Maintenant nous nous entendons, et je m'en remets a Dieu pour tout ce qui doit arriver.

C'est avec la plus haute consideration et la plus sincere amitie que je serais, toujours, Monseigneur, de Votre Altesse Royale le tout devoue Cousin,

NICOLAS.

[Footnote 14: The fourth son of the Queen and Prince, afterwards Duke of Albany, was born on the 7th of April at Buckingham Palace.]



[Pageheading: BIRTH OF PRINCE LEOPOLD]

Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 18th April 1853.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—My first letter is this time, as last time, addressed to you; last time it was because dearest Louise, to whom the first had heretofore always been addressed, was with me—alas! now, she is no longer amongst us! I can report very favourably of myself, for I have never been better or stronger or altogether more comfortable.

Stockmar will have told you that Leopold is to be the name of our fourth young gentleman. It is a mark of love and affection which I hope you will not disapprove. It is a name which is the dearest to me after Albert, and one which recalls the almost only happy days of my sad childhood; to hear "Prince Leopold" again, will make me think of all those days! His other names will be George Duncan Albert, and the Sponsors, the King of Hanover, Ernest Hohenlohe, the Princess of Prussia and Mary Cambridge.

George is after the King of Hanover, and Duncan as a compliment to dear Scotland.... Ever your devoted Niece and Child,

VICTORIA R.



[Pageheading: MR GLADSTONE'S BUDGET]

Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.

CHESHAM PLACE, 19th April 1853.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is happy to say that Mr Gladstone's statement last night was one of the most powerful financial speeches ever made in the House of Commons.[15]

Mr Pitt in the days of his glory might have been more imposing, but he could not have been more persuasive.

Lord John Russell is very sanguine as to the success of the plan, both in the House of Commons and in the country.

[Footnote 15: Mr Gladstone's Budget imposed a duty for the first time on the succession to real property; he retained the Income Tax for two years longer, at its then rate of sevenpence in the pound on incomes above L150, and extended it, at the rate of fivepence in the pound, to incomes between L100 and L150. Ireland was made subject to the tax, but received relief in other directions. Remissions of indirect taxes were also made, and one of these, the repeal of the Advertisement Duty, was carried against the Government.]



The Prince Albert to Mr Gladstone.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 19th April 1853.

MY DEAR MR GLADSTONE,—I must write to you a line in order to congratulate you on your success of last night. I have just completed a close and careful perusal of your speech, which I admire extremely, and I have heard from all sides that the effect it has produced is very good. Trusting that your Christian humility will not allow you to become dangerously elated, I cannot resist sending you the report which Lord John Russell made to the Queen for your perusal; knowing that it will give you pleasure, and that these are the best rewards which a public man can look for. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.



Mr Gladstone to the Prince Albert.

DOWNING STREET, 19th April 1853.

Sir,—I have to offer my most humble and grateful thanks to Her Majesty for graciously allowing me to know the terms in which Lord John Russell's kindness allowed him to describe the statement made by me last night in the House of Commons; and to your Royal Highness for the letter which your Royal Highness had been pleased to address to me.

The reception which you, Sir, gave to my explanation on the 9th instant of the propositions I had to submit to the Cabinet, was one of the first and best omens of their favourable fortune.

As a Servant of the Crown, deeply sharing in that attachment which all servants of Her Majesty must feel both to her Throne and Person, I venture to hope that the propositions of the Government declared through me, are in accordance with our faith and loyalty to Her Majesty.

For myself, Sir, I am most thankful, if it can be said that I have not by my own defects injured a good and an honest cause; my only title to reward lies in sincerity of purpose, and by such testimony as that of your Royal Highness I am already much more than duly rewarded....

I return the letter of Lord John Russell, and I pray your Royal Highness to believe me, Sir, your most dutiful and most obedient Servant,

W. E. GLADSTONE.



[Pageheading: THE INDIA BILL]

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.

OSBORNE, 27th May 1853.

The Queen has read Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday with great concern. She had been much surprised to hear from Lord John Russell on the 24th that "in concert with Sir Charles Wood and Sir James Graham, he had settled last night to propose to the Cabinet on Wednesday to delay the measure (on the Indian Government) till next Session, and that Sir James Graham had stated that Lord Aberdeen would be ready to assent to this course."[16] She did not answer Lord John until she should have heard from Lord Aberdeen himself. From the explanation he has now given to the Queen, she must say that it would have a very bad effect if the measure were withdrawn at the eleventh hour, and after all that has been publicly and privately stated.[17] Nothing damages a Government more than the appearance of vacillation and uncertainty of purpose, and no Government ought to shun this more than the present. The fact of a dissension in the Cabinet on a vital point, which it cannot be hoped will remain concealed, must besides much impair its vigour and power....

The Queen earnestly hopes that it will not become necessary to change the course announced by the Government.

[Footnote 16: The India Bill, which passed during the Session, threw open the lucrative patronage of the Company (whose existence was continued but with less absolute control) to competition. The Mutiny, and the resulting legislation of 1858, tended subsequently to overshadow Sir Charles Wood's measure.]

[Footnote 17: The matter had been referred to a Cabinet Committee, reported upon, agreed to in full Cabinet, proposed to and sanctioned by the Queen and announced to Parliament.]



[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH]

The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.

LAEKEN, 3 June 1853.

MY DEAREST, BEST VICTORIA,—... The young Emperor[18] I confess I like much, there is much sense and courage in his warm blue eye, and it is not without a very amiable merriment when there is occasion for it. He is slight and very graceful, but even in the melee of dancers and Archdukes, and all in uniform, he may always be distinguished as the Chef. This struck me more than anything, as now at Vienna the dancing is also that general melee which renders waltzing most difficult.... The manners are excellent and free from pompousness or awkwardness of any kind, simple, and when he is graciously disposed, as he was to me, sehr herzlich und natuerlich. He keeps every one in great order without requiring for this an outre appearance of authority, merely because he is the master, and there is that about him which gives authority, and which sometimes those who have the authority cannot succeed in getting accepted or in practising. I think he may be severe si l'occasion se presente; he has something very muthig. We were several times surrounded by people of all classes, and he certainly quite at their mercy, but I never saw his little muthig expression changed either by being pleased or alarmed. I trust that this family connection may mitigate the only impression which in Austria has created a hostile feeling, viz. the suspicions in Palmerston's time that it had become a plan of England to destroy the Austrian Empire. After the attentat on the Emperor the impression on those who are attached to their country was, and still is, that in England a sort of menagerie of Kossuths, Mazzinis, Lagranges, Ledru Rollins, etc., is kept to be let occasionally loose on the Continent to render its quiet and prosperity impossible. That impression, which Lord Aberdeen stated in the House of Lords at the end of April, is strong everywhere on the Continent, in Prussia as it is in Austria, and even here our industriels are convinced of it. About what is to be done by way of graciousness on your part we will consider. ...Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 18: Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria.]



The Duke of Newcastle to Queen Victoria.

7th June 1853.

The Duke of Newcastle presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour of bringing under your Majesty's notice a desire for some time past felt by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by others interested in the welfare of the Church of England in the Colonies, that the extensive See of Capetown should be divided, and that a new Bishopric of Grahamstown should be erected.

An endowment of L10,000 for the proposed See has lately been provided by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.

The Duke of Newcastle under these circumstances hopes that your Majesty will approve of the erection of this new See, and has the honour to recommend to your Majesty that, in that case the Rev. J. W. Colenso should be appointed to it.

Mr Colenso at present holds a living in the Diocese of Norwich, he was second wrangler at Cambridge, and was at one time tutor to two of the sons of the late Sir Robert Peel at Harrow.

The Duke of Newcastle has received a very high character of Mr Colenso from his Diocesan, and the Archbishop of Canterbury considers him a fit person to be recommended to your Majesty.



[Pageheading: THE KING OF HANOVER]



Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 22nd June 1853.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the 17th, which I could not answer on my usual day (yesterday), as we were the whole day at the Camp, where there was a Review, at which I rode. It was a very fine sight, but my enjoyment was a good deal spoilt by the nervousness which I was in at having my poor blind cousin[19] on horseback next to me—led. It is a sad sight, and one which keeps me in a constant state of anxiety, as one is afraid of saying or doing anything which may pain or distress him, or of his meeting with any accident; but he manages it wonderfully well, hardly ever makes a mistake, and manages so well at dinner. He is very cheerful, kind, and civil, and would be very good looking if it were not for his poor eyes. He likes to go everywhere and do everything like anybody else, and speaks of things as if he saw them....

The Oriental Question is at a standstill. It is the Emperor of Russia who must enable us to help him out of the difficulty. I feel convinced that War will be avoided, but I don't see how exactly. Our Troops looked beautiful yesterday. I wish your young people could see our Camp.[20]

With Albert's love, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 19: King George V. of Hanover.]

[Footnote 20: Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had insisted that the disputed points as to the guardianship of the Holy Places, and the Russian demand for a Protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Sultan, should be kept distinct. After the former had been arranged and the latter had been rejected by the Porte acting under Lord Stratford's advice, Menschikoff abruptly quitted Constantinople, and the Russian troops, crossing the Pruth, invaded the Danubian principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia (now united as Roumania). In England, meanwhile, a military encampment had been established at Chobham.]



[Pageheading: DEATH OF LADY DALHOUSIE]

The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.

12th July 1853.

Lord Dalhousie presents his humble duty to your Majesty, most gratefully acknowledging the gracious words which your Majesty has addressed to him in the time of his great affliction.[21]

Your Majesty has been pleased for many years to honour him with frequent marks of personal distinction. He is indeed most keenly sensible of the favour which bestowed them all. But his deep gratitude must ever be given to the goodness which dictated the touching assurance he has now received of your Majesty's interest in the piteous fate of one who for eighteen years has been all the world to him, whose patient, gentle spirit, and whose brave heart had turned aside so many perils, and who yet has sunk at last under the very means on which all had securely reckoned as her certain safety.

Lord Dalhousie ought not perhaps to have uttered even this much of his sorrow, but your Majesty's truly gracious words have melted it from his heart; and still encourage him to believe that your Majesty will not regard it as obtrusive.

Lord Dalhousie will not mingle the other topics, on which it is his duty to address your Majesty, with this respectful expression of the enduring gratitude, with which he has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.

[Footnote 21: Lady Dalhousie died on the 6th of May, on her passage home from India.]



[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ATTITUDE]

The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.

LONDON, 11th September 1853.

Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty....

Lord Aberdeen has by no means forgotten the conversation to which your Majesty has referred; but after full consideration he believes that the safest and best course has been adopted.[22] Trusting to your Majesty's gracious condescension, and the confidence with which Lord Aberdeen has been honoured, he will humbly venture to lay before your Majesty, without any reserve, the motives which have induced him to offer this advice to your Majesty.

The situation of Lord Palmerston is peculiar.[23] Unless he should continue to be a cordial member of your Majesty's Government, he may very easily become the leader of Opposition. Lord Aberdeen is at this moment ignorant of his real views and intentions. He has been recently more than once thwarted in his endeavours to press a hostile policy upon the Cabinet; and it has been reported to Lord Aberdeen that he has expressed himself in terms of great hostility. This cannot perhaps be avoided, and is only the result of taking different views of the public interest; but it is very essential that Lord Palmerston should have no personal or private cause of complaint against Lord Aberdeen. From his office of Home Secretary he might naturally expect to have the honour of attending your Majesty; and should this not be the case he might probably resent it and attribute it to the jealousy and ill-will of Lord Aberdeen. But whether he did this, or not, himself, the Public and the Press would not fail to do so, and would convert this neglect into the ground of the most hostile and bitter attacks.

Your Majesty may perhaps be aware that there is no amount of flattery which is not offered to Lord Palmerston by the Tory party, with the hope of separating him altogether from the Government.

Lord Aberdeen fully admits that this step which he has humbly proposed to your Majesty may fail to produce any good effect, and that it may even be turned hereafter to the injury of the Government; but, at all events, Lord Aberdeen's conscience will be clear; and if Lord Palmerston has any generous feelings, it is not impossible that he may appreciate favourably a proceeding which cannot but afford him personal satisfaction.

[Footnote 22: Lord Aberdeen had suggested that it would be advisable for several reasons that Lord Palmerston should be invited to Balmoral as Minister in attendance, and he accordingly went there on the 15th of September.]



Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.

BALMORAL, 24th September 1853.

The Queen has this morning received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 22nd inst. She has not been surprised at the line taken by Austria, who, Lord Clarendon will remember, the Queen never thought could be depended upon, as she is not in that independent position which renders a National Policy possible. The accounts from Constantinople are very alarming, and make the Queen most anxious for the future. She quite approves of the steps taken by the Government. The presence of the Fleets at Constantinople in case of general disturbance will take from the Emperor of Russia what Lord Cowley calls his coup de Theatre a la Sadlers Wells, viz.: the part of the generous protector of the Sultan and restorer of Order.[24]

[Footnote 23: Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell led the war party in the Cabinet; but the latter was pledged to the introduction of a Reform Bill, while the former was opposed to the scheme. Lord Aberdeen's pacific views were making him increasingly unpopular in the country.]

[Footnote 24: Even after the Russian occupation of the Principalities, which the Russian Minister, Count Nesselrode, had described as not an act of war, but a material guarantee for the concession by Turkey of the Russian demands, the resources of diplomacy were not exhausted. The Four Powers—England, France, Austria, and Prussia—agreed, in conference at Vienna, to present a note for acceptance by Russia and the Porte, to the effect (inter alia) that the Government of the Sultan would remain faithful "to the letter and to the spirit of the Treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople relative to the protection of the Christian religion." This was most unfortunately worded, but, however, the clause had obtained the sanction of the English Government, and the Czar expressed his willingness to accept it. Lord Stratford, however, saw the danger underlying the ambiguity of the language, and, under his advice, the Porte proposed as an amendment the substitution of the words "to the stipulations of the Treaty of Kainardji, confirmed by that of Adrianople, relative to the protection by the Sublime Porte of the Christian religion." The Russian Government refused to accept this amendment, and from that moment war was inevitable. The British Fleet under Admiral Dundas had been sent from Malta to the East at the beginning of June.]



[Pageheading: THE VIENNA NOTE]

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.

BALMORAL, 25th September 1853.

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 23rd, and is very thankful to him for this full and lucid statement of the present very critical situation.

She transmits to him a memorandum containing our views, drawn up by the Prince with the desire he might also communicate it to Lord Clarendon.[25]

The Queen must say she now rejoices the Fleets should be on their way to Constantinople.

God grant that any outbreak at Constantinople may yet be averted.

[Footnote 25: The Memorandum stated that it would be fruitless further to attempt to settle the dispute by the "Redaction" of Notes to be exchanged between Turkey and Russia, or the choice of particular words and expressions in public documents designed in order to avoid naming the real objects in dispute.

"It is evident" (it was added) "that Russia has hitherto attempted to deceive us in pretending that she did not aim at the acquisition of any new Right, but required only a satisfaction of honour and a re-acknowledgment of the Rights she already possessed by Treaty; that she does intend and for the first time lays bare that intention, to acquire new Rights of interference which the Porte does not wish to concede and cannot concede, and which the European Powers have repeatedly declared she ought not to concede....

"If the views of Russia, for instance, with regard to 'Modification III. of the Note,' were to prevail, the extension of the advantages and privileges enjoyed by Christian communities, in their capacity as foreigners, to the Greeks generally, with the Right granted to Russia to intercede for them to this effect, would simply make foreigners of 10,000,000 of the subjects of the Porte, or depose the Sultan as their sovereign, putting the Emperor of Russia in his place."]



The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.

LONDON, 6th October 1853.

... The Cabinet will meet to-morrow; and Lord Aberdeen will have the honour of humbly reporting to your Majesty the result of their discussions. It will be Lord Aberdeen's endeavour to prevent any rash decision; and, above all, to keep open the possibility of peaceful communications. No doubt, it may be very agreeable to humiliate the Emperor of Russia; but Lord Aberdeen thinks that it is paying a little too dear for this pleasure, to check the progress and prosperity of this happy country, and to cover Europe with confusion, misery, and blood.



[Pageheading: MOVEMENTS OF THE FLEET]

The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.

LONDON, 7th October 1853.

Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As your Majesty will expect to hear from him to-day, he has the honour of addressing your Majesty, although he could wish that it had been in his power to give your Majesty a more full and satisfactory account of the decisions of the Cabinet. The meeting was very long, and considerable difference of opinion prevailed in the course of the discussion. At length, however, Lord Aberdeen is happy to say there was such an agreement as ensured a certain degree of unanimity. With this view, it was determined to adhere to a defensive principle of action in the East. The Fleets may perhaps be already at Constantinople; but, at all events, they are to be brought there forthwith, and to be stationed either there or in the Bosphorus, unless the Russians should cross the Danube, or make any attack upon the Turkish possessions on the coast of the Black Sea. In this case, the combined Fleets would enter the Black Sea, for the defence of the Turkish territory.

Considering the position we have already assumed in this unfortunate affair, perhaps it was impossible to do less than this; and as there is very little chance of Russia undertaking any active hostilities of the nature apprehended, it may reasonably be hoped that no actual collision will take place. At the same time it must be recollected that Russia will regard the entrance of line of battle-ships into the Black Sea as a virtual declaration of war against herself.

There is yet no confirmation of the actual declaration of war by the Porte, and although there is no reason to suspect any serious impediment to the decision of the Divan being fulfilled, it is rather strange that intelligence to this effect has not been received. If Lord Stratford should see great cause for apprehension at the prospect of the Turks in the prosecution of hostilities, it is just possible that by his influence he may have arrested the progress of their warlike measures; but probably this is too much to hope. At all events, Lord Aberdeen trusts that the path of negotiation is not finally closed, and that, notwithstanding the equivocal position of Great Britain in this contest, it may still be possible to employ words of conciliation and peace....



[Pageheading: WAR IMMINENT]

[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN OVERBORNE]



Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

BALMORAL, 10th October 1853.

I had a long interview with Sir James Graham this morning, and told him that Lord Aberdeen's last letter to the Queen and him[26] made us very uneasy. It was evident that Lord Aberdeen was, against his better judgment, consenting to a course of policy which he inwardly condemned, that his desire to maintain unanimity at the Cabinet led to concessions which by degrees altered the whole character of the policy, while he held out no hope of being able permanently to secure agreement. I described the Queen's position as a very painful one. Here were decisions taken by the Cabinet, perhaps even acted upon, involving the most momentous consequences, without her previous concurrence or even the means for her to judge of the propriety or impropriety of course to be adopted, with evidence that the Minister, in whose judgment the Queen placed her chief reliance, disapproved of it. The position was morally and constitutionally a wrong one. The Queen ought to have the whole policy in spirit and ultimate tendency developed before her to give her deliberate sanction to it, knowing what it involved her in abroad and at home. She might now be involved in war, of which the consequences could not be calculated, chiefly by the desire of Lord Aberdeen to keep his Cabinet together; this might then break down, and the Queen would be left without an efficient Government, and a war on her hands. Lord Aberdeen renounced one of his chief sources of strength in the Cabinet, by not making it apparent that he requires the sanction of the Crown to the course proposed by the Cabinet, and has to justify his advice by argument before it can be adopted, and that it does not suffice to come to a decision at the table of the Cabinet. Sir James Graham perfectly coincided with this view and offered to go up to Town immediately. The Queen wrote the letter to Lord Aberdeen ... which Sir James takes up with him. He shall arrive at Windsor on Friday (14th), and Lord Aberdeen is to have an Audience on Saturday. Sir James will tell him that the Queen wants his deliberate opinion on what course is best to be followed, and that the course once adopted should be steadily and uninterruptedly pursued.

ALBERT.

[Footnote 26:

The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir James Graham. [Submitted to the Queen.]

ARGYLL HOUSE, 8th October 1853.

MY DEAR GRAHAM,—... When we met, Clarendon made a sort of resume of what had taken place before we all separated, but ended with no specific proposal. After a few interlocutory remarks from different quarters, Palmerston proposed his plan. Lord John faintly supported it in general terms, but did not seem much in earnest about it. I said that it appeared to involve the necessity of a declaration of war against Russia, and the calling together Parliament forthwith. Gladstone strongly argued against the proposal. Clarendon then read an outline of his proposed instructions, which were a great abatement from Palmerston's plan. We came at last to a sort of compromise; our great difficulty being now to deal with the question of entering the Black Sea. I consented to this being done, provided it was strictly in defence of some point of attack on Turkish territory. I have no fear that this will take place; and as long as we abstain from entering the Black Sea, Peace may be possible between us and Russia. We have thus assumed a strictly defensive position, which for the moment may be sufficient, and will enable us to carry on negotiations; but this cannot last long. Under the character of defensive war, we should inevitably become extensively engaged. Should the Turks be at all worsted, which is probable, of course we must increase our assistance. We should have a French army, and perhaps English money—all for defence.

The aspect of the Cabinet was, on the whole, very good. Gladstone, active and energetic for Peace; Argyll, Herbert, C. Wood, and Granville, all in the same sense. Newcastle, not quite so much so, but good; Lansdowne, not so warlike as formerly; Lord John warlike enough, but subdued in tone; Palmerston urged his views perseveringly, but not disagreeably. The Chancellor said little, but was cordially peaceful. Molesworth was not present, there having been some mistake in sending the notice.

On the whole, therefore, yesterday passed off well enough; but we shall see what to-day will bring us. Not a syllable was said in the Cabinet on any other subject. Lord John seemed in good humour; he came to see me a few minutes before the Cabinet. I told you that I had spoken to Gladstone very fully; but I did not press any decision respecting domestic matters, as it would at this moment be quite unseasonable. Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten altogether. Yours, etc., etc.,

ABERDEEN.]



[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S INSTRUCTIONS]

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.

BALMORAL, 11th October 1853.

The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter. She had written to Lord Aberdeen that she felt it her duty to pause before giving her consent to the measures decided on in the Cabinet, until she should have received an explanation on the views which dictated that decision, and of the ulterior steps involved in it; and Sir James Graham is gone up to Town, verbally to explain more fully the Queen's feelings. She has now received and read the Despatches, which have in the meantime been sent off to their points of destination without having received her sanction!

The draft to Vienna the Queen thinks very ably argued, and justly to define the present position of the question at issue.[27]

The instructions to Lord Stratford,[28] on the other hand, appear to her very vague, and entrusting him with enormous powers and a latitude of discretion which is hardly to be called safe. As matters have now been arranged, it appears to the Queen, moreover, that we have taken on ourselves in conjunction with France all the risks of a European war, without having bound Turkey to any conditions with respect to provoking it. The hundred and twenty fanatical Turks constituting the Divan at Constantinople are left sole judges of the line of policy to be pursued, and made cognisant at the same time of the fact that England and France have bound themselves to defend the Turkish Territory! This is entrusting them with a power which Parliament has been jealous to confide even to the hands of the British Crown. It may be a question whether England ought to go to war for the defence of so-called Turkish Independence; but there can be none that if she does so, she ought to be the sole judge of what constitutes a breach of that independence, and have the fullest power to prevent by negotiation the breaking out of the war.

The Queen would wish copies of the enclosed papers to be sent for her use as soon as convenient.

[Footnote 27: In this despatch Lord Clarendon, after referring to the interpretation which Count Nesselrode had put upon the Vienna Note, and the Russian rejection of it as amended by the Porte, told Lord Westmorland that it would be useless and dishonourable to recommend it in its unaltered form, that the Czar was contending for privileges for Christian subjects of the Porte not hitherto enjoyed by them, and that a war embarked upon in such a cause would be without parallel in history.]

[Footnote 28: Authority had been given to Lord Stratford to employ the British Fleet in the manner he might deem most fit for defending Turkish territory from aggression, and he was instructed that if the Russian Fleet left Sebastopol, the British Fleet was to pass through the Bosphorus.]



[Pageheading: RESENTMENT OF THE CZAR]

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN AND THE PREMIERSHIP]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 16th October 1853.

We saw Lord Aberdeen yesterday. He went with us through the whole of the proceedings of the last six weeks with respect to the Eastern Question. Regretted Count Nesselrode's Note,[29] which Baron Brunnow owned nobody would regret more than the Count himself, acknowledged the weakness of Austria, felt sure of Lord Stratford's insincerity towards him and the Government,... as he had to Lord Aberdeen's certain knowledge called "the conduct of the Government infamous" and declared "he would let the world know that his name was Canning." He acknowledged the disadvantage of the course adopted by the Cabinet, which left the Turks at liberty to do as they pleased; he had to concede this to the Cabinet, which would otherwise have been broken up by Lord John and Lord Palmerston. Had he known what the Queen's opinion was, he might have been more firm, feeling himself supported by the Crown, but he had imagined from her letters that there was more animosity against Russia and leaning to war in her mind.

[Footnote 29: In this despatch to Baron Meyendorff, the Austrian Foreign Minister, the Count had disclosed the fact that the Russian interpretation of the Vienna Note differed from that of the other Powers.]

Yet, under all the adverse circumstances Lord Aberdeen saw still reason for hope that a peaceable settlement could be obtained. The French were ready to do anything we pleased, go to war, remain at peace, etc., etc.; in fact, Louis Napoleon had experienced the great advantage for his position of the Alliance with England.... Lord Stratford was thoroughly frightened, and had made a proposal himself, which accordingly he would support con amore. The Emperor of Russia had failed in his attempt to form a Northern League against the Western Powers.... The Emperor complained bitterly of the conduct of the Powers, who had disgraced him before the world by making him accept a Note, and sanctioning its alteration by Turkey; "now they should do what they pleased and settle matters with Turkey first, and bring him only what was settled and fixed, he was wearied of the whole business, and anxious to get rid of it for ever."

What Lord Aberdeen now proposed was to follow the Emperor's advice and agree with Turkey upon a Note, leaving out all that she had objected to in the Vienna Note as Lord Stratford recommended, and taking as much as possible Redschid Pasha's own words to found the proposal of it upon the declaration made by the Emperor at Olmuetz to the Powers, that he sought for no new right, privilege, or advantage, but solely for the confirmation of the legal status quo, but accompanying this with a declaration, that if Turkey created needless difficulties and tried to evade a peaceful settlement the Powers would withdraw their support and leave her to fight her own battle. We went over the Documents which are not yet settled, even between Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, and will require the greatest caution in their wording. It is evident that the Turks have every inducement not to let this opportunity slip in going to war with Russia, as they will probably never find so advantageous a one again, as the whole of Christendom has declared them in the right, and they would fight with England and France actively on their side!

At home, Lord Aberdeen said matters do not stand much better. Lord John has convinced himself that, under present circumstances it would not do for him to ask Lord Aberdeen to retire from the Prime Ministership and let him step in in his place; perhaps he has found out also that the Peelites will not serve under him; his own Whig colleagues would very much regret if not object to such a change, and that Lord Palmerston could not well submit to the arrangement. So he told Lord Aberdeen that he had given up that idea; it was clear, however, that he was now looking for an opportunity to break up the Government on some popular ground, which it was impossible to hope that he should not find. He now had asked for the immediate summoning of Parliament, called for by the state of the Oriental Question. This would create the greatest alarm in the country, and embarrassment to the Government, and was therefore resisted. Lord Aberdeen told Lord John quite plainly he knew what the proposal meant—he meant to break up the Government. "I hope not," was Lord John's laughing reply.

The Queen taxed Lord Aberdeen with imprudence in talking to Lord John of his own readiness to leave office, which he acknowledged, but called very natural in a man of seventy. Lord John was dissatisfied with his position;... upon Lord Aberdeen telling him that he had the most powerful and honourable position of any man in England as leader of the House of Commons, he answered, "Oh, there I am quite happy!"

I asked how under such circumstances that all-important measure of Parliamentary Reform, upon which the future stability and well-being of the Country so much depended, was to be matured and brought forward? Lord Aberdeen replied that Lord John had it all ready and prepared in his pocket, and told Lord Aberdeen so, adding, however, that under present circumstances there was no use in bringing it forward, to which Lord Aberdeen added: "You mean unless you sit in the chair which I now occupy?" Lord John laughed.

We discussed the probable consequences of Lord John's retirement. Lord Aberdeen thought that Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and even Lord Clarendon would secede with him, but this by no means implied that the whole party would; Lord Palmerston would not coalesce with Lord John, but try for the lead himself; Lord Clarendon quite agreed with Lord Aberdeen, and had been very angry with Lord John, but was personally under great obligations to him, and Sir James Graham had (as he said) been very much struck with the change of tone in Lord Clarendon at the last meeting of the Cabinet. Most of the Liberals seemed very much pleased with their situation. Sir James Graham had, of his own accord, told Lord Aberdeen that, in the event of Lord John's secession, he himself could not well sit in the House of Commons under so much younger a man as Mr Gladstone as Leader. He knew that there would be objections to his assuming the lead himself, but he would be quite ready to go to the House of Lords to support Lord Aberdeen.

ALBERT.

+++

[Pageheading: THE CZAR'S LETTER]

The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.[30]

18 TSARSKO, ce — Octobre 1853. 30

MADAME,—Votre Majeste connait, je l'espere, les sentiments d'affection sincere qui m'attachent a Sa personne, depuis que j'ai eu l'honneur de L'approcher. Il m'a semble qu'Elle daignait aussi m'accorder quelque bienveillance. A la veille d'evenements, peut-etre fort graves, qu'Elle daigne donc excuser si je m'adresse droit a Elle, pour essayer de prevenir des calamites, que nos deux pays ont un egal interet a eviter. J'ose le faire avec d'autant plus de confiance, que longtemps encore avant que les affaires d'Orient eussent pris la facheuse tournure qu'elles ont acquise depuis, je m'etais adresse directement a votre Majeste, par l'entremise de Sir Hamilton Seymour, pour appeler votre attention, Madame, sur des eventualites, alors encore incertaines, mais deja fort probables a mes yeux, et que je desirais eclaircir, avant tout, avec le Cabinet Anglais, pour ecarter autant qu'il m'etait possible, toute divergence d'opinion entre nous. La correspondance d'alors, qu'Elle daigne de la faire relire atteignit son but, car elle mettait le Gouvernement Anglais au fait de mes plus intimes pensees sur ces graves eventualites, tandis que, je devais au moins le penser ainsi, j'obtiens en reponse un egal expose des vues du Gouvernement de votre Majeste.

Surs ainsi de ce que nous desirions de part et d'autre, par quelle fatalite devons-nous donc, Madame, en venir a une mesintelligence aussi prononcee, sur des objets qui paraissaient convenus d'avance, ou ma parole est engagee vis-a-vis de votre Majeste, comme je crois celle du Gouvernement Anglais engagee de meme vis-a-vis de moi.

C'est a la justice, au c[oe]ur de votre Majeste que j'en appelle, c'est a Sa bonne foi et a Sa sagesse que je m'en mets qu'Elle daigne de decider entre nous.

Devons nous rester, comme je le souhaite ardemment, dans une bonne intelligence egalement profitable a nos deux Etats, ou juge-t-Elle, que le pavillon Anglais doive flotter pres du croissant, pour combattre la croix de Saint Andre!!!

Telle que soit la determination de votre Majeste, qu'Elle veuille etre persuadee de l'inalterable et sincere attachement avec lesquels je ne cesserais d'etre, de votre Majeste, le tout devoue frere et ami,

NICOLAS.

Je prie votre Majeste de vouloir bien faire mes amities a Monseigneur le Prince Albert.

[Footnote 30: Greville calls the writing of this letter an unusual step; but in sending it to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, the Queen observed that its despatch was an important and advantageous fact, as it both committed the Czar personally, and enabled her to state certain truths to him, as well as to explain privately the views which guided her own and her Ministers' conduct.]



[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S PROPOSAL]

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 5th November 1853.

Although the Queen will have the pleasure of seeing Lord Aberdeen this evening, she wishes to make some observations on the subject of Lord Stratford's last private letters communicated to her yesterday by Lord Clarendon.[31] They exhibit clearly on his part a desire for war, and to drag us into it. When he speaks of the sword which will not only have to be drawn, but the scabbard thrown away, and says, the war to be successful must be a "very comprehensive one" on the part of England and France, the intention is unmistakable, and it becomes a serious question whether we are justified in allowing Lord Stratford any longer to remain in a situation which gives him the means of frustrating all our efforts for peace. The question becomes still graver when it is considered that General Baraguay d'Hilliers seems from Lord Cowley's account of his conversation with him equally anxious for extreme measures.

The Queen must express her surprise that Lord Stratford should have coolly sent on so preposterous a proposal as Redschid Pasha's note asking for a Treaty of Alliance, the amalgamation of our Fleets with the Turkish one, and the sending of our surplus ships to the "White" Sea (!) without any hesitation or remark on his part. As the note ends, however, by saying that the Porte desires que les points ci-dessus emenes (sic) soient apprecies par les Cours d'Angleterre et de France, et que ces Cours veuillent bien declarer leur intention d'agir en consequence, this appears to the Queen to afford an admirable opportunity for stating plainly and strongly to the Turkish Government that we have no intention of being used by them for their own purposes. This time such a declaration might be handed in to the Turkish Government, so that there can be no mistake about the matter for the future.

The Queen encloses the letter and note, and wishes Lord Aberdeen to show her letter to Lord Clarendon.

[Footnote 31: Lord Stratford had written that Redschid Pasha was unable to make head against his warlike colleagues, and that unless some proposal of a decidedly satisfactory kind should come from Vienna very soon, there would be no chance of avoiding hostilities. Lord Stratford added that he had obtained a promise that no act of hostility should take place on the Turkish side before the expiration of fifteen days, and concluded with the words: "I fear that war is the decree of Fate, and our wisest part will be to do what we can to bring it to a thoroughly good conclusion."]



[Pageheading: THE QUEEN TO THE CZAR]

Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Russia.

WINDSOR CASTLE, ce 14 Novembre 1853.

SIRE ET TRES CHER FRERE,—C'est avec une profonde et sincere satisfaction que je viens de recevoir la lettre que V.M.I. a bien voulu m'ecrire le 18/30 Octobre. Je suis vivement touchee des sentiments affectueux que vous m'y temoignez. V.M. me connait assez pour savoir combien ils sont reciproques.

Je vous remercierai egalement, Sire, de la franchise avec laquelle vous me parlez des complications actuelles; je ne saurais mieux repondre aux loyales intentions de V.M. qu'en lui exprimant a mon tour, et avec toute droiture, mes opinions a ce sujet, car c'est la, j'en suis sure, le meilleur moyen de conserver utilement une amitie bien veritable.

J'ai, mon cher Frere, conformement a votre desir, relu les communications confidentielles que vous avez bien voulu me faire, ce printemps, par l'intermediaire du bon Sir Hamilton Seymour, et les reponses que mon Gouvernement a recu l'ordre d'adresser a V.M.

Bien qu'une difference d'opinion tres notable devint alors evidente entre V.M. et moi relativement a la maniere d'envisager l'etat de la Turquie et l'appreciation de sa vitalite, le Memorandum de V.M. en date du 3/15 Avril vint neanmoins dissiper de la maniere la plus heureuse ces facheuses apprehensions; car il m'annoncait que, si nous n'etions pas d'accord sur l'etat de sante de l'Empire Ottoman, nous l'etions cependant sur la necessite, pour le laisser vivre, de ne point lui faire des demandes humiliantes, pourvu que tout le monde en agit de meme, et que personne n'abusat de sa faiblesse pour obtenir des avantages exclusifs. V.M. dans ce but, daigna meme se declarer prete "a travailler de concert avec l'Angleterre a l'[oe]uvre commune de prolonger l'existence de l'Empire Turque, en evitant toute cause d'alarme au sujet de sa dissolution."

J'avais de plus la conviction qu'il n'existait et ne pouvait exister au fond aucune divergence d'opinion entre nous au sujet des reclamations relatives aux Lieux-Saints, reclamations qui, j'avais droit de le croire, constituaient le seul grief de la Russie contre la Porte.

Je mets, Sire, la confiance la plus entiere dans la parole que V.M. a bien voulu me donner alors, et, que les assurances subsequentes, dues a votre amitie, sont venues confirmer, en me donnant la connaissance de Vos intentions. Personne n'apprecie plus que moi la haute loyaute de V.M., et je voudrais que les convictions que j'ai a cet egard pussent seules resoudre toutes les difficultes. Mais quelle que soit la purete des motifs qui dirigent les actions du Souverain meme le plus eleve par le caractere, V.M. sait que ses qualites personnelles ne sont point suffisantes dans des transactions internationales par lesquelles un Etat se lie envers un autre en de solennels engagements; et les veritables intentions de V.M. ont ete a coup sur meconnues et mal interpretees, a cause de la forme donnee au reclamations adressees a la Porte.

Ayant a c[oe]ur, Sire, d'examiner ce qui avait pu produire ce facheux malentendu, mon attention a ete naturellement attiree par l'article 7 du Traite de Kainardji; et je dois dire a V.M. qu'apres avoir consulte, sur le sens qui pouvait avoir ete attache a cet article, les personnes les plus competentes de ce pays-ci; apres l'avoir relu ensuite moi-meme, avec le plus sincere desir d'impartialite, je suis arrivee a la conviction que cet article n'etait point susceptible de l'extension qu'on y a voulu donner. Tous les amis de V.M. ont, comme moi, la certitude que vous n'auriez point abuse du pouvoir, que vous eut ainsi ete accorde; mais une demande de ce genre, pouvait a peine etre acceptee par un Souverain qui tient a son independance.

Je ne cacherai pas davantage a V.M. l'impression douloureuse qu'a produit sur moi l'occupation des Principautes. Cette occupation a cause, depuis les quatres derniers mois, une perturbation generale en Europe, et pourrait amener des evenements ulterieurs que je deplorerais d'un commun accord avec V.M. Mais, comme les intentions de V.M. envers la Porte sont, je le sais, amicales et desinteressees, j'ai toute confiance que vous trouverez le moyen de les exprimer et mettre a execution de maniere a detourner de plus graves dangers, que tous mes efforts, je vous assure, tendront sans cesse a empecher. L'attention impartiale avec laquelle j'ai suivi les causes qui ont fait echouer jusqu'a present toutes les tentatives de conciliation, me donne la ferme conviction qu'il n'existe pas d'obstacle reel qui ne puisse etre ecarte ou promptement surmonte avec l'assistance de V.M.

Je n'abandonne point l'espoir de cet heureux resultat, meme apres les tristes conflits qui ont fait couler le sang dans les Principautes; car j'ai la foi en Dieu que lorsque de toute part les intentions sont droites et lorsque les interets bien entendus sont communs, le Tout-Puissant ne permettra pas que l'Europe entiere qui contient deja tant d'elements inflammables, soit exposee a une conflagration generale.

Que Dieu veille sur les jours de V.M.; et croyez, Sire, a l'attachement sincere avec lequel je suis, Sire et cher Frere, de votre Majeste Imperiale, la bien bonne S[oe]ur et Amie,

VICTORIA R.

Albert est tres sensible au souvenir de V.M. et me prie de le mettre a vos pieds.



[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN'S SCRUPLES]

The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.

LONDON, 26th November 1853.

Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The Cabinet met to-day for the consideration of the overtures made by the French Government for the settlement of the Eastern Question.[32] These proposals were in substance adopted; although a considerable change was made in their form, and in some of their details. The step now taken is evidently wise; but Lord Aberdeen can scarcely venture to hope that it will be attended with success. Pacific language is accompanied with insulting and hostile acts; and it remains to be seen what effect will be produced on the Emperor of Russia by the entrance of English and French ships of war into the Black Sea, under the pretext of bringing off Consuls from Varna, and of looking after the grain-ships at the Sulina mouth of the Danube. This information has hitherto been only communicated by telegraph; but it is calculated to lead to serious consequences, of which Lord Stratford must be perfectly well aware.

[Footnote 32: The Emperor had made certain suggestions to Lord Cowley, which the British Government were willing to adopt; but the anti-Russian feeling was increasing daily in the nation, and, as will be seen from the Queen's letter of the 27th of November, Lord Stratford seemed resolved on war.]



Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.

OSBORNE, 27th November 1853.

The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday. She is sorry to find that after all a considerable change was made in the form of the French proposal. She is not aware at present of what that change consists in and is therefore unable to form an opinion as to the effects of its introduction, but she quite concurs in Lord Aberdeen's apprehensions with regard to the effect of Lord Stratford's orders to the Fleet. The perusal of Lord Stratford's Despatches of the 5th inst. has given the Queen the strongest impression that, whilst guarding himself against the possibility of being called to account for acting in opposition to his instructions, he is pushing us deeper and deeper into the War policy which we wish to escape. Wherefore should three poor Turkish steamers go to the Crimea, but to beard the Russian Fleet and tempt it to come out of Sebastopol, which would thus constitute the much desired contingency for our combined Fleets to attack it, and so engage us irretrievably!

The Queen must seriously call upon Lord Aberdeen and the Cabinet to consider whether they are justified in allowing such a state of things to continue!



[Pageheading: THE CZAR TO THE QUEEN]

The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.

2 S. PETERSBOURG, le — Decembre 1853. 14

MADAME,—Je remercie votre Majeste d'avoir eu la bonte de repondre aussi amicalement que franchement a la lettre que j'ai eu l'honneur de lui ecrire. Je la remercie egalement de la foi qu'elle accorde a ma parole,—je crois le meriter, je l'avoue,—28 annees d'une vie politique, souvent fort penible, ne peuvent donner le droit a personne d'en douter.

Je me permets aussi, contrairement a l'avis de votre Majeste, de penser, qu'en affaires publiques et en relations de pays a pays, rien ne peut etre plus sacre et ne l'est en effet a mes yeux que la parole souveraine, car elle decide en derniere instance de la paix ou de la guerre. Je ne fatiguerais certes pas l'attention de votre Majeste par un examen detaille du sens qu'elle donne a l'article 7 du Traite de Kainardji; j'assurerais seulement, Madame, que depuis 80 ans la Russie et la Porte l'ont compris ainsi que nous le faisons encore. Ce sens-la n'a ete interrompu qu'en derniers temps, a la suite d'instigations que votre Majeste connait aussi bien que moi. Le retablir dans son reception primitive et la justifier par un engagement plus solennel, tel est le but de mes efforts, tel il sera, Madame, quand meme le sang devrait couler encore contre mon v[oe]u le plus ardent; parce que c'est une question vitale pour la Russie, et mes efforts ne lui sont impossibles pour y satisfaire.

Si j'ai du occuper les Principautes, ce que je regrette autant que votre Majeste, c'est encore Madame, parce que les libertes dont ces provinces jouissent, leurs ont ete acquises au prix du sang Russe, et par moi-meme Madame les annees 1828 et 29. Il ne s'agit donc pas de conquetes, mais a la veille d'un conflit que l'on rendait de plus en plus probable, il eut ete indigne de moi de les livrer surement a la main des ennemis du Christianisme, dont les persecutions ne sont un secret que pour ceux qui veulent l'ignorer. J'esperais avoir repondu ainsi aux doutes et aux regrets de votre Majeste avec la plus entiere franchise. Elle veut bien me dire qu'Elle ne doute pas qu'avec mon aide le retablissement de la paix ne soit encore possible, malgre le sang repandu; j'y reponds de grand c[oe]ur, Oui, Madame, si les organes des volontes de votre Majeste executent fidelement ses ordres et ses intentions bienveillantes. Les miennes n'out pas varie des le debut de cette triste episode. Reculer devant le danger, comme vouloir maintenant autre chose que je n'ai voulu en violant ma parole, serait au-dessous de moi, et le noble c[oe]ur de votre Majeste doit le comprendre.

J'ajouterais encore que son c[oe]ur saignera en apprenant les horreurs qui se commettent deja par les hordes sauvages, pres desquels flotte le pavillon Anglais!!!

Je la remercie cordialement des v[oe]ux qu'Elle veut bien faire pour moi; tant que ma vie se prolongera ils seront reciproques de ma part. Je suis heureux de le Lui dire, en l'assurant du sincere attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame, de votre Majeste, le tout devoue Frere and Ami,

NICOLAS.

Je me rappelle encore une fois au bon souvenir de Son Altesse Royale le Prince Albert et le remercie egalement de ses paroles obligeantes.



[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON AND REFORM]

The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.

LONDON, 6th December 1853.

... As Lord John Russell will have the honour of seeing your Majesty to-morrow, he will be able to explain to your Majesty the present state of the discussions on Reform, and the progress of the Measure.[33] Lord Aberdeen feels it to be his duty to inform your Majesty that on Saturday evening he received a visit from Lord Palmerston, who announced his decided objection to the greater part of the proposed plan.[34] He did this in such positive terms that Lord Aberdeen should imagine he had made up his mind not to give the Measure his support; but Lord John entertains considerable doubt that such is the case.

Lord Aberdeen thinks it by no means improbable that Lord Palmerston may also desire to separate himself from the Government, in consequence of their pacific policy, and in order to take the lead of the War Party and the Anti-Reformers in the House of Commons, who are essentially the same. Such a combination would undoubtedly be formidable; but Lord Aberdeen trusts that it would not prove dangerous. At all events, it would tend greatly to the improvement of Lord John's Foreign Policy.

[Footnote 33: On the 19th of November Lord John had written to the Queen outlining the Reform proposals of the Committee of the Cabinet. The Queen subsequently wrote to make additional suggestions, e.g., for finding a means of bringing into the House official persons or men without local connections, and for dealing with Ministerial re-elections.]

[Footnote 34: Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Lansdowne, giving an account of the affair:—

"CARLTON GARDENS, 8th December 1853.

"MY DEAR LANSDOWNE,—I have had two conversations with Aberdeen on the subject of John Russell's proposed Reform Bill, and I have said that there are three points in it to which I cannot agree.

"These points are—the extent of disfranchisement, the extent of enfranchisement, and the addition of the Municipal Franchise in Boroughs to the L10 Householder Franchise....

"We should by such an arrangement increase the number of bribeable Electors, and overpower intelligence and property by ignorance and poverty.

"I have told Aberdeen that I am persuaded that the Measure as proposed by John Russell and Graham will not pass through the two Houses of Parliament without material modifications, and that I do not choose to be a party to a contest between the two Houses or to an Appeal to the Country for a Measure of which I decidedly disapprove; and that I cannot enter into a career which would lead me to such a position, that, in short, I do not choose to be dragged through the dirt by John Russell. I reminded Aberdeen that on accepting his offer of Office, I had expressed apprehension both to him and to you, that I might find myself differing from my Colleagues on the question of Parliamentary Reform.

"I have thought a good deal on this matter. I should be very sorry to give up my present Office at this moment: I have taken a great interest in it, and I have matters in hand which I should much wish to bring to a conclusion. Moreover, I think that the presence in the Cabinet of a person holding the opinions which I entertain as to the principles on which our Foreign Affairs ought to be conducted, is useful in modifying the contrary system of Policy, which, as I think, injuriously to the interests and dignity of the Country, there is a disposition in other quarters to pursue; but notwithstanding all this. I cannot consent to stand forward as one of the Authors and Supporters of John Russell's sweeping alterations. Yours sincerely,

PALMERSTON."]



[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON'S POSITION]

The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen.

OSBORNE, 9th December 1853.

MY DEAR LORD ABERDEEN,—The Queen has consulted with Lord John Russell upon the Reform plan, and on the question of Lord Palmerston's position with regard to it; and he will doubtless give you an account of what passed. She wishes me, however, to tell you likewise what strikes her with respect to Lord Palmerston. It appears to the Queen clear that the Reform Bill will have no chance of success unless prepared and introduced in Parliament by a united Cabinet; that, if Lord Palmerston has made up his mind to oppose it and to leave the Government, there will be no use in trying to keep him in it, and that there will be danger in allowing him to attend the discussions of the Cabinet, preparing all the time his line of attack; that if a successor to him would after all have to be found at the Home Office, it will be unfair not to give that important member of the Government full opportunity to take his share in the preparation and deliberation on the measure to which his consent would be asked. Under these circumstances it becomes of the highest importance to ascertain—

1. What the amount of objection is that Lord Palmerston entertains to the Measure;

2. What the object of the declaration was, which he seems to have made to you.

This should be obtained in writing, so as to make all future misrepresentation impossible, and on this alone a decision can well be taken, and, in the Queen's opinion, even the Cabinet could alone deliberate.

Should Lord Palmerston have stated his objections with the view of having the Measure modified it will be right to consider how far that can safely be done, and for the Queen, also, to balance the probable value of the modification with the risk of allowing Lord Palmerston to put himself at the head of the Opposition Party, entailing as it does the possibility of his forcing himself back upon her as leader of that Party.

Should he on the other hand consider his declaration as a "notice to quit," the ground upon which he does so should be clearly put on record, and no attempt should be made to damage the character of the Measure in the vain hope of propitiating him. Ever yours truly,

ALBERT.



[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON RESIGNS]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

OSBORNE, 16th December 1853.

Lord Aberdeen arrived yesterday and returned to-day to meet the Cabinet to-morrow. Lord Palmerston has sent in his resignation in a short note to Lord Aberdeen, a further correspondence with Lord John and Lord Lansdowne, Lord Aberdeen put into my hands, and I have copied the two most important letters which follow here.

Lord John is reported as very angry, calling Lord Palmerston's conduct "treacherous," a term Lord Aberdeen hardly understands, as against him he has been perfectly consistent with regard to the Reform Measure, from the beginning, and had frequently denied the necessity of Reform.... Lord Aberdeen had advised Lord John to show boldness and energy, and to undertake the Home Office at once himself; this would have a great effect under the difficulties of the circumstances, would show that he was in earnest and determined to carry his Reform Measure. Lord John seemed hit by the idea, but asked for time to consider; after seeing Lady John, however, he declined.

Lord Aberdeen's fears are still mainly as to the Eastern Question, Lord John pressing for war measures. Lord Aberdeen had followed my advice, and had a long explanation on the subject, in which they both agreed that their policy should be one of Peace, and he thought matters settled when Lord John now asks for contingent engagements to make war on Russia if her forces cross the Danube (which Lord Aberdeen thinks quite uncalled for), and to convoy the Turkish expeditions in the Black Sea, even if directed against Russian territory, etc., etc. The Cabinet is certain not to agree to either of these propositions.

When Lord Aberdeen announced the intended rupture with Lord Palmerston to Lord John, he drily said: "Well, it would be very awkward for you if Palmerston quarrels one day with you about Reform, and I the next about Turkey!"

There can be no doubt that Lord Palmerston will at once try to put himself at the head of the late Protectionist party, and, with the present indifference of the Country upon Reform, the fate of the Bill is by no means certain. On the question of Peace or War, Lord Aberdeen is quite certain that the House of Commons will adopt no war resolutions.

Much will depend, however, on the line taken by Lord Lansdowne, who has great influence in the House of Lords, and whose secession would spread great alarm over the Country as to the real tendency of the Measure (which the Duke of Newcastle describes as in fact a great increase of power to the land[35]). We agree that the Queen should write to him to prevent any hasty step.

The Queen sanctioned the offer of the Home Office to Sir George Grey, and of a seat in the Cabinet to Mr Cardwell (the President of the Board of Trade).

ALBERT.

[Footnote 35: I.e., the landed interest.]



[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE AND REFORM]

Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.

OSBORNE, 16th December 1853.

The Queen has been made very anxious by the Resignation of Lord Palmerston, but still more so by hearing that Lord Lansdowne has not been able to reconcile himself to the Measure of Reform as now proposed in the Cabinet, which has caused Lord Palmerston's withdrawal. Lord Lansdowne is aware of the paramount importance which the Queen attaches to a safe settlement of that question, and to the maintenance of her present Government; and she would press upon Lord Lansdowne not to commit himself to a final determination before she shall have an opportunity of seeing him. The Queen will go to Windsor on Thursday, and hold a Council on Friday, at which it may perhaps be convenient to Lord Lansdowne to attend, and it will give the Queen the greatest pleasure to find that Lord John Russell has succeeded in removing Lord Lansdowne's objections.



[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S DESPATCH]

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.

OSBORNE, 17th December 1853.

The Queen returns the enclosed Draft and Despatch to Lord Clarendon.

She has never been so much perplexed respecting any decision she has had to make, as in the present instance. She has read Lord Stratford's Despatch (358) over several times, and she is struck, every time more, with the consummate ability with which it is written and argued; but also with the difficulty in which it places the person reading it to extract distinctly what the Porte will be prepared to concede.

The concluding passage of the Draft involves the most important consequences. As the Queen understands it, it promises war with Russia in a given contingency, but the contingency is: Russia rejecting terms which are "in their spirit and character such as Your Excellency sets forth in your Despatch." The Queen finds it impossible to make such tremendous consequences dependent upon such vague expressions. The more so, as "the spirit and character" alluded to, appears to her to be, as if purposely, obscure.

When Lord Stratford says, that the Turks would be satisfied "with a renewal in clear and comprehensive terms of the formal Declarations and Treaties already existing in favour of the Porte"—the Queen cannot understand what is meant—as all the former Treaties between Russia and Turkey have certainly not been in favour of the Porte. Nor is it clear to the Queen whether "the clear and unquestionable deliverance from Russian interference applied to spiritual matters" is compatible with the former treaties.

Whilst the Queen, therefore, perfectly agrees in the principle that, should Russia "for its own unjustifiable objects, show herself regardless of the best interests of Europe" by rejecting every fair term, the time will have arrived "for adopting measures of more active coercion against her"—she cannot sanction such a Declaration except on terms which are so clear in themselves as to exclude all misinterpretation.



[Pageheading: SINOPE]

Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.

(Undated.)

The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 19th, and enclosures. She approves the Draft to Vienna, and asks to have a copy of it, together with the Despatch from Lord Westmorland to which it refers.

She also approves of the Draft to Lord Cowley, with certain exceptions, viz., on the second page our accordance with the views of the French Government "upon the utterly unjustifiable course that Russia has pursued," etc., is stated. If, as the Queen must read it, this refers to the affair at Sinope,[36] it is a dangerous assertion, as we have yet no authentic account of the circumstances of the case, which would make it possible to judge what degree of justification there might have been. The sentence should, at any rate, be qualified by some expression such as "as far as we know," or "should present accounts prove correct," etc.

The word "utterly" might under any circumstances be left out, as a state of War is in itself a justification of a battle.

On page four the words "by sea" will have to be added to make the statement precise and correct.

The concluding sentence, the Queen must consider as tantamount to a declaration of war, which, under the guarded conditions however attached to it, she feels she cannot refuse to sanction. It would, in the Queen's opinion, be necessary, however, distinctly and fully to acquaint the Russian Government with the step now agreed upon.

Lord Palmerston's mode of proceeding always had that advantage, that it threatened steps which it was hoped would not become necessary, whilst those hitherto taken, started on the principle of not needlessly offending Russia by threats, obliging us at the same time to take the very steps which we refused to threaten.

The Queen has to make one more and a most serious observation. The Fleet has orders now to prevent a recurrence of such disasters as that of Sinope. This cannot mean that it should protect the Turkish Fleet in acts of aggression upon the Russian territory, such as an attack on Sebastopol, of which the papers speak. This point will have to be made quite clear, both to Lord Stratford and the Turks.

The Queen would also wish to have copies of the Draft, when corrected, of Lord Cowley's Despatch.

[Footnote 36: On the 30th of November the Russian Fleet from Sevastopol attacked the Turkish squadron in the harbour of Sinope, a naval station in the Black Sea, and destroyed it. The feeling in the country against Russia was greatly inflamed by the incident, which was referred to as the "massacre of Sinope."]



[Pageheading: PUBLIC FEELING]

Memorandum by the Prince Albert.

WINDSOR CASTLE, 25th December 1853.

Lord Aberdeen had an Audience of the Queen yesterday afternoon. He reported that some of his colleagues, Sir C. Wood, the Duke of Newcastle, and Mr Gladstone, had been very anxious that Lord Palmerston should be readmitted into the Cabinet; they had had interviews with him in which he had expressed his hope to be allowed to reconsider his step. Lady Palmerston had been most urgent upon this point with her husband. All the people best conversant with the House of Commons stated that the Government had no chance of going on with Lord Palmerston in opposition, and with the present temper of the public, which was quite mad about the Oriental Question and the disaster at Sinope. Even Sir W. Molesworth shared this opinion.

Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he begs to have his resignation considered as not having taken place, as it arose entirely from a misapprehension on his part, his having believed that none of the details of the Reform Measure were yet open for consideration, he had quite agreed in the principle of the Measure! Lord Aberdeen saw Lord John and Sir J. Graham, who convinced themselves that under the circumstances nothing else remained to be done. Lord Aberdeen having asked Lord John whether he should tell the Queen that it was a political necessity, he answered: "Yes, owing to the shabbiness of your colleagues," to which Lord Aberdeen rejoined: "Not shabbiness; cowardice is the word."

Lord Aberdeen owns that the step must damage the Government, although it ought to damage Lord Palmerston still more. Lord John's expression was: "Yes, it would ruin anybody but Palmerston."

Lord Aberdeen thinks, however, that he can make no further difficulties about Reform, and he, Lord John, and Graham were determined to make no material alterations in the Bill. Graham is suspicious lest the wish to get Palmerston in again, on the part of a section of the Cabinet, was an intrigue to get the Measure emasculated. Lord Aberdeen does not believe this....

Lord Aberdeen describes Lord John's feeling as very good and cordial towards him. He, Lord John, had even made him a long speech to show his gratitude for Lord Aberdeen's kindness to him.

ALBERT.



[Pageheading: PALMERSTON RESUMES OFFICE]

The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.

LONDON, 26th December 1853.

Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, has the honour of enclosing copies of Lord Palmerston's letter to him,[37] and of his answer. Lord Aberdeen was not without some apprehension of receiving a rejoinder; but instead of which, a note arrived this morning, merely asking if a Cabinet was likely to be summoned in the course of the week, as he was going into the country; in fact, a note just as if nothing whatever has taken place!

[Footnote 37: Lord Palmerston wrote: "I find ... that I was mistaken in inferring from your letter that the details of the intended Reform Bill had been finally settled by the Government, and that no objection to any part of those details would be listened to." He went on to say that, under the circumstances, he could not decline to comply with the wish of many members of the Government that he should withdraw his resignation.]



Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld. London and Aylesbury. Paper supplied by John Dickinson & Co., Ld., London.

* * * *



Transcriber's Note:

[ae] and [oe] are used for the diphthongs/ligatures in (mostly) French words. (e.g. c[oe]ur, heart; s[oe]ur, sister; ch[oe]ur; choir).

The original pageheadings have been retained, and moved to appropriate positions, at the beginning of letters and text to which they refer, so as not to interrupt the flow of the text. Thus, a long letter may be prefaced by two, or even three pageheadings. Likewise, footnotes have been moved to the end of the appropriate letter, or the appropriate paragraph, in the case of longer pieces of text.

Mr or Mr.

Most instances of this form of address, in the book, are 'Mr', without the period. There are a few spelt as 'Mr.', with the period. These have been left as they appeared in the original book.

Russian Dates.

The difference between the Russian Calendar and the Calendar used in Western Europe was 12 days...22nd March 1848, in Great Britain and Western Europe, was 3rd April in Russia; 8th April 1853, in Great Britain and Western Europe, was 20th April in Russia, etc.



ERRATA (and sic):

Obvious punctuation errors have been repaired.

Pages 124/5: 'Wellingon' corrected to 'Wellington' [Footnote 6: The Duke of Wellington wrote to Croker, 19th of December 1846...]

Page 146: '1843' corrected to '1848'. CLAREMONT, 11th January 1848.

Page 173: 'sacrified' corrected to 'sacrificed' ... interests (those of the smaller Sovereigns) are not sacrificed....

Page 186, Footnote 33: 'De Tallenay' corrected to 'de Tallenay'

Page 187: Innspruck (sic: alternative spelling)

Page 332: happness corrected to happiness.

Page 341: 'you' corrected to 'your' (Ever your devoted Niece....)

Page 388: 'Excehquer' corrected to 'Exchequer' (The Chancellor of the Excehquer)

Page 389: 'you' corrected to 'your' (ever your truly devoted Niece,)

Page 403: 'decidedy' corrected to 'decidedly' (and that they were decidedly acting together.)

Page 443: 'an at' corrected to at an (... should be at an end.)

Page 458: 'Queston' corrected to 'Question' (the Oriental Question.)

Page 471: 'opnion' corrected to 'opinion' (... shared this opinion.)

THE END