIGN'S ABSENCE]

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.

WHITEHALL, 6th August 1845.

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that in the course of a long speech made by Lord John Russell last night, reviewing the policy of the Government and the proceedings of the Session, Lord John expressed himself strongly on the subject of your Majesty's absence from the country, without provision made for the exercise of the Royal authority by the appointment of Lords Justices.

Sir Robert Peel thinks it very probable that a motion will be made upon the subject in the course of the next Session—particularly in the event of any occurrence during your Majesty's absence, which might cause public inconvenience from the want of immediate access to the Royal authority, or compel any assumption of power on the part of your Majesty's servants of a questionable character.

The present Law Officers of the Crown were rather startled at the intention of departing from the precedent of George IV.'s reign, on seeing the legal opinions of their predecessors; they did not differ from the legal doctrines laid down by them, but were not very well satisfied on the point of discretion and policy.

Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to state to your Majesty what has passed on this subject, and to apprize your Majesty of the possibility of a question being hereafter raised in Parliament upon it.

Sir Robert Peel thinks that in the case of a short absence, and a distance not precluding easy and rapid communication with your Majesty, the appointment of Lords Justices may be dispensed with; but he is humbly of opinion that were the distance greater or the period of absence longer than that contemplated by your Majesty, the reasons for the nomination of Lords Justices would preponderate.

Should the subject be again mentioned in Parliament and a direct question be put upon it, Sir Robert Peel will, of course, assume the entire responsibility for the non-appointment of Lords Justices; vindicating the departure from the precedent of George IV. on the ground of the shorter period of absence and the more easy means of communication.[21]...

[Footnote 21: The Queen was accompanied by a Secretary of State (Lord Aberdeen), so that an act of State could be performed as well abroad as at home; see Life of the Prince Consort, vol. i. p. 272.]



[Pageheading: VISIT TO THE CHATEAU D'EU]

[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGES]

The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir Robert Peel.

CHATEAU D'EU, 8th September 1845.

MY DEAR PEEL,—We left Antwerp very early yesterday morning, and anchored for a few hours off Flushing.[22] We passing down the Channel during the night, and as the weather was perfectly bright and fine, found ourselves off Treport before nine o'clock this morning. The King came off to the yacht, and took the Queen in his barge to land. I need not say how joyfully she was received by all the Royal Family.

Although I shall have opportunities, both this evening and to-morrow morning, of speaking again with the King and Guizot, I have already discussed several subjects with each of them; and as the Queen particularly desires to send a messenger this evening, I will give you some notion of what has passed between us.

I think the marriage of the Queen of Spain is the subject on which the greatest interest is felt at this moment. It was the first introduced, both by the King and Guizot, and treated by both in the same manner. They said, that having promised to support the King of Naples, they were bound not to abandon the Count de Trapani, so long as there was a chance of his being successful in his suit. I said in answer to their desire, that we would assist this arrangement, that we had no objection to Count Trapani, and that we would take no part against him; but unless it should be the decided wish of the Spanish Government and people, we could give no support to the marriage, as we were honestly of opinion that it was not desired in Spain, and that we saw nothing in the proposal to call for our support under these circumstances. Both the King and Guizot said they had no objection to the Duke of Saville[23] (Don Enrique), and that if it should be found that Count Trapani was impossible, they would willingly support him.

With respect to the Infanta, they both declared in the most positive and explicit manner, that until the Queen was married and had children, they should consider the Infanta precisely as her sister, and that any marriage with a French Prince would be entirely out of the question. The King said he did not wish that his son should have the prospect of being on the throne of Spain; but that if the Queen had children, by whom the succession would be secured, he did not engage to preclude himself from the possibility of profiting by the great inheritance which the Infanta would bring his son. All this, however, was uncertain, and would require time at all events to accomplish; for I distinctly understood, that it was not only a marriage and a child, but children, that were necessary to secure the succession.

I thought this was as much as we could desire at present, and that the policy of a marriage with a French Prince might safely be left to be considered whenever the contingency contemplated should arrive. Many things may happen, both in France and Spain, in the course of a few years to affect this question in a manner not now apparent.

ABERDEEN.

[Footnote 22: Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of August, and the Queen and Prince sailed in the evening for Antwerp in the Royal yacht. Sir Theodore Martin gives a very full description of the visit to Coburg. The Queen was especially delighted with the Rosenau and Reinhardtsbrunn. On the morning of the 8th of September the yacht, which had left the Scheldt on the previous evening, arrived at Treport, and a second visit was paid to the King and Queen of the French at the Chateau d'Eu.]

[Footnote 23: Younger son of Don Francisco de Paula, and first cousin to Queen Isabella, both through his father and his mother.]



[Pageheading: CHURCH APPOINTMENTS]

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.

OSBORNE, 15th September 1845.

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that there remains the sum of L700 to be applied in the current year to the grant of Civil List Pensions.

Sir Robert Peel humbly recommends to your Majesty that another sum of L200 should be offered to Mr Tennyson, a poet of whose powers of imagination and expression many competent judges think most highly.

He was brought under the notice of Sir Robert Peel by Mr Hallam. His pecuniary circumstances are far from being prosperous.

There is a vacancy in the Deanery of Lincoln, but the preferment is less eligible from there being no residence, and the necessity for building one at the immediate expense of the new Dean.

Sir Robert Peel is inclined to recommend to your Majesty that an offer of this preferment should be made to Mr Ward, the Rector of St James's.

Should Mr Ward decline, there is a clergyman of the name of Maurice,[24] of whom the Archbishop says: "Of unbeneficed London clergy there is no one, I believe, who is so much distinguished by his learning and literary talent as the Rev. Frederick Maurice, Chaplain of St Guy's Hospital. His private character is equally estimable."

Should Mr Ward decline[25] the Deanery it might, should your Majesty approve of it, be offered to Mr Maurice. The Archbishop says that the appointment of Mr Maurice would be very gratifying to the King of Prussia.

[Footnote 24: Frederick Denison Maurice (1805-1872), the friend of Kingsley, afterwards Chaplain of St. Peter's, Vere Street.]

[Footnote 25: Mr Ward accepted the Deanery.]



The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

ST CLOUD, 10th October 1845.

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,—... All you say about our dear Albert, whom I love like my own child, is perfectly true. The attacks, however unjust, have but one advantage, that of showing the points the enemy thinks weakest and best calculated to hurt. This, being the case, Anson, without boring A. with daily accounts which in the end become very irksome, should pay attention to these very points, and contribute to avoid what may be turned to account by the enemy. To hope to escape censure and calumny is next to impossible, but whatever is considered by the enemy as a fit subject for attack is better modified or avoided. The dealings with artists, for instance, require great prudence; they are acquainted with all classes of society, and for that very reason dangerous; they are hardly ever satisfied, and when you have too much to do with them, you are sure to have des ennuis.... Your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.



[Pageheading: LORD METCALFE]

Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 2nd November 1845.

The Queen has read with great concern Lord Stanley's letter of the 1st November. From private information she had been led to expect that Lord Metcalfe would not be able to continue at his irksome post.[26] He will be an immense loss, and the selection of a successor will be most difficult. The Queen hopes that there will not be too great a delay in making the new appointment, as experience has shown that nothing was more detrimental to the good government of Canada than the last interregnum after Sir Charles Bagot's death; it would certainly likewise be desirable that Lord Metcalfe should be able personally to make over his Government to his successor, whom he could verbally better put in possession of the peculiarities of his position than any instructions could do. It strikes the Queen to be of the greatest importance, that the judicious system pursued by Lord Metcalfe (and which, after a long continuation of toil and adversities, only now just begins to show its effect) should be followed up by his successor.

The Queen knows nobody who would be as fit for the appointment as Lord Elgin, who seems to have given great satisfaction in Jamaica, where he has already succeeded Lord Metcalfe, whose original appointment there had likewise taken place under circumstances of great difficulty, which his prudence and firmness finally overcame.[27]

[Footnote 26: He retired from the Governor-Generalship of Canada through ill-health.]

[Footnote 27: Lord Stanley, in reply, submitted a private letter from Lord Elgin, expressing a wish to return home; Earl Cathcart was provisionally appointed Governor-General.]



Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.

OSBORNE, 28th November 1845.

The Queen is very sorry to hear that Sir Robert Peel apprehends further differences of opinion in the Cabinet, at a moment of impending calamity; it is more than ever necessary that the Government should be strong and united.

The Queen thinks the time is come when a removal of the restrictions upon the importation of food cannot be successfully resisted. Should this be Sir Robert's own opinion, the Queen very much hopes that none of his colleagues will prevent him from doing what it is right to do.



[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.

WHITEHALL, 4th December 1845.

Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that a leading paragraph in the Times of to-day, asserting that your Majesty's servants had unanimously agreed to an immediate and total repeal of the Corn Laws, is quite without foundation.[28]

[Footnote 28: See Memoirs of the Life of Henry Reeve, vol. i. p. 175, for Lord Dufferin's refutation of the story that Sidney Herbert confided the secret to Mrs Norton, and that she sold it to the Times. The story has obtained a wide currency through Mr Meredith's Diana of the Crossways. Lord Stanmore, in his Life of Sidney Herbert, substantially attributes the communication to Lord Aberdeen, but does not give the details.]



Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.[29]

WHITEHALL, 5th December 1845.

(Friday evening.)

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will wait upon your Majesty to-morrow evening, leaving London by the half-past twelve train.

Sir Robert Peel will avail himself of your Majesty's kind proposal to remain at Osborne until Monday morning.

He will come to Osborne with a heart full of gratitude and devotion to your Majesty, but with a strong conviction (all the grounds for which he will, with your Majesty's permission, explain to your Majesty) that in the present state of affairs, he can render more service to your Majesty and to the country in a private than in a public station.

[Footnote 29: Peel reported to the Queen the Cabinet discussions on the Corn Law question. The Queen wrote that the news caused her much uneasiness, and that she felt certain that her Minister would not leave her at a moment of such difficulty, and when a crisis was impending.]



[Pageheading: CABINET DISSENSIONS]

[Pageheading: INTERVIEW WITH PEEL]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

OSBORNE, 7th December 1845.

On receiving the preceding letter[30] ... we were, of course, in great consternation. Yesterday Sir Robert Peel arrived here and explained the condition of affairs.

[Footnote 30: From Sir Robert Peel, 5th December, ante.]

On 1st November he had called his Cabinet, and placed before its members the reports of the Irish Commissioners, Dr Buckland, Dr Playfair and Dr Lindley, on the condition of the potato crop, which was to the effect that the half of the potatoes were ruined by the rot, and that no one could guarantee the remainder. Belgium, Holland, Sweden, and Denmark, in which states the potato disease had likewise deprived the poorer class of its usual food, have immediately taken energetic means, and have opened the harbours, bought corn, and provided for the case of a rise of prices. Sir Robert proposed the same thing for England, and, by opening the ports, a preparation for the abolition of the Corn Laws. His colleagues refused, and of the whole Cabinet only Lord Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and Mr Sidney Herbert voted with him. Sir Robert hoped that in time the opinions of the others would change, and therefore postponed a final decision. In the meanwhile the agitation of the Anti-Corn Law League began; in every town addresses were voted, meetings were held, the Times—barometer of public feeling—became suddenly violently Anti-Corn Law, the meetings of the Cabinet roused attention, a general panic seized on the mass of the public. Sir Robert called anew his Cabinet. In the midst of their deliberation Lord John Russell issues from Edinburgh an address to the City of London.[31]

[Footnote 31: Declaring for the Repeal of the Corn Laws.]

The whole country cries out: the Corn Laws are doomed.

Thereon Sir Robert declared to his Cabinet that nothing but unanimity could save the cause, and pressed for a decision.

The Duke of Buccleuch and Lord Stanley declared they could not take a part in a measure abolishing the Corn Laws, and would therefore have to resign. The other members, including the Duke of Wellington, showed themselves ready to support Sir Robert, yet, as the latter says, "apparently not willingly and against their feelings." Thereupon Sir Robert resolved to lay down his office as Minister.

When he arrived here he was visibly much moved, and said to me, that it was one of the most painful moments of his life to separate himself from us, "but it is necessary, and if I have erred it was from loyalty and too great an anxiety not to leave Her Majesty in a moment of such great difficulty. I ought to have gone when I was first left by my colleagues in a minority in my own Cabinet. I was anxious, however, to try my utmost, but it is impossible to retrieve lost time. As soon as I saw Lord John's letter I felt that the ground was slipping away from under me, and that whatever I might now propose would appear as dictated by the Opposition, as taking Lord John's measure. On the 1st of November the whole country was prepared for the thing; there had been no agitation, everybody looking to the Government, as soon as they saw this wavering and hesitating, the country decided for itself, and Lord John has the merit, owing to his most dexterous move and our want of unanimity."

On my observing that Sir Robert has a majority of one hundred in the House of Commons, and asking whether it was not possible for him to continue the Government, he said:—

"The Duke of Buccleuch will carry half Scotland with him, and Lord Stanley, leading the Protectionists in the House of Lords, would lead to great and immediate defections even in Her Majesty's household. The Duchess of Buccleuch, Lord Hardwicke, Lord Exeter, Lord Rivers, Lord Beverley, etc., would resign, and we should not be able to find successors; in the House of Commons I am sure I should be beat, the Tories, agriculturists, etc., in rage would turn round upon me and be joined by the Whigs and Radicals, who would say, 'This is our measure and we will not allow you to carry it.' It is better that I should go now, when nobody has committed himself in the heat of party contest, when no factions have been formed, no imprudent declarations been made; it is better for Her Majesty and for the country that it should be so."

After we had examined what possibilities were open for the Crown, the conclusion was come to that Lord John was the only man who could be charged with forming a Cabinet. Lord Stanley, with the aristocracy as his base, would bring about an insurrection [or riots], and the ground on which one would have to fight would be this: to want to force the mass of the people, amidst their great poverty, to pay for their bread a high price, in favour of the landlords.

It is a matter of the utmost importance not to place the House of Lords into direct antagonism with the Commons and with the masses of the people. Sir Robert says very correctly:—

"I am afraid of other interests getting damaged in the struggle about the Corn Laws; already the system of promotion in the Army, the Game Laws, the Church, are getting attacked with the aid of the league."

After Victoria had in consequence [of the foregoing] decided in favour of Lord John, and asked Sir Robert: "But how is it possible for him to govern with so exceedingly small a minority?" Sir Robert said: "He will have difficulties and perhaps did not consider what he was doing when he wrote that letter; but I will support him. I feel it my duty to your Majesty not to leave you without a Government. Even if Lord John goes to the full extent of his declaration in that letter (which I think goes too far), I will support him in Parliament and use all my influence with the House of Lords to prevent their impeding his progress. I will do more, if he likes it. I will say that the increase of the estimates which will become necessary are my work, and I alone am responsible for it."

Sir Robert intends to give me a memorandum in which he is to make this promise in writing.

He was greatly moved, and said it was not "the loss of power (for I hate power) nor of office," which was nothing but a plague for him, but "the breaking up of those relations in which he stood to the Queen and me, and the loss of our society," which was for him a loss, for which there was no equivalent; we might, however, rely on his being always ready to serve us, in what manner and in what place it might be. Lord Aberdeen is said to feel the same, and very deeply so; and on our side the loss of two so estimable men, who possess our whole and perfect confidence in public as well as in private affairs, and have always proved themselves true friends, leaves a great gap.

ALBERT.



[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE INFORMED]

Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.

OSBORNE, 7th December 1845.

Sir Robert Peel has informed the Queen that in consequence of differences prevailing in the Cabinet, he is very reluctantly compelled to solicit from the Queen the acceptance of his resignation, which she has as reluctantly accepted.

From the Queen's unabated confidence in Lord Melbourne, her first impulse was to request his immediate attendance here that she might have the benefit of his assistance and advice, but on reflection the Queen does not think herself justified, in the present state of Lord Melbourne's health, to ask him to make the sacrifice which the return to his former position of Prime Minister would, she fears, impose upon him.

It is this consideration, and this alone, that has induced the Queen to address to Lord John Russell the letter of which she sends a copy. The Queen hopes, however, that Lord Melbourne will not withhold from her new Government his advice, which would be so valuable to her.

It is of the utmost importance that the whole of this communication should be kept a most profound secret until the Queen has seen Lord John Russell.



[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S ATTITUDE]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

8th December 1845.

Sir Robert helped us in the composition of the letters to Lord John and to Lord Melbourne. We considered it necessary to write to the latter, in consideration of the confidential position which he formerly enjoyed.

Sir Robert Peel has not resigned, thinking it a matter of great strength for the Sovereign to keep his ministry until a new one can be got.

ALBERT.



Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.

BROCKET HALL, 9th December 1845.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has just received your Majesty's letter of the 7th inst., which, of course, has astonished him by the magnitude of the event which it announces, although something of this sort has been long pending and to be expected. Lord Melbourne returns your Majesty many thanks for this communication, and more for your Majesty's great kindness and consideration for him personally at the present moment. He is better, but so long a journey would still not have been convenient to him, and he has such a horror of the sea, that a voyage from Southampton to Cowes or from Portsmouth to Ryde seems to him in prospect as formidable as a voyage across the Atlantic.

Lord Melbourne will strictly observe your Majesty's injunction of secrecy.

With respect to the kind wishes about office which your Majesty is pleased to express, Lord Melbourne will of course give to your Majesty's new Government, if formed under Lord John Russell, all the support in his power, but as to taking office, he fears that he would find some difficulty. He would be very unwilling to come in pledged to a total and immediate reform of the Corn Law, and he also strongly feels the difficulty which has in fact compelled Sir Robert Peel to retire, viz. the difficulty of carrying on the Government upon the principle of upholding and maintaining the present law with respect to corn.

Lord Melbourne again thanks your Majesty for your great and considerate kindness.



[Pageheading: PEEL'S ATTITUDE]

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.

WHITEHALL, 10th December 1845.

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and influenced by no other motive than the desire to contribute if possible to the relief of your Majesty from embarrassment, and the protection of the public interests from injury, is induced to make this confidential communication to your Majesty explanatory of his position and intentions with regard to the great question which is now agitating the public mind.

Your Majesty can, if you think fit, make this communication known to the Minister who, as successor to Sir Robert Peel, may be honoured by your Majesty's confidence.

On the first day of November last Sir Robert Peel advised his colleagues, on account of the alarming accounts from Ireland and many districts of Great Britain as to the failure of the potato crop from disease, and for the purpose of guarding against contingencies which in his opinion were not improbable, humbly to recommend to your Majesty that the duties on the import of foreign grain should be suspended for a limited period either by Order in Council, or by Legislative Enactment, Parliament in either case being summoned without delay.

Sir Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully justified by the tenor of the reports to which he has referred, would compel, during the interval of suspension, the reconsideration of the Corn Laws.

If the opinions of his colleagues had been in concurrence with his own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility of suspension, and of the necessary consequence of suspension, a comprehensive review of the laws imposing restrictions on the import of foreign grain and other articles of food, with a view to their gradual diminution and ultimate removal. He was disposed to recommend that any new laws to be enacted should contain within themselves the principle of gradual and ultimate removal.

Sir Robert Peel is prepared to support in a private capacity measures which may be in general conformity with those which he advised as a Minister.

It would be unbecoming in Sir Robert Peel to make any reference to the details of such measures.

Your Majesty has been good enough to inform him that it is your intention to propose to Lord John Russell to undertake the formation of a Government.

The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was prepared to recommend the reconsideration of the laws affecting the import of the main articles of food, was in general accordance with that referred to in the concluding paragraph of Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of the City of London.[32]

Sir Robert Peel wished to accompany the removal of restrictions on the admission of such articles, with relief to the land from such charges as are unduly onerous, and with such other provisions as in the terms of Lord John Russell's letter "caution and even scrupulous forbearance may suggest."

Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that general principle, and will exercise any influence he may possess to promote their success.

Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to add, that should your Majesty's servants, after consideration of the heavy demands upon the Army of this country for colonial service, of our relations with the United States, and of the bearing which steam navigation may have upon maritime warfare, and the defence of the country, deem it advisable to propose an addition to the Army, and increased naval and military estimates, Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal, will do all that he can to prevent it from being considered as indicative of hostile or altered feeling towards France, and will assume for the increase in question any degree of responsibility present or retrospective which can fairly attach to him.

ROBERT PEEL.

[Footnote 32: That paragraph urged that, with a revision of taxation to make the arrangement more equitable, and the safeguards suggested by caution and scrupulous forbearance, restrictions on the admission of the main articles of food and clothing used by the mass of the people should be removed.]



[Pageheading: LORD STANLEY RESIGNS]

Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria.

ST JAMES'S SQUARE, 11th December 1845.

... Lord Stanley humbly hopes that he may be permitted to avail himself of this opportunity to express to your Majesty the deep regret and pain with which he has felt himself compelled to dissent from the advice intended to have been tendered to your Majesty on the subject of the Corn Laws. He begs to assure your Majesty that he would have shrunk from making no personal sacrifice, short of that of principle, for the purpose of avoiding the inconvenience to your Majesty and to the country inseparable from any change of Administration; but being unconvinced of the necessity of a change of policy involving an abandonment of opinions formerly maintained, and expectations held out to political supporters, he felt that the real interests of your Majesty's service could not be promoted by the loss of personal character which the sacrifice of his own convictions would necessarily have involved; and that he might far more usefully serve your Majesty and the country out of office, than as the official advocate of a policy which he could not sincerely approve. Lord Stanley begs to assure your Majesty that it will be his earnest endeavour to allay, as far as may lie in his power, the excitement which he cannot but foresee as the consequence of the contemplated change of policy; and he ventures to indulge the hope that this long trespass upon your Majesty's much occupied time may find a sufficient apology in the deep anxiety which he feels that his regret at being compelled not only to retire from your Majesty's service, but also to take a step which he is aware may have had some influence on the course finally adopted by Sir Robert Peel, may not be still farther increased by the apprehension of having, in the performance of a most painful duty, incurred your Majesty's displeasure. All which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject,

STANLEY.



Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.

OSBORNE, 12th December 1845.

The Queen, of course, much regrets that Lord Stanley could not agree in the opinions of Sir Robert Peel upon a subject of such importance to the country. However, Lord Stanley may rest assured that the Queen gives full credit to the disinterested motives which guided Lord Stanley's conduct.



[Pageheading: THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF]

Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.

OSBORNE, 12th December 1845.

The Queen has to inform the Duke of Wellington that, in consequence of Sir Robert Peel's having declared to her his inability to carry on any longer the Government, she has sent for Lord John Russell, who is not able at present to state whether he can form an Administration, and is gone to Town in order to consult his friends. Whatever the result of his enquiries may be, the Queen has a strong desire to see the Duke of Wellington remain at the head of her Army. The Queen appeals to the Duke's so often proved loyalty and attachment to her person, in asking him to give her this assurance. The Duke will thereby render the greatest service to the country and to her own person.



[Pageheading: THE DUKE'S ADVICE]

The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.

STRATHFIELDSAYE, 12th December 1845.

(11 at night.)

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has just now received your Majesty's commands from Osborne of this day's date.

He humbly submits to your Majesty that the duties of the Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces places him in constant confidential relations with all your Majesty's Ministers, and particularly with the one filling the office of First Lord of the Treasury.

Under these circumstances he submits to your Majesty the counsel, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to consult the nobleman or gentleman who should be your Majesty's first Minister, before any other step should be taken upon the subject. He might think that he had reason to complain if he should find that it was arranged that the Duke of Wellington should continue to fill the office of Commander-in-Chief, and such impression might have an influence upon his future relations with that office.

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington believes that Lord John Russell and all your Majesty's former Ministers were aware, that during the whole period of the time during which Lord Hill was the General Commanding-in-Chief your Majesty's Forces, the professional opinion and services of Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington were at all times at the command and disposition of your Majesty's servants, and were given whenever required.

He happened to be at that time in political opposition to the Government in the House of Parliament, of which he was a member; but that circumstance made no difference.

It is impossible for the Duke of Wellington to form a political connection with Lord John Russell, or to have any relation with the political course of the Government over which he should preside.

Such arrangement would not conciliate public confidence, be considered creditable to either party, or be useful to the service of your Majesty.

Nor, indeed, would the performance of the duties of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army require that such should exist; on the other hand, the performance of these duties would require that the person filling the office should avoid to belong to, or to act in concert with, a political party opposed to the Government.

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington has considered it his duty to submit these considerations, in order that your Majesty may be perfectly aware of the position in which he is about to place himself, in case Lord John Russell should counsel your Majesty to command Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington to continue to hold the office of Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces.

He at once submits to your Majesty the assurance that he will cheerfully devote his service to your Majesty's command upon receiving the official intimation thereof, and that he will as usual make every effort in his power to promote your Majesty's service.

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.



[Pageheading: KING LOUIS PHILIPPE]

The King of the French to Queen Victoria.

ST CLOUD, le 16 Decembre 1845.

MADAME MA TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,—J'ai a remercier votre Majeste de l'excellente lettre que ma bonne Clem m'a remise de sa part. Elle m'a ete droit au c[oe]ur, et je ne saurais exprimer a quel point j'ai ete touche de vos bons voeux pour ma famille, et de tout ce que vous me temoignez sur l'accroissement qu'il a plu a la Providence de lui donner dans mes onze petits fils.

Je me disposais a dire a votre Majeste que, quoiqu'avec un bien vif regret, je comprenais parfaitement les motifs qui vous portaient a remettre a une autre annee, cette visite si vivement desiree, et que j'esperais toujours trouver une compensation a cette privation, en allant de nouveau Lui offrir en Angleterre, l'hommage de tous les sentiments que je Lui porte, et qui m'attachent si profondement a Elle, ainsi qu'au Prince son Epoux, lorsque j'ai recu la nouvelle de la demission de Sir Robert Peel, de Lord Aberdeen et de tous leurs Collegues. Je me flattais que ces Ministres qui s'etaient toujours si bien entendus avec les miens pour etablir entre nos deux Gouvernements, cette heureuse entente cordiale qui est la base du repos du monde et de la prosperite de nos pays, continueraient encore longtemps a l'entretenir, et a la consolider de plus en plus. Cet espoir est decu!![33] Il faut s'y resigner; mais je suis empresse d'assurer votre Majeste, que quelque soit son nouveau Ministere, celui qui m'entoure aujourd'hui, et que je desire, et que j'espere conserver longtemps, n'omettra aucun effort pour cultiver et maintenir cet heureux accord qu'il est si evidemment dans notre interet commun de conserver intact.

Dans de telles circonstances, il me devient doublement precieux d'etre uni a votre Majeste et au Prince Albert par tant de liens, et qu'il se soit forme entre nous cet attachement mutuel, cette affection et cette confiance, qui sont au dessus et independants de toute consideration politique; mais qui pourront toujours plus ou moins exercer une influence salutaire sur l'action et la marche de nos deux Gouvernements. Aussi, je le dis a votre Majeste et a son Epoux avec un entier abandon, j'ai besoin de compter sur cette assistance occasionnelle, et j'y compte entierement en vous demandant d'avoir la meme confiance de mon cote, et en vous repetant que cette confiance ne sera pas plus decue dans l'avenir, qu'elle ne l'a ete dans le passe.

Votre Majeste me permettra d'offrir ici au Prince Albert l'expression de ma vive et sincere amitie. Je la prie aussi de recevoir celle de l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame ma tres chere S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste, le bon Frere et bien fidele Ami,

LOUIS PHILIPPE R.

[Footnote 33: The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office was of course dreaded by the King and Guizot.]



[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ACCEPTANCE]

Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 16th December 1845.

The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter of this day's date,[34] and considering that it is of great importance that no time should be lost, has immediately forwarded it to Sir Robert Peel.

The Queen fully understands the motives which guide Lord John in using every effort to ensure the success of the great measure which is impending before he undertakes to form a Government.

The Queen sees from Lord John's second letter that he has taken a copy of Sir R. Peel's letter of the 15th to her. As she does not feel to have been authorised to allow this, the Queen hopes that in case Sir Robert should have an objection to it Lord John will not retain the copy.

[Footnote 34: It is printed in the Annual Register, 1846, p. 17. Lord John considered the temporary suspension or repeal of duties, with the prospect of their re-imposition, open to grave objections.]



[Pageheading: INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES]

Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 18th December 1845.

Lord John Russell returned at five this evening, and informed the Queen that after considerable discussion, and after a full consideration of his position, he will undertake to form a Government.

As at present arranged, the Council is to be on Monday; the Queen much wishing to have a parting interview with Sir R. Peel, however painful it will be to her, wishes Sir Robert Peel to inform her when he thinks it best to come down here.[35]

[Footnote 35: Lord John Russell, however, found insuperable difficulties in forming the Cabinet; and, to quote Disraeli, "handed back with courtesy the poisoned chalice to Sir Robert."]



[Pageheading: GREY AND PALMERSTON]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 20th December 1845.

(12 o'clock.)

We just saw Lord John Russell, who came in order to explain why he had to give up the task of forming a Government. He had written to all his former colleagues to join him in his attempt, amongst others to Lord Grey, who answered, "that he could only belong to a Government which pledged itself to the principle of absolute free trade and abolition of all protection; that he had his own views upon the sugar question (as to which he advocated the admission of slave labour) and upon the Irish question (as to which his principle was to establish entire religious equality); that he hoped that in the formation of a new Government no personal considerations should stand in the way of a full attention to public Duty."

Lord John replied that he advocated free trade, but as the immediate question before them was the Corn Laws, he thought it wiser not to complicate this by other declarations which would produce a good deal of animosity; that the sugar question and Ireland might be discussed in Cabinet when circumstances required it; that he agreed entirely in the last sentence.

After this Lord Grey declared himself quite satisfied. Lord John considered now with his colleagues the peculiar measure to be proposed, and Mr Baring thought he could arrange a financial scheme which would satisfy Lord Lansdowne's demands for relief to the landed interest. They all felt it their duty to answer the Queen's call upon them, though they very much disliked taking office under such peculiar difficulties. Now Lord John undertook to apportion the different offices. He saw Lord Palmerston, and told him that the Queen had some apprehension that his return to the Foreign Office might cause great alarm in other countries, and particularly in France, and that this feeling was still more strongly manifested in the city; whether under these circumstances he would prefer some other office—for instance, the Colonies? Lord Palmerston declared that he was not at all anxious for office, and should much regret that his accession should in any way embarrass Lord John; that he was quite prepared to support him out of office, but that his taking another department than his former one would be a public recognition of the most unjust accusations that had been brought against him; that he had evinced throughout a long official life his disposition for peace, and only in one instance broke with France;[36] that that matter was gone by, and that nobody had stronger conviction of the necessity to keep in amity with that Power than himself. Upon this Lord John said that he could not form a Government without him, and showed himself quite satisfied with Lord Palmerston's declaration.

[Footnote 36: In reference to affairs in Syria in 1840.]

Suddenly Lord Grey, who had heard of this, cried out: "This was an infringement of their compact"; that no personal consideration should interfere with the discharge of public duty, and that he must decline entering the Government, as he considered Lord Palmerston's return to the Foreign Office as fraught with danger to the peace of Europe. Lord John could not, under these circumstances, form a Government. He read to us a long letter from Lord Grey, written with the intention that it should be seen by the Queen, in which Lord Grey enters more fully into his motives, and finishes by saying that therefore he was not answerable for the failure to form an Administration.[37]

[Footnote 37: Lord Grey's attitude was condemned by Macaulay in a letter to a Mr Macfarlan, who unwisely communicated it to the Press.]

Lord John gave the Queen a written statement[38] of the causes which induced him to relinquish the Government, and of the position he means to assume in Parliament. (He is most anxious that Sir R. Peel should re-enter and successfully carry his measures.)

[Footnote 38: Printed in Annual Register, 1846, p. 20.]

The arrangements Lord John had contemplated have been—

Lord PALMERSTON, Foreign Secretary. Lord GREY, Colonial Secretary. Sir GEORGE GREY, Home Secretary.

(Sir George was anxious later to retire from Parliament, and willing to go as Governor-General to Canada.)

Mr BARING, Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord CLARENDON, President of the Board of Trade.

(The Vice-Presidency was to have been offered to his brother, Mr Villiers, but finally, by his advice, to Mr Cobden!! (Lord Grey wanted Mr Cobden to be in the Cabinet!!!) This Lord John thought quite out of the question.)

Lord LANSDOWNE, President of the Council.



[Pageheading: CHIVALROUS ATTITUDE OF PEEL]

[Pageheading: PEEL RESUMES OFFICE]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 20th December 1845.

(4 o'clock P.M.)

We saw Sir Robert Peel, who had been apprised by Sir James Graham (to whom Lord John Russell had written) of what had passed. He was much affected, and expressed his concern at the failure of Lord John to form a Government, seemed hurt at Lord John's not having shown more confidence in the integrity of his (Sir Robert Peel's) motives. He would have supported Lord John in any measure which he should have thought fit to introduce, and many would have followed his example. He blamed the want of deference shown to the Queen, by not answering her call with more readiness; he said it was quite new and unconstitutional for a man to take a week before he undertook to form a Government, and to pass that time in discussion with other people, to whom the Sovereign had not yet committed the task; and he had been certain it would end so, when so many people were consulted. He in 1834 had been called from Italy, had travelled with all haste and had gone straight to the King, had told him that he had seen nobody, consulted nobody, but immediately kissed the King's hand as his Minister.

He was now prepared to stand by the Queen, all other considerations he had thrown aside, he would undertake to deal with the difficulties, and should have to go down alone to the House of Commons. He had written to his colleagues that he would serve the Queen if she called upon him to do so, that he expected them to meet him at nine o'clock that evening, and that he would tell them what he meant to do. Those who would not go with him, he would dismiss at once. He did not wish to avail himself of any undue advantage, and therefore would not advise an Order in Council, but go at once to Parliament, laying his measure before it: "Reject it, if you please; there it is!"

He called the crisis an alarming one, which determination alone could overcome.

We showed him Lord John Russell's statement, with which he declared himself very much satisfied. He advised the Queen to write a letter to Lord John, announcing to him Sir Robert's consent to go on with the Government, and wrote a draft of it, which follows here.

He had heard strange instances of disagreement amongst the men whom Lord John had assembled in town.

Sir Robert seemed throughout much moved, and said with much warmth: "There is no sacrifice that I will not make for your Majesty, except that of my honour."



Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 20th December 1845.

Sir Robert Peel has just been here. He expressed great regret that Lord John Russell had felt it necessary to decline the formation of a Government.

He said he should have acted towards Lord John Russell with the most scrupulous good faith, and that he should have done everything in his power to give Lord John support.

He thinks many would have been induced to follow his example.

Sir Robert Peel did not hesitate a moment in withdrawing his offer of resignation. He said he felt it his duty at once to resume his office, though he is deeply sensible of the difficulties with which he has to contend.



[Pageheading: PEEL CORDIALLY SUPPORTED]

Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.

WHITEHALL, 21st December 1845.

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and proceeds to give your Majesty an account of what has passed since he left your Majesty at four o'clock yesterday.

The Cabinet met at Sir Robert Peel's house in Downing Street at half-past nine.

Sir Robert Peel informed them that he had not summoned them for the purpose of deliberating on what was to be done, but for the purpose of announcing to them that he was your Majesty's Minister, and whether supported or not, was firmly resolved to meet Parliament as your Majesty's Minister, and to propose such measures as the public exigencies required.

Failure or success must depend upon their decision, but nothing could shake Sir Robert Peel's determination to meet Parliament and to advise the Speech from the Throne.

There was a dead silence, at length interrupted by Lord Stanley's declaring that he must persevere in resigning, that he thought the Corn Law ought to be adhered to, and might have been maintained.

The Duke of Wellington said he thought the Corn Law was a subordinate consideration. He was delighted when he received Sir Robert Peel's letter that day, announcing to the Duke that his mind was made up to place his services at your Majesty's disposal.

The Duke of Buccleuch behaved admirably—was much agitated—thought new circumstances had arisen—would not then decide on resigning.

Sir Robert Peel has received this morning the enclosed note from the Duke.[39]

He has written a reply very strongly to the Duke, stating that the present question is not one of Corn Law, but whether your Majesty's former servants or Lord Grey and Mr Cobden shall constitute your Majesty's Government. Sir Robert Peel defied the wit of man to suggest now another alternative to your Majesty.

Lord Aberdeen will see the Duke to-day.

All the other members of the Government cordially approved of Sir Robert Peel's determination not to abandon your Majesty's service.

There was no question about details, but if there is any, it shall not alter Sir Robert Peel's course.

[Footnote 39: See next letter.]



The Duke of Buccleuch to Sir Robert Peel.

MONTAGU HOUSE, 20th December 1845.

MY DEAR SIR ROBERT,—That which has occurred this evening, and that which you have communicated to us, the very critical state in which the country now is, and above all the duty which I owe to her Majesty under the present circumstances, has made a most strong impression upon my mind. At the risk, therefore, of imputation of vacillation or of any other motive by others, may I ask of you to give me a few hours' time for further reflection, before finally deciding upon the course which I may feel it to be my duty to pursue? Believe me, my dear Sir Robert, yours most sincerely,

BUCCLEUCH.



Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.

WHITEHALL, 22nd December 1845.

Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the utmost satisfaction in informing your Majesty that Mr Gladstone is willing to accept the Seals of the Colonial Office should your Majesty be pleased to confide them to him.[40]

Sir Robert Peel thinks this of great importance, and that immediate decision in filling up so eminent a post will have a good effect.

[Footnote 40: Mr Gladstone, by accepting office, vacated the seat at Newark which he had held through the influence of the Protectionist Duke of Newcastle. He did not seek re-election, and though a Secretary of State, remained without a seat in Parliament.]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S ESTIMATE OF PEEL]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 23rd December 1845.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Many thanks for your two kind letters of the 17th and 19th, which gave me much pleasure. I have little to add to Albert's letter of yesterday, except my extreme admiration of our worthy Peel, who shows himself a man of unbounded loyalty, courage, patriotism, and high-mindedness, and his conduct towards me has been chivalrous almost, I might say. I never have seen him so excited or so determined, and such a good cause must succeed. We have indeed had an escape, for though Lord John's own notions were very good and moderate, he let himself be entirely twisted and twirled about by his violent friends, and all the moderate ones were crushed....

VICTORIA R.



Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert.

WHITEHALL, 23rd December 1845.

SIR,—I think Her Majesty and your Royal Highness will have been pleased with the progress I have made in execution of the great trust again committed to me by Her Majesty.

It will be of great importance to conciliate Lord Stanley's support out of office, to induce him to discourage hostile combinations.

I would humbly recommend Her Majesty, when Her Majesty sees Lord Stanley to-day, to receive him with her usual kindness, to say that I had done full justice in my reports to Her Majesty to the motives by which he had been actuated, and to the openness and frankness of his conduct, to regret greatly the loss of his services, but to hope that he might be still enabled not to oppose and even to promote the accomplishment of what cannot now be safely resisted. I have the honour to be, etc., etc., etc.,

ROBERT PEEL.



[Pageheading: THE NEW ARRANGEMENTS]

[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]

[Pageheading: THE UNEMPLOYED]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 25th December 1845.

We had a Council yesterday, at which Parliament was prorogued to the 22nd of January, then to meet for the despatch of business. Lord Stanley had an audience of the Queen before, and delivered up the Seals of his office. He was much agitated, and had told Sir Robert that he dreaded this interview very much. The Queen thanked him for his services, and begged he would do his best out of office to smooth down the difficulties her Government would have to contend with. At the Council Lord Dalhousie took his seat, and Mr Gladstone received the Colonial Seals. The Queen saw the Duke of Buccleuch and thanked him for the devotion he had shown her during these trying circumstances; the same to the Duke of Wellington, who is in excellent spirits. On my saying, "You have such an influence over the House of Lords, that you will be able to keep them straight," he answered: "I'll do anything; I am now beginning to write to them and to convince them singly of what their duty is."

We saw afterwards Sir Robert Peel, who stayed more than three hours. He is in the highest spirits at having got Mr Gladstone and kept the Duke of Buccleuch; he proposed that the Duke should be made President, and Lord Haddington Privy Seal in his stead. (Lord Haddington had behaved very well, had given up his place to Sir Robert, and told him he should do with him just as he liked—leave him out of the Cabinet, shift him to another place, or leave him at the Admiralty, as would suit him best.)

Sir Robert hinted to Lord Ripon that Lord Haddington had behaved so well, but got no more out of him, but "that he would almost have done the same." Sir Robert proposes to see Lord Ellenborough in order to offer him the Admiralty, received the Queen's sanction likewise to Lord St Germans (the Postmaster-General) being put into the Cabinet. I said: "With your Government that has no inconvenience, and even if you had a hundred members in the Cabinet, as you don't tell them but what is absolutely necessary, and follow your own course." He said in reply, that he should be very sorry if he had to have told his Cabinet that he meant to send for Lord Ellenborough. We could not help contrasting this conduct with the subjection Lord John has shown to his people. It is to his own talent and firmness that Sir Robert will owe his success, which cannot fail. He said he had been determined not to go to a general election with the fetters the last election had imposed upon him, and he had meant at the end of the next Session to call the whole Conservative Party together and to declare this to them, that he would not meet another Parliament pledged to the maintenance of the Corn Laws, which could be maintained no longer, and that he would make a public declaration to this effect before another general election came on. This had been defeated by events coming too suddenly upon him, and he had no alternative but to deal with the Corn Laws before a national calamity would force it on. The league had made immense progress, and had enormous means at their disposal. If he had resigned in November, Lord Stanley and the Protectionists would have been prepared to form a Government, and a Revolution might have been the consequence of it. Now they felt that it was too late.

Sir Robert has an immense scheme in view; he thinks he shall be able to remove the contest entirely from the dangerous ground upon which it has got—that of a war between the manufacturers, the hungry and the poor against the landed proprietors, the aristocracy, which can only end in the ruin of the latter; he will not bring forward a measure upon the Corn Laws, but a much more comprehensive one. He will deal with the whole commercial system of the country. He will adopt the principle of the League, that of removing all protection and abolishing all monopoly, but not in favour of one class and as a triumph over another, but to the benefit of the nation, farmers as well as manufacturers. He would begin with cotton, and take in all the necessaries of life and corn amongst them. The experiments he had made in 1842 and 1845 with boldness but with caution had borne out the correctness of the principle: the wool duty was taken off, and wool sold higher than ever before; foreign cattle were let in, and the cattle of England stood better in the market than ever. He would not ask for compensation to the land, but wherever he could give it, and at the same time promote the social development, there he would do it, but on that ground. For instance, one of the greatest benefits to the country would be the establishment of a rural police on the same principle as the metropolitan police. By taking this on the Consolidated Fund, the landowners would be immensely relieved in all those counties which kept a police. One of the heaviest charges on the land was the present administration of law and the carrying on of prosecutions. Sir Robert could fancy this to be very much improved by the appointment of a public prosecutor by the State, which would give the State a power to prevent vexatious, illegal, and immoral prosecutions, and reduce the expenses in an extraordinary degree. Part of the maintenance of the poor, according to the Poor Law, might be undertaken by the State. A great calamity must be foreseen, when the innumerable railroads now in progress shall have been terminated, which will be the case in a few years. This will throw an enormous labouring population suddenly out of employment. There might be a law passed which would provide employment for them, and improve the agriculture and production of the country, by enabling the State to advance money to the great proprietors for the improvements of their estates, which they could not obtain otherwise without charging their estates beyond what they already have to bear.

Sir Robert means to go with Mr Gladstone into all these details.

ALBERT.



[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION]

[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S POLICY]

Viscount Palmerston to Viscount Melbourne.[41]

BOWOOD, 26th December 1845.

MY DEAR MELBOURNE,—I return you with many thanks George Anson's letter, which was enclosed in yours of the 23rd, which I received just as we were setting off for this place. Pray, when next you write to George Anson, say how gratefully I appreciate the kind consideration on the part of H.R.H. Prince Albert, which suggested George Anson's communication. But I can assure you that although John Russell, in his Audience of the Queen, may inadvertently have overstated the terms in which he had mentioned to me what Her Majesty had said to him about my return to the Foreign Office, yet in his conversations with me upon that subject he never said anything more than is contained in George Anson's letter to you; and I am sure you will think that under all the circumstances of the case he could hardly have avoided telling me thus much, and making me aware of the impression which seemed to exist upon the Queen's mind as to the way in which other persons might view my return to the Foreign Office.

With regard to Her Majesty's own sentiments, I have always been convinced that Her Majesty knows me too well to believe for an instant that I do not attach the greatest importance to the maintenance, not merely of peace with all foreign countries, but of the most friendly relations with those leading Powers and States of the world with which serious differences would be attended with the most inconvenience. As to Peace, I succeeded, as the organ of Lord Grey's Government and of yours, in preserving it unbroken during ten years[42] of great and extraordinary difficulty; and, if now and then it unavoidably happened during that period of time, that in pursuing the course of policy which seemed the best for British interests, we thwarted the views of this or that Foreign Power, and rendered them for the moment less friendly, I think I could prove that in every case the object which we were pursuing was of sufficient importance to make it worth our while to submit to such temporary inconvenience. There never was indeed, during those ten years, any real danger of war except on three occasions; and on each of those occasions the course pursued by the British Government prevented war. The first occasion was just after the accession of the King of the French, when Austria, Russia, and Prussia were disposed and preparing to attack France, and when the attitude assumed by the British Government prevented a rupture. The second was when England and France united by a Convention to wrest the Citadel of Antwerp from the Dutch, and to deliver it over to the King of the Belgians.[43] If England had not then joined with France, Antwerp would have remained with the Dutch, or the attempt to take it would have led to a war in Europe. The third occasion was when Mehemet Ali's army occupied Syria, and when he was constantly threatening to declare himself independent and to march on Constantinople; while Russia, on the one hand, asserted that if he did so she would occupy Constantinople, and on the other hand, France announced that if Russia did so, she, France, would force the Dardanelles. The Treaty of July 1840, proposed and brought about by the British Government, and the operations in execution of that Treaty, put an end to that danger; and, notwithstanding what has often been said to the contrary, the real danger of war arising out of the affairs of Syria was put an end to, and not created by the Treaty of 1840.

I am well aware, however, that some persons both at home and abroad have imbibed the notion that I am more indifferent than I ought to be as to running the risk of war. That impression abroad is founded upon an entire mistake, but is by some sincerely felt, and being sincere, would soon yield to the evidence of contradictory facts. At home that impression has been industriously propagated to a limited extent, partly by the legitimate attacks of political opponents, and partly by a little cabal within our own ranks. These parties wanted to attack me, and were obliged to accuse me of something. They could not charge me with failure, because we had succeeded in all our undertakings, whether in Portugal, Spain, Belgium, Syria, China, or elsewhere; they could not charge me with having involved the country in war, because, in fact, we had maintained peace; and the only thing that was left for them to say was that my policy had a tendency to produce war, and I suppose they would argue that it was quite wrong and against all rule that it did not do so.

But notwithstanding what may have been said on this matter, the transaction which has by some been the most criticised in this respect, namely, the Treaty of 1840, and the operations connected with it, were entirely approved by the leaders of the then Opposition, who, so far from feeling any disposition to favour me, had always made a determined run at the Foreign Policy of the Whig Government. The Duke of Wellington, at the opening of the Session of 1841, said in the House of Lords that he entirely approved our policy in that transaction, and could not find that any fault had been committed by us in working it out; and I happen to know that Sir Robert Peel expressed to the representative of one of the German Powers, parties to the Alliance, his entire approval of our course, while Lord Aberdeen said to one of them, that the course I had taken in that affair made him forgive me many things of former years, which he had thought he never should have forgiven.

I am quite ashamed of the length to which this letter has grown, and shall only add, with reference to our relations with France, that I had some very friendly interviews with Thiers, who was my chief antagonist in 1840, and that although we did not enter into any conspiracy against Guizot and Peel, as the newspapers pretended, we parted on very good terms, and he promised to introduce me to all his friends whenever I should go to Paris, saying that of course Guizot would do me the same good office with his supporters. My dear Melbourne, yours affectionately,

PALMERSTON.

[Footnote 41: Submitted to the Queen by Lord Melbourne.]

[Footnote 42: 1830-1834, and 1835-1841.]

[Footnote 43: The English and French came in 1832 to the assistance of the Belgians, who some time before had entered Antwerp, but failed to take the Citadel.]



[Pageheading: THE MINISTRY REINSTATED]

Queen Victoria to the King of the French.

CH. DE W., le 30 Decembre 1845.

SIRE ET MON TRES CHER FRERE,—Votre Majeste me pardonnera si je viens seulement maintenant vous remercier de tout mon c[oe]ur de votre lettre si bonne et si aimable du 16, mais vous savez combien j'etais occupee pendant ces dernieres 3 semaines. La Crise est passee et j'ai tout lieu de croire que le Gouvernement de Sir R. Peel va s'affermir de plus en plus, ce que je ne puis que desirer pour le bien-etre du pays. Je dois cependant dire a votre Majeste que si le Ministere eut change, j'ai la certitude que le nouveau se serait empresse de maintenir, comme nous le desirons si vivement, cette entente cordiale si heureusement etablie entre nos deux Gouvernements.

Permettez-moi, Sire, de vous offrir au nom d'Albert et au mien nos felicitations les plus sinceres a l'occasion de la nouvelle Annee, dans lequel vous nous donnez le doux espoir de vous revoir. Nous avons lu avec beaucoup d'interet le Speech de V.M., dans lequel vous parlez si aimablement du "friendly call" a Eu et des cooperations des 2 pays dans differentes parties du monde, et particulierement pour l'Abolition de la Traite des noirs.

Ayez la grace, Sire, de deposer nos hommages et nos felicitations aux pieds de la Reine et de votre S[oe]ur. Agreez encore une fois, les expressions d'amitie et d'attachement sincere avec lesquelles je suis, Sire et mon bien cher Frere, de votre Majeste, la bien bonne S[oe]ur et fidele Amie,

VICTORIA R.



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 30th December 1845.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the 27th, by which I see how glad you are at our good Peel being again—and I sincerely and confidently hope for many years—my Minister. I have heard many instances of the confidence the country and all parties have in Peel; for instance, he was immensely cheered at Birmingham—a most Radical place; and Joseph Hume expressed great distress when Peel resigned, and the greatest contempt for Lord John Russell. The Members of the Government have behaved extremely well and with much disinterestedness. The Government has secured the services of Mr Gladstone and Lord Ellenborough,[44] who will be of great use. Lord E. is become very quiet, and is a very good speaker.

We had a very happy Christmas. This weather is extremely unwholesome. Now, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 44: Lord Ellenborough was one of the few Conservative statesmen of the day who, after remaining faithful to Sir Robert Peel till the middle of 1846, subsequently threw in his fortunes with Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli. He was President of the Board of Control with those Ministers in 1858 for the fourth time.]



INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XV

The closing days of the year 1845 had been marked by startling political events, and Lord John Russell's failure to form a Government, and Sir Robert Peel's resumption of office, with Mr Gladstone substituted for Lord Stanley, were now followed by the Ministerial measure for the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Embarrassed as he now was by the attacks of his old supporters, led by Bentinck and Disraeli, Peel was supported whole-heartedly but in a strictly constitutional manner by the Queen and the Prince. Amid bitter taunts, the Premier piloted the measure through Parliament, but on the night that it finally passed the Lords he was defeated on an Irish Coercion Bill by a factious combination in the Commons between the Whigs and Protectionists, and resigned. Lord John Russell on this occasion was able to form an administration, though he failed in his attempt to include in it some important members of the outgoing Government.

Thus, owing to the Irish famine, the Tory party which had come into power in 1841 with a majority of ninety to support the Corn Laws, was shattered; after Peel's defeat it became clear that no common action could take place between his supporters in the struggle of 1846 and men like Bentinck and Disraeli, who now became leaders of the Protectionist party. For the remainder of the year Peel was on the whole friendly to the Russell Government, his chief care being to maintain them in office as against the Protectionists.

In India the British army was successful in its operations against the Sikhs, Sir Harry Smith defeating them at Aliwal, and Sir Hugh Gough at Sobraon. Our troops crossed the Sutlej, and terms of peace were agreed on between Sir Henry Hardinge (who became a Viscount) and the Sirdars from Lahore, peace being signed on 8th March.

On the continent of Europe the most important events took place in the Peninsula. The selection of husbands for the Queen of Spain and her sister, which had so long been considered an international question, came at last to a crisis; the policy of Great Britain had been to leave the matter to the Spanish people, except in so far as might be necessary to check the undue ambition of Louis Philippe; and neither the Queen, Prince Albert, Peel, nor Aberdeen had in any way supported the candidature of Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg.

It was common ground that no son of Louis Philippe should marry the Queen, but both that monarch and Guizot had further solemnly engaged at the Chateau d'Eu that no son should marry even the Infanta until the Queen was married and had children. The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office, and his mention of Prince Leopold in a Foreign Office despatch as one of the candidates, gave the King and his Minister the pretext they required for repudiating their solemn undertaking. In defiance of good faith the engagements were simultaneously announced of the Queen to her cousin, Don Francisco de Asis, and of the Infanta to the Duc de Montpensier, Don Francisco being a man of unattractive, even disagreeable qualities, and feeble in physique. By this unscrupulous proceeding Queen Victoria and the English nation were profoundly shocked.

At the same time Queen Maria found some difficulty in maintaining her position in Portugal. She dismissed in a somewhat high-handed manner her Minister the Duc de Palmella, and had to bear the brunt of an insurrection for several months: at the close of the year her arms were victorious at the lines of Torres Vedras, but the Civil War was not entirely brought to an end.

In February a Polish insurrection broke out in Silesia, and the Austrian troops were driven from Cracow; the rising was suppressed by Austria, Russia, and Prussia, who had been constituted the "Protecting Powers" of Cracow by the Treaty of Vienna. This unsuccessful attempt was seized upon as a pretext for destroying the separate nationality of Cracow, which was forthwith annexed to Austria. This unjustifiable act only became possible in consequence of the entente between England and France (equally parties to the Treaty of Vienna) having been terminated by the affair of the Spanish marriages; their formal but separate protests were disregarded.

There remains to be mentioned the dispute between Great Britain and the United States as to the Oregon boundary, which had assumed so ominous a phase in 1845. Lord Aberdeen's last official act was to announce in the Lords that a Convention, proposed by himself for adjusting the question, had been accepted by the American President.



CHAPTER XV

1846

Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 23rd January 1846.

The Queen must compliment Sir Robert Peel on his beautiful and indeed unanswerable speech of last night, which we have been reading with the greatest attention.[1] The concluding part we also greatly admire. Sir R. Peel has made a very strong case. Surely the impression which it has made must have been a good one. Lord John's explanation is a fair one;[2] the Queen has not a doubt that he will support Sir Robert Peel.

He has indeed pledged himself to it. He does not give a very satisfactory explanation of the causes of his failure, but perhaps he could not do so without exposing Lord Palmerston.

What does Sir Robert think of the temper of the House of Commons, and of the debate in the House of Lords? The debates not being adjourned is a good thing. The crowd was immense out-of-doors yesterday, and we were never better received.

[Footnote 1: The Queen had opened Parliament in person; the Prime Minister took the unusual course of speaking immediately after the seconder of the Address, and in his peroration, after laying stress on the responsibilities he was incurring, proceeded: "I do not desire to be Minister of England; but while I am Minister of England I will hold office by no servile tenure; I will hold office unshackled by any other obligation than that of consulting the public interests and providing for the public safety."]

[Footnote 2: He explained that the attitude of Lord Grey made the difficulties attending the formation of a Whig Ministry insuperable.]



[Pageheading: EXTENSION OF INDIAN FRONTIER]

Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria.[3]

CAMP, LULLIANEE, 24 miles from LAHORE, 18th February 1846.

The territory which it is proposed should be ceded in perpetuity to your Majesty is a fine district between the Rivers Sutlej and Beas, throwing our frontier forward, within 30 miles of Amritsar, so as to have 50 miles of British territory in front of Loodiana, which, relatively with Ferozepore, is so weak, that it appeared desirable to the Governor-General to improve our frontier on its weakest side, to curb the Sikhs by an easy approach towards Amritsar across the Beas River instead of the Sutlej—to round off our hill possessions near Simla—to weaken the Sikh State which has proved itself to be too strong—and to show to all Asia that although the British Government has not deemed it expedient to annex this immense country of the Punjab, making the Indus the British boundary, it has punished the treachery and violence of the Sikh nation, and exhibited its powers in a manner which cannot be misunderstood. For the same political and military reason, the Governor-General hopes to be able before the negotiations are closed to make arrangements by which Cashmere may be added to the possessions of Gholab Singh, declaring the Rajpoot Hill States with Cashmere independent of the Sikhs of the Plains. The Sikhs declare their inability to pay the indemnity of one million and a half, and will probably offer Cashmere as an equivalent. In this case, if Gholab Singh pays the money demanded for the expenses of the war, the district of Cashmere will be ceded by the British to him, and the Rajah become one of the Princes of Hindostan.

There are difficulties in the way of this arrangement, but considering the military power which the Sikh nation has exhibited of bringing into the field 80,000 men and 300 pieces of field artillery, it appears to the Governor-General most politic to diminish the means of this warlike people to repeat a similar aggression. The nation is in fact a dangerous military Republic on our weakest frontier. If the British Army had been defeated, the Sikhs, through the Protected States, which would have risen in their favour in case of a reverse, would have captured Delhi, and a people having 50,000 regular troops and 300 pieces of field artillery in a standing permanent camp within 50 miles of Ferozepore, is a state of things that cannot be tolerated for the future....

The energy and intrepidity displayed by your Majesty's Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, his readiness to carry on the service in cordial co-operation with the Governor-General, and the marked bravery and invincibility of your Majesty's English troops, have overcome many serious obstacles, and the precautions taken have been such that no disaster or failure, however trifling, has attended the arduous efforts of your Majesty's Arms.

[Footnote 3: The Sikhs were defeated at Sobraon on 10th February by the British troops under Sir Hugh Gough, reinforced by Sir Harry Smith, fresh from his victory at Aliwal. See p. 71.]



[Pageheading: PEEL'S ANXIETIES]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

OSBORNE, 3rd March 1846.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—I hasten to thank you for a most dear and kind letter of the 28th, which I received this morning. You know how I love and esteem my dearest Louise; she is the dearest friend, after my beloved Albert, I have.

I wish you could be here, and hope you will come here for a few days during your stay, to see the innumerable alterations and improvements which have taken place. My dearest Albert is so happy here, out all day planting, directing, etc., and it is so good for him. It is a relief to be away from all the bitterness which people create for themselves in London. Peel has a very anxious and a very peculiar position, and it is the force of circumstances and the great energy he alone possesses which will carry him through the Session. He certainly acts a most disinterested part, for did he not feel (as every one who is fully acquainted with the real state of the country must feel) that the line he pursues is the only right and sound one for the welfare of this country, he never would have exposed himself to all the annoyance and pain of being attacked by his friends. He was, however, determined to have done this before the next general election, but the alarming state of distress in Ireland forced him to do it now. I must, however, leave him to explain to you fully himself the peculiar circumstances of the present very irregular state of affairs. His majority was not a certain one last year, for on Maynooth, upwards of a hundred of his followers voted against him.