The Lynngams do not tattoo. Their weapons are the large-headed Garo spear, the dao, and the shield. They do not usually carry bows and arrows, although there are some who possess them. They are by occupation cultivators. They sow two kinds of hill rice, red and white, on the hill-sides. They have no wet paddy cultivation, and they do not cultivate in terraces like the Nagas. They burn the jungle about February, after cutting down some of the trees and clearing away some of the debris, and then sow the paddy broadcast, without cultivating the ground in any way. They also cultivate millet and Jobs-tears in the same way. With the paddy chillies are sown the first year. The egg plant, arum, ginger, turmeric, and sweet potatoes of several varieties are grown by them in a similar manner. Those that rear the lac insect plant landoo tress (Hindi arhal dal) in the forest clearings, and rear the insect thereon. Some of these people, however, are prohibited by a custom of their own from cultivating the landoo, in which case they plant certain other trees favourable to the growth of the lac insect. The villages are situated near their patches of cultivation in the forest. The villages are constantly shifting, owing to the necessity of burning fresh tracts of forest every two years. The houses are entirely built of bamboo, and, for such temporary structures, are very well built. In front, the houses are raised some 3 or 4 ft. from the ground on platforms, being generally built on the side of a fairly steep hill, one end of the house resting on the ground, and the other on bamboo posts. The back end of the house is sometimes some 8 or 9 ft. from the ground. At the end of the house farthest away from the village path is a platform used for sitting out in the evening, and for spreading chillies and other articles to dry. Some Lynngam houses have only one room in which men, women, and children an all huddled together, the hearth being in the centre, and, underneath the platform, the pigs. Well-to-do people, however, possess a retiring room, where husband and wife sleep. A house I measured at Nongsohbar village was of the following dimensions:—Length, 42 ft; breadth, 16 ft.; height of house from the ground to the eaves, front, 9 ft.; back 18 ft. Houses are built with a portion of the thatch hanging over the eaves in front. No explanation could be given me for this. It is probably a Garo custom. In some Lynngam villages there are houses in the centre of the village where the young unmarried men sleep, where male guests are accommodated, and where the village festivities go on. These are similar to the dekachang or bachelors' club-houses of the Mikirs, Garos, and Lalungs, and to the morang of the Nagas. This is a custom of the Thibeto-Burman tribes in Assam, and is not a Khasi institution. There are also high platforms, some 12 ft. or 15 ft. in height, in Lynngam villages, where the elders sit of an evening in the hot weather and take the air. Lynngam houses and villages are usually much cleaner than the ordinary Khasi villages, and although the Lynngams keep pigs, they do not seems to be so much en evidence as in the Khasi village. There is little or no furniture in a Lynngam house. The Lynngam sleeps on a mat on the floor, and in odd weather covers himself with a quilt, made out of the bark of a tree, which is beaten out and then carefully woven, several layers of flattened bark being used before the right thickness is attained. This quilt is called by the Lynngam "Ka syllar" (Garo simpak). Food is cooked in earthen pots, but no plates are used, the broad leaves of the mariang tree taking their place. The leaves are thrown away after use, a fresh supply being required for each meal.

The Lynngams brew rice beer, they do no distil spirit; the beer is brewed according to the Khasi method. Games they have none, and there are no jovial archery meetings like those of the Khasis. The Lynngam methods of hunting are setting spring guns and digging pitfalls for game. The people say that now the Government and the Siem of Nongstoin have prohibited both of these methods of destroying game, they no longer employ them. But I came across a pitfall for deer not long ago in the neighbourhood of a village in the Lynngam country. The people declared it to be a very old one; but this I very much doubt, and I fear that these objectionable methods of hunting are still used. The Lynngams fish to a small extent with nets, but their idea of fishing, par excellence, is poisoning the streams, an account of which has already been given in this monograph. The Lynngams are omnivorous feeders, they may be said to eat everything except dogs, snakes, the huluk monkey, and lizards. They like rice, when they can get it; for sometimes the out-turn of their fields does not last them more than a few months. They then have to fall back on Jobstears and millet. They eat arums largely, and for vegetables they cook wild plantains and the young shoots of bamboos and cane plants. The Lynngams are divided up into exogamous clans in the same manner as the Khasis. The clans are overgrown families. The Lynngams have some stories regarding the founders of these clans, of which the following is a specimen:—"A woman was asleep under a sohbar tree in the jungle, a flower from which fell on her, and she conceived and bore a female child who was the ancestress of the Nongsohbar clan." Some of the stories of the origins of other clans do not bear repeating. There do not appear to be any hypergamous groups. As with the Khasis, it is a deadly sin to marry any one belonging to your own kur, or clan. Unlike the Khasis, however, a Lynngam can marry two sisters at a time. The Lynngam marriages are arranged by ksiangs, or go-betweens much in the same way as Khasi marriages; but the ritual observed is less elaborate, and shows a mixture of Khasi and Garo customs (see section III.). The Lynngams intermarry with the Garos. It appears that sometimes the parents of girls exact bride-money, and marriages by capture have been heard of. Both of these customs are more characteristic of the Bodo tribes of the plains than of the Khasis. There are no special birth customs, as with the Khasis, except that when the umbilical cord falls a fowl is sacrificed, and the child is brought outside the house. Children are named without any special ceremony. The death customs of the Lynngams have been described in Section III. A peculiar characteristic is the keeping of the dead body in the house for days, sometimes even for several months, before it is burnt. The putrefying corpse inside the house seems to cause these people no inconvenience, for whilst it remains there, they eat, carry on their ordinary avocations, and sleep there, regardless of what would be considered by others an intolerable nuisance. The religion of these people consists of a mixture of ancestor-worship and the propitiation of the spirits of fell and fall, which are, most of them, believed to be of evil influence, as is the case with other savage races. As with the people of Nongstoin, the primaeval ancestress, "ka Iaw bei," is worshipped for the welfare of the clan, a sow being sacrificed to her, with a gourd of rice-beer, and leaves of the oak, or dieng-sning tree. The leaves of the oak are afterwards hung up inside the house, together with the jaw bone of the pig. Sacrifices are offered to a forest demon, U Bang-jang (a god who brings illness), by the roadside; also to Ka Miang Bylli U Majymma, the god of cultivation, at seed time, on the path to the forest clearing where the seed is sown. Models of paddy stone-houses, baskets and agricultural implements are made, sand being used to indicate the grain. These are placed by the roadside, the skulls of the sacrificial animals and the feathers of fowls being hung up on bamboo about the place where the has been performed. There are no priests or lyngdohs, the fathers of the hamlet performing the various ceremonies. The Lynngams possess no head-hunting customs, as far as it has been possible to ascertain. These people are still wild and uncivilized. Although they do not, as a rule, give trouble, from an administrative point of view, a very serious dacoity, accompanied by murder, was committed by certain Lynngams at an Assamese village on the outskirts of the Lynngam country a few years ago. The victims were two Merwari merchants and their servant, as well as another man. These people were brutally murdered by the Lynngams, and robbed of their property. The offenders were, however, successfully traced and arrested by Inspector Raj Mohan Das, and several of them suffered capital punishment, the remainder being transported for life.



CHAPTER VII

Language

Before commencing to describe the more salient features of the Khasi language, its grammar, and syntax, it seems to be of importance to show how intimately connected Khasi is with some of the languages of Further India. In the middle of the last century Logan pointed out affinity between Khasi and these languages, but it has been left to Professor Kuhn to prove this connection to demonstration. The examples of comparative vocabularies which follow are taken from Kuhn's "Beitraege zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens," Sir George Scott's "Upper Burma Gazetteer," and Sir George Campbell's lists. It will be seen from the collections of words that follow how Khasi possesses many words in common with Mon or Talaing, Khmer, Suk, Stieng, Bahnar, Annam, Khamen-Boram, Xong, Samre, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, and Wa. There is some correspondence, although perhaps to a lesser degree, between Khasi and the Ho-Munda languages and those of Malacca and the Nancowry language of the Nicobar Islands.

Let us now examine the table of numerals. The Khasi word for 1 is wei, but in the Amwi dialect of Khasi it is mi. In Khmu the word is mui, also in Suk; in Mon mwoi and in Xong moi. The word for 2 is identical in Khasi and Lemet, viz., ar. The word for 3, viz. lai, is identical in Khasi and Wa: also compare Lemet lohe. Khasi saw and Lakadong thaw for 4 are, however, deviating forms. In the case of 5, if we cut out the prefix m in the Mon word m'san, we have fairly close agreement with the Khasi san. In the numeral 6, if we cut out the prefix hin of the Khasi (hin)riw, and the initial t of Mon and Suk t'rou, trou, we have close agreement. In the Khasi words for 7 and 8 the syllable hin is but a prefix. This is also probably the case in the Khasi word (khyn)dai for 9, and the shi in the Khasi word shiphew, 10, merely means one.

Numerals.

Sue. Mon or Suk. Stieng. Bahnar. Annam. Khmen Xong. Samre. Talaing. Boran.

1 mue mwoi mui muoi moin, mot mnay moi moe ming 2 bar ba bar bar bar hai bar pra pra 3 pei pi pe pei peng ba peh pe pe 4 puon pan puon puon puon bon pon pon pon 5 sung m'sun sung pram (po)dam nam pram pram pram 6 thpat t'rou trou prou (to)trou sau krong dam kadon 7 thpol t'pah pho poh (to)po bay grul kanul kanul 8 thkol dc'am tam pham (to)ngam tam kati kati katai 9 thke d'ceit kin en (to)xin chin kansar kasa katea 10 muchit cah chit jemat min muoi uai rai rai jet jit chuk

Khan. Lomei. Palaung. Wa. Dialects of Khasi. Khasi. Lakadong. Amwi. Synteng. Mymar or Jirang.

1 mui mus(mos) le te wei bi mi wi mi 2 bar ar e(a) ra(a) ar a o ar ir 3 pe lohe oe lai lai loi la la lei 4 puon pun(pon) phun pon saw thaw sia so so 5 pfuong pan phan hpawn(fan) san than san san san 6 tol tal to laiya(lia) (hin)riw thro thrau ynro threi 7 kul pul phu a-laiya (hin)iew (hum)thloi ynthla ynniaw ynthlei (alia) 8 ti ta ta s'te(su'te) phra humpya humphyo phra humpyir 9 kash tim tim s'ti(su'ti) (khyn)dai hunsulai hunshia khyndo khyndai 10 kan kel ken(ko) kao (shi)phew shiphai shipho (shi)phaw shiphi

It will be seen that there is considerable similarity in the numerals of the different languages up to six, the correspondence being most strongly marked in the numerals 1, 2, 5, and 6. If we remember that primitive people seldom can count higher than the number of digits of one hand, the dissimilarity in the numerals, as the end of the decade is approached, is probably explained. As the different people speaking these languages advanced in civilization they learned to count further; but by this time they had become in some cases like those of the Khasis, the Palaungs, and Mons, widely separated from one another. As they advanced in civilization, and found the necessity of an improved notation, they manufactured numerals which differed from one another, although they retained the first few numerals they had made use of in their days of savagery. Let us now study some extracts from Kuhn's interesting comparative vocabulary. [42] We find many instances of agreement. I give some examples:—

Heaven.—Palaung, pleng; Khmer, plieng (rain); Xong, pleng; Khasi, bneng. Mynnar (Jirang) phanliang seems to be very near Khmer phlieng, and Palaung, and Xong pleng.

Day (Sun)—Khmer, thngay; Mon, tuyai; Annam; ngay; Lemet, ngay pri; Palaung, sengei; Khasi, sngi; Lakadong, sngoi; Kol singi.

Year.—Mon, snam; Annam, nam; Stieng, so'nam; Bahnar, sandm; Khasi, snem.

Lightning:—Mon, l'li; Khasi, leilih.

Stone, Rock.—Mon, tma, k'maw; Stieng, to'mau; Bahn, tmo, temo; Khmer, thma; Xong, tmo; Palaung, mau; Ba, maou; Khasi, maw; Wa, hsi-mo, hsi-mao. Also compare Mynnar (Jirang) smaw.

Water.—Palaung, em; Khasi, um; Lakadong, am; Amwi, am; Mynnar (Jirang), um; Rumai, om. Probably the Stieng um, to bathe, can be connected with the Khasi word for water.

Sea, pond, or tank—Khmer, ping; Khasi, pung.

Rice.—Mon, sro, paddy, seems to be in connection with Khmer, srur (spoken srau or srou). Xong ruko is in Palaung rekao, sakao, or takao. These words remind us of the Khasi khaw, which seems to be borrowed from the Shan khaw (hkao hsau).

Dog.—The common word for this animal will be found to be nearly the same in sound in many of these languages, e.g. Suk. cho; Stieng, sou; Bahnar, ko, cho; Annam, cho; Xong, tcho; Mi, khmu; Lemet, so; Palaung, tsao, hsao; Khasi; ksew. The Mon khluiw is the same as the Khasi ksew, if l is changed into s. The Lakadong and Synteng dialects of Khasi have ksaw, and Mynnar (Jirang) ksow.

Rat, mouse.—Mon, kni, gni; Stieng, ko'nei; Bahnar, kone; Khasi, khnai.

Swine.—Bahnar niung is evidently Khasi 'niang, the abbreviated form of sniang.

Tiger.—Mon, kla; Stieng, klah; Bahnar, kla; Khmer, khla and Khasi, khla are evidently the same. With this compare the Kol kula, kula, kula.

Bird.—Sue, kiem; Mon, g'cem, ka-teim; Hueei, chiem; Stieng, chum; Bahnar, Annam, chim; Xong, chiem; Palaung and Wa, hsim, and Khasi sim are clearly the same. Also compare Mynnar (Jiraug), ksem which is very near to Mon, g'cem.

Fowl.—Hueei, kat, yar; Suk, yer; Bahnar, ir;. Stieng ier; Khmu, yer; Lemet, er; Palaung, her, and Khasi, siar, abbreviated into 'iar, are probably the same.

Fish.—The word ka or kha runs through the following languages:—Mon, Stieng, Bahnar, Annam, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, Wa; and if we cut off the first syllable of the Khasi word for fish, dohkha, we find 'kha, which is the same word as in the languages above mentioned, with an aspirate added. The Khasi doh merely means flesh, and the word dokkha is very frequently abbreviated, cf. 'kha saw, 'kha iong.

Crab.—Mon, kh'tam; Khmer, ktam; Khasi, tham. If we add the gender sign to the Khasi word, it becomes ka tham, and we have exact correspondence.

Woman.—Mon, brou or brao. Is this the same as the Khasi (ka) briw?

Child.—So, kon; Suk, kon; Mon, kon; Hueei, kuon; Annan, kon; Khmer, kun; Khasi, khun. Compare Nancowry, kon.

Eye.—The word mat, mat, mat, run through several of these languages, e.g. Mon, mat; Huei, mat; Stieng; mat; Bahnar mat; Annam, mat; Khasi, khmat (dialectic mat). In Nancowry compare olmat, eye, and okmat, eyebrow, and (e)mat (hen) mat (drug), mat, of the Nicobar dialects, also Semang mat, met, med. Kuhn remarks that the word mat is common for "sight," and "eye" all over the Malay Archipelago. It should be remarked that in the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi the word is mat.

Nose.—If we cut off the aspirate kh from the Khasi khmut, which thus becomes mut, we find some correspondence between Mon, muh (mu); Stieng (tro), muh; Bahnar, muh. Here also compare Ho mua, muta; Mundari, mun; Uraon, moy. In the Anwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi the word is mur-kong.

Hand.—Xong, ti; Mon, toi; Annam, tay, Khmer, te (from sang te, finger); Palaung, tae, tai, and Khasi, kti (with prefix k) closely correspond. The forms ta and toi of Amwi, and Lakadong, respectively, still more closely correspond with the Mon-Khmer languages than with Khasi. Here compare Nancowry tei and ti, or ti of the Kol languages.

Blood.—Palaung hnam, and Wa nam closely correspond with Khasi snam; here compare Khmer iham.

Horn:—Mon, grang, the horn of an animal, may be compared with the Khasi reng.

Far.—Distant. Bahnar, hangai; Annam, ngai; Khmer, chhngay; Lemet, sngay; Sue chngai may be compared with the Khasi jing-ngai. Amwi shnjngoi seems to be a closer form to the above than Khasi jing-ngai. But compare Mynnar (Jirang), chngi, which is clearly very close to Sue chngai, and Khmer chhngay.

To weep, to cry.—Mon, yam; Khmer, yam; Khmu Lemet and Palaung, yam, are clearly the same as Khasi iam, with which also may be compared Ho yam.

It is interesting to note that the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi, which are spoken by the people who dwell on the southern slopes of the Jaintia Hills, seem more closely to correspond with the Mon-Khmer forms than even with Khasi. The Mynnar or Jirang dialect of Khasi, spoken on the extreme north of the hills, also appears to possess some words which are very similar indeed to some of the Mon-Khmer forms given by Professor Kuhn. Unfortunately, I had time to collect but a few words of this interesting dialect, as I arrived in the portion of the country inhabited by these people only a short time before submitting this monograph to Government. The Mynnar dialect appears to be akin to the Synteng, Lakadong, and Amwi forms of speech. The Mynnars observe also the Synteng ceremony of "Beh-ding-khlam," or driving away the demon of cholera, so that although now inhabiting a part of the country a considerable distance away from that of the Synteng, it is not unlikely that they were originally connected with the latter more closely.

Professor Kuhn comes to the conclusion that there is a distinct connection between Khasi, Mon or Talaing, Khmer, and the other languages of Indo-China that have been mentioned, which is to be seen not only from similarities in some of the numerals, but from the convincing conformities of many other words of these languages. He goes on to add that more important than these contacts of the mono-syllabic languages of Indo-China with mono-syllabic Khasi is their affinity with the Kol, and Nancowry poly-syllabic languages and with that of the aboriginal inhabitants of Malacca, i.e. the languages of the so-called Orang-Outang, or men of tile woods, Sakei, Semung, Orang-Benua, and others; and that although it is not, perhaps, permissible to derive at once from this connection the relation of the Khasi Mon-Khmer mono-syllabic group with these poly-syllabic languages, it seems to be certain that a common substratum lies below a great portion of the Indo-Chinese languages as well as those of the Kol and Ho-Munda group. More important than connections between words is, as Dr. Grierson points out in his introduction to the Mon-Khmer family, the order of the words in the sentence. In both Khasi and Mon that order is subject, verb, object. Taking this fact in conjunction with the similarities of the Khasi and Mon vocabularies, we may conclude that it is proof positive of the connection between Khasi and Mon, or Talaing. In Munda, however, this order is subject, object, verb. Tiffs is a very important difference, for, as Dr. Grierson points out, "the order of words in a sentence follows the order of thought of the speaker; it follows therefore that the Mundas think in an order of ideas different from those of the Khasis and the Mons." Dr. Grierson comes to the stone conclusion with respect to these languages as Professor Kuhn, which is as follows:—"Owing to the existence of these differences we should not be justified in assuming a common origin for the Mon-Khmer languages on the one hand, and for the Munda, Nancowry, and Malacca languages on the other. We may, however, safely assume that there is at the bottom of all these tongues a common substratum, over which there have settled layers of the speeches of other peoples, differing in different localities. Nevertheless, this substratum was so firmly, established as to prevent its being entirely hidden by them, and frequent undeniable traces of it are still discernible in languages spoken in widely distant tracts of Nearer and Further India. Of what language this original substratum consisted we are not yet in a position to say. Whatever it was, it covered a wide area, larger than the area covered by many families of languages in India at the present day. Languages With this common substratum are now spoken, not only in the modern Province of Assam, in Burma, Siam, Cambodia, and Anam, but also over the whole of Central India, as far west as the Berars." Grierson, having agreed regarding the existence of this common substratum, does not finally determine whether the ancient substratum was the parent of the present Munda language, or of the Mon-Khmer language. He says, "It cannot have been the parent of both, but it is possible that it was the parent of neither." We are thus still in a state of uncertainty as to what was the origin of these languages.

The brief description which follows of some of the more prominent characteristics of the Khasi language is based chiefly on Sir Charles Lyall's skeleton Grammar contained in Vol. II. of Dr. Grierson's "Linguistic Survey of India." It does not pretend to be an exhaustive treatise on the language; for this students are referred to the excellent grammar compiled by the Rev. H. Roberts.

The Article.—There are four articles in Khasi; three in the singular, u, (masculine), ka (feminine), and i (diminutive of both genders); and one in the plural for both genders, ki.

All Khasi nouns take a pronominal prefix to denote the gender, i.e. the third personal pronoun, u (masculine), ka (feminine), i (diminutive). The great majority of inanimate nouns are feminine, and all abstract nouns. The sun (day), ka sngi, is feminine, the moon (month), u b'nai, is masculine. Sometimes the word varies in meaning according to the gender, e,g. u ngap, a bee; ka ngap, honey.

Genders.—Names of mountains, stones, plants, fruits, stem, and the moon, are masculine, e.g.:—

U kyllang, the Kyllang rock. U mawlein, quartz. U phan, potato. U soh niamtra, orange. U'lur duti, the morning star. U'tiw kulap, rose. U b'nai, the moon.

Names of rivers, lakes, books, places, the sun, and' all abstract nouns are feminine, e.g.:—

Ka wah, river. Ka nan, lake. Ka kitap, book. Ka Shillong, Shillong. Ka sngi, sun Ka jingsneng, advice.

The article i is used either as a diminutive, as i khunlung, a baby, or for denoting endearment, as i mei, mother.

Number.—U, ka, and i stand for the singular number, e.g. u khla (a tiger), ka khoh (a Khasi basket), i khun (a child). Ki is the sign of the plural, as Ki maw, the stones. Ki in some few instances is used honorifically, as ki Siem, the king, ki kthaw, the father-in-law.

Cases are eight in number, and are denoted by prefixes. The declension of the noun lum (hill) is given below by way of example:—

Singular. Plural Nominative u lum ki lum Accusative ia u lum ia ki lum Instrumental da u lum da ki lum Dative ia, ha, or ia, ha, or sha u lum sha ki lum Ablative na u lum na ki lum Genitive jong u lum jong ki lum Locative ha u lum ha ki lum Vocative ko lum ko phi ki lum

The sign of the genitive case, jong, is sometimes omitted for the sake of brevity, e.g. u ksew nga (my dog) for u ksew jong nga. The preposition la gives also the force of the possessive case, e.g. la ka jong ka jong (their own). There are some nouns which change their form, or rather are abbreviated when used in the vocative case, e.g. ko mei, not ko kmei = Oh mother; ko pa, not ko kpa = Oh father. These, however, are all of them nouns showing relationships.

Pronouns.—Personal pronouns are nga (I), ngi (we), me (thou, masculine) pha (thou, feminine), phi, (you, masculine or feminine), u (he, it), ka (she, it), i (diminutive form of u or ka), and ki (they).

The emphatic form of the personal pronoun is formed by prefixing ma, e.g. ma-nga, ma-u, after a verb, but not after a preposition, e.g. dei-ma-nga = it is I. But ai, ia ma nga is an incorrect form.

The Reflexive Pronoun is formed by the word lade (self) being suffixed to the personal pronoun, as u leh sniu ia lade = he does himself harm, or by the addition of the word hi (self) to the personal pronoun, as phi hi pbi ong (you yourself).

The Relative Pronoun is formed by the suffix ba, added to any of the personal pronouns, as kaba, uba, kiba (who, which).

The Demonstrative Pronoun is formed by the addition of the particles denoting the position of things with reference to the speaker, e.g. (1) near = this, ne (u-ne, kane, i-ne, ki-ne); (2) in sight, but further off = that, to (uto, &c.); (3) further away, but still visible = that tai (u-tai, &c.); (4) out of sight or only contemplated in the mind = that, ta (u-ta, &c.); (5) above = that, tei (u-tei, &c.); (6) below = this, thi (ka-thi, &c.); katai-tai, katei-tei, kathie-thie point to an object at a great distance but within sight.

The Interrogative Pronoun is the article followed by no or ei (e.g. u-no, kano, who), u-ei, ka-ei (who, which). Ei is often used without the "article," and no (which is restricted to persons) when declined, regularly drops the "article," e.g. jong-no whose? ia-no, whom? sha-no, to whom? What? neuter, is aiuh, and also kaei.

Adjectives are formed by prefixing ba to the root, thus bha goodness; ba-bha, good; sniu, badness; ba-sniu, bad. When ba is dropped, the word in no longer an adjective but a verb, and in some cases a noun, e.g. uba khraw (adj.) = big, great; u khraw = he becomes great. An adjective may be formed without any of the prefixes ba, uba, &c., e.g. ka miau-tuh = a thieving cat.

An adjective follows the noun it qualifies, and agrees with the noun it qualifies in gender and number.

Comparison.—The comparative is formed by adding kham before an adjective, followed by ban ia (than), or simply ia, and the superlative by adding such adverbs of intensity as tam, eh, eh than, tam eh, shikaddei, which are followed generelly by ia or ban ia.

Numerals.—In Khasi the cardinal number always precedes the noun (e.g. lai sin, three times,) The following are the first ten numerals.

1. Wei. 2. Ar. 3. Lai 4. Sau. 5. San. 6. Hinriu. 7. Hinnieu. 8. Phra. 9. Khyndai. 10. Shipheu.

The word khad is prefixed for forming the numerals from 11 to 19, e.g. khad-wei, khad-ar, eleven, twelve, &c.

The verbal root (which never varies) may be simple or compound. The compound roots are (1) Causals, formed by prefixing pyn to the simple root; as iap, die; pyniap, kill. (2) Frequentatives, formed by prefixing iai; as iam, weep; iai iam, weep continually. (3) Inceptives, by prefixing man; as stad, be wise; manstad, grow wise. (4) Reciprocals, by prefixing ia; as ieit, love; ia-ieit, love one another. (5) Intensives, by prefixing tim particle kyn, lyn, syn, tyn. Any noun or adjective may be treated as a verbal root by means of a prefix of these five classes. Thus kajia, a quarrel (Hindustani loan word, qazia;) ia kajio, to quarrel with one another; bynta, share; pyn-ia-bynta (reciprocal catmal), to divide between several persons. It should be mentioned with reference to the second class or frequentative verbs, that they sometimes take the prefixes, or particles as Roberts prefers to call them, dem, dup, nang, shait, ksaw in place of iai, e.g. dem-wan, to come after; dup-teh, to practise; nang-wad, to go on searching; shait pang, to be always ill; ksaw-bam, to be in the habit of devouring. There are two verbs for "to be," long, implying existence absolutely, and don, implying limited existence, and also meaning "to have." There is only one form of conjugation for all verbs. Tense and mood are indicated by prefixes, number and person by the subject. When the subject is a noun the pronoun is inserted before the verb. The following is the conjugation of the verb "to be" in the present, past, and future tenses:—

Present. Past. Future. Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural.

1 2 3 4 5 6 Nga long Ngi long Nga la long Ngi la long Ngan long Ngin long I am We are I was We were I shall be We shall be

Me (mas.) or Phi long Me or pha Phi la long Men or phan Phin long pha (fem.) la long long long Thou art Ye are Thou wast Ye were Thou shalt be You shall be

U (mas.) or Ki long U or ka Ki la long U'n or ka'n Kin long ka (fem.) la long long long He or she is They are He or she was They were He or she will They will be be

The above simple tenses are made definite or emphatic by various means. La, sign of the past, when added to lah, sign of the potential, has the sense of the pluperfect, e.g. nga la lah long, I had been. Yn abbreviated into 'n emphasizes the future, the particle sa also indicates the future; da is the usual sign of the subjunctive mood, lada, la, lymda, tad, ynda, ban, da are other signs of this mood. The sign of the infinitive is ba'n. The imperative is either (1) the simple root, or (2) the root compounded with some word such as to.

Participles.—The present participle is formed by prefixing ba to the root, e.g. ba long, being. The imperfect participle is formed by prefixing such words as ba u, ka da, da kaba, &c. The perfect participle is formed by putting such particles as ba la, haba la, da kaba la before the verb. Verbal nouns of agency are formed by prefixing nong to the root, e.g. u nong knia (the sacrificer). The Passive Voice is formed by using the verb impersonally, and putting the subject into the Accusative case with ia.

Potentiality is indicated by the verb lah, necessity by the verb dei; dang and da show the indefinite present.

The negative is indicated by the particles ym, contracted into 'm, shym, and pat. Ym is put before the verb, e.g. 'ym don briew = there is no one; with a pronoun it is contracted, e.g. u'm wan, he does not come. It follows the sign of the future, e.g. phi'n y'm man, you will not come. Shym and pat are neptive particles, and are used with negative verbs in the past tense, e.g. u'm shymla man, he did not come.

The use of the word "jing."—One of the most striking features of the language is the use of the word jing, which is employed to create a verbal noun out of a verb: for instance, take the verb bam, to eat; if we prefix jing we have jingbam, food. Bat, to hold; jing-bat, a handle. The use of the word nong has already been noticed under the heading "verbs." As an example of another common prefix, it may again be mentioned here. Thus, nong-ai-jingbam means a table servant, literally one who gives food. Again, nong-bat, a holder, literally, one who holds.

Syntax.—The order of words in the sentence is usually (1) subject, (2) verb, and (3) object, in fact, the same as in English, and in this respect it differs entirely from the order in the languages derived from Sanskrit, and that of the languages of the Thibeto-Burman group, as far as I have been able to ascertain. For instance, in the Kachari or Boro language the order in the sentence is (1) subject, (2) object, (3) verb. In Khasi when emphasis is needed, however, the object occasionally precedes the berb, e.g. ia u soh u la die, he has sold the fruit, literally, the fruit he has sold. As stated before, adjectives follow the nouns they qualify, e.g. u lum bajyrong, a high mountain, literally, the hill that is high. Interrogative adverbs may either precede or follow the verb, e.g. naei phi wan, or phi wan naei, where do you come from?

No account of the Khasi language would be complete without some reference to the adverbs which are so very numerous in Khasi. U Nissor Singh, in his admirable little book of "Hints on the Study of the Khasi Language," writes, "Adverbs are so numerous in the Khasi language that I shall not attempt to enumerate them all in this small book. Many of the adverbs, indeed, belong to the untranslatables of the language. We are never in want of a specific term to express the appropriate degree of any quality." To learn how to use the right adverb at the right time is one of the niceties of the language. There is a peculiarity about some of the adverbs of place which should be mentioned: e.g. Hangto, there (within sight); hangne, here; hangta, there (out of sight); hangai, there (at some distance); hangtei, there (upwards); hangthi, there (downwards); also the interrogative adverbs hangno, nangno, whence, contain the inherent root nga, and it seems possible that this nga is the first personal pronoun I. If this is so, hangto would mean literally "to me there," hangthi "to me down there," and similarly nangno, nangne would mean "from where to me there" and "from there to me here."

Adverbs generally follow the words they modify, as u'n leit mynta = he will go now, but there are exceptions to the above rule, such as interrogative adverbs. The following come before those they modify: tang shu, la dang (as soon as, when); kham, shait (used to, ever); pat or put (yet) ; and shym (not); but shuh (more) goes last. Adverbs of past time are formed by prefixing myn, e.g. mynhynne, a short time ago. Adverbs of future time are formed by prefixing la. The particles man, man la, and hala denote repetition.

The Khasis are exceedingly fond of using double words [43] which add much to the finish and polish of a sentence. Old people especially have a predilection this way. It is one of the great diffuculties of the language to learn how to use such double words correctly. The following are some examples:—

Nouns.

kajain ka nep cloth. ka kot ka sla paper. ka lynti ka syngking road. ka iing ka sem house. u babu, u phabu babu. u tymen u san elder. ka stih, ka wait arms (lit.: shield and sword). u badon ba em a well to do person. ka spah ka phew wealth u kha-u-man a relation on the father's side.

Verbs.

pynsyk-pynsain to comfort. ia shoh ia dat to scuffle. byrngem-byrait to threaten. shepting-shepsmiej to be afraid. ihthuh-ihthaw to be familiar. kyrpad-kyrpon to beg. ia lum-ia lang to assemble.

Adjectives.

basniw-basmeh bad. basmat-basting active. donbor-donsor powerful. don burom-don surom noble. bakhraw-batri pertaining to a noble family. baduk-basuk poor, needy. babok-basot righteous. bariwbha-riwmiat. wealthy.

Adverbs.

hur-hur delicately. hain-hain brilliantly (red). prum-prum, prem-prem prominently. rymbiaw-rymboin shrikingly. nior-nior, iar-iar weakly. parum-pareh many. sip-sip, sap-sap having no taste.

The Mikirs appear to have borrowed a small portion of their vocabulary from the Khasis. The following are quoted as examples of possible common roots:—

Mikir. Khasi. belly pok kpoh. strike (v.) chok shoh. father po kpa. come (v.) vang wan. rice beer hor hiar. maternal uncle ni-lur kni.

The Lynngam dialect differs so much from the standard Khasi that some remarks regarding the former will not be out of place. Dr. Grierson, on pages 17 to 19 of his Volume II. of the "Linguistic Survey of India," has indicated some of these differences, which may be recapitulated here as follows. Some of the commonest verbs vary considerably from those used in the standard dialect. There are also many minor differences of pronunciation. A man is u breo, not u briew, a son is a u khon, not u khun. Standard ng is often represented by nj. Thus doinj for ding, fire. A final h often appears as k, and an initial b as p. Thus, baroh (Standard), all, becomes in Lynngam prok. Standard ei becomes aw. Thus wei = waw, one; dei = daw, necessary. The articles are frequently omitted. The pronoun u is used for the plural as well as the singular, instead of the Standard plural ki. The diminutive i is used with inanimate nouns. This is also sometimes the case in the Standard form.

Nouns.—The prefix of the Accusative-dative is se or sa, often contracted to s' instead of ia (Standard). The prefix of the Dative is hanam, hnam, or tnam. The Standard Dative-locative prefix ha is also used, and may be spelt he or hy. Ta or te are also found. For the genitive, besides the Standard jong, are found ha, am-ba, am, and am-nam. Am-nam and am also mean "from."

The plural sometimes takes the suffix met.

Adjectives.—The usual word for male is korang, and for "female" konthaw, in place of the Standard shynrang and kynthei respectively. The following are examples of comparisons:—Re-myrriang, good; Mai-myrriang, better; U re-myrriang, best. The Standard tam is also used for the superlative.

Pronouns.—The Personal Pronouns are:—

Singular Plural 1st Person, ne biaw, iaw. 2nd Person, mi, mei phiaw. 3rd Person u, ju, u-ju kiw.

The Nominative of the pronoun of the second person singular is given once as ba-mi, and once as ma-mi. The ma or ba is the Standard emphatic prefix ma.

Demonstrative Pronouns appear to be be, tei that, and uni, or nih, this. Be is used as a definite article in the phrase be jawmai, the earthquake.

The Relative Pronoun is u-lah, who.

Interrogative Pronouns are net, u-iet, who? and met, what?

Verbs.—The pronoun which is the subject of a verb may either precede or follow it. Thus ne rip, I strike; rip biaw, we strike. The words meaning to be are re, im, and meit in addition to the Standard long. Like the Standard don, im, corresponding to Synteng em, also means to have. As in the Standard, the Present Tense is formed by using the bare root.

The Past Tense is formed in one of five ways, viz.:—

1. By suffixing let, as in ong-let, said. 2. By suffixing lah-let, as in dih-lah-let, went. 3. By prefixing lah, and suffixing let, as in lah-ong-let, said. 4. By prefixing lah, as in lah-kyllei, asked. 5. By prefixing yn (yng, ym), as in yn-nai, gave; yng-kheit, shook; um-pait, broke; yn-jai, fell.

The Future is formed in a very peculiar way. The Standard yn is inserted into the middle of the root, immediately after the first consenant. Thus rip, strike; rynip, will strike. If the root is a compound, it is inserted between the two members, as in pan-yn-sop, will fill. Here observe that the Standard causative prefix pyn becomes pan in Lynngam. The Infinitive the same form as the Future.

Dr. Grierson points out the following most noteworthy fact with reference to the formation of the Lynngam Future and Infinitive, i.e., that similar infixes occur in Malay in the Nancowry dialect of Nicobar, and the Malacca aboriginal languages.

The prefix of the Imperative is nei, as in nei-ai, give; nei-lam, bring. The usual negative particle is ji, which is suffixed, e.g. um-ji is not.

Numerals.

Lynngam Standard (Khasi). 1. Waw, shi Wei, shi. 2. Ar-re or a-re Ar. 3. Lai-re Lai. 4. Saw-re Saw. 5. San-de San. 6 Hyrrew-re Hinriw. 7. Hynnju-re Hinniew. 8. Phra-re Phra. 9. Khondai-re Khyndai. 10. Shi-phu Shi-phew.

The peculiarity about the Lynngam numerals is the suffix re, and the numeral "five" de. None of the other dialects of Khasi posess this peculiarity. Dr. Grierson's Volume may be referred to for a Lynngam Vocabulary. I make the following additions:—

English Lynngam Khasi (Standard). Hearth paw ka dypei Earthen pot kheow u khiw Flesh mim ka doh Spoon jamplai ka siang Sleeping-room syrkut ka'rumpei Drinking-gourd longtang u skaw ,, ,, longjak u klong dih-um Broom shipuat u synsar

Clothing

Turban khabong jain brung ka jain spong Ear-ring kurneng ka shohshkor Apron shiliang ka jymphong Haversack jolonjwa [44] ka pla Cap pokhia ka tupia Girdle pun-poh u saipan Under Garment jain tongpan ka jympin (female)



Domestic Terms.

Pestle synraw u synrei Door phyrdaw ka jingkhang Fowl house kjor syar ka sem siar Portion of house in front of the hearth nengiaw ka nongpei Do. behind the hearth shangla ka rumpei Store-house siang ka ieng buh kyba Millet jrai u krai Indian corn soh rikhawu riw hadem Arum chew ka shiriew

Agricultural Implements.

Spade wakhew u mokhiew Bill-hook wait-bah ka wait Lynngam Do. wait-koh ka wait khmut Axe dapam u sdi Basket used in reaping and sowing khyrnai ka koh rit.



CHAPTER A

Exogamous Clans in the Cherra State

1. Basa-iew-moit Intermarriage with Majaw and Hynniewta clans prohibited. 2. Diengdoh Intermarriage with Lalu, Diengdohbah and Diengdohkylla clans prohibited. 3. 'Dkhar 4. Dohling 5. Dulai 6. Dunai 7. Hura 8. Hynniewta 9. Jala 10. Jyrwa 11. Khar Jarain 12. ,, Khlem 13. ,, Khrang 14. ,, Kongor 15. ,, Kyni 16. ,, Lukhi 17. ,, Maw 18. ,, Mawphlang 19. ,, Mu 20. ,, Muid 21. ,, Muti 22. ,, Mylliem 23. ,, Naior 24. ,, Shi-ieng 25. ,, Synteng 26. — — 27. Khong-bri 28. ,, hat 29. ,, ji 30. ,, joh 31. ,, kwang 32. ,, kynshen 33. ,, kyntiaj 34. ,, kyshah 35. ,, lam 36. ,, liar 37. ,, longioi 38. ,, lynnong 39. ,, mawpat 40. ,, mukon 41. ,, ngain 42. ,, riat 43. ,, rymmai 44. ,, sdir 45. ,, shir 46. ,, sit 47. ,, sngi 48. ,, sya 49. ,, war 50. ,, wet 51. ,, wir 52. Lyngdoh-Nonglwai 53. Lynden 54. Lynrah 55. Majaw 56. Marbaniang This is one of the myntri clans of Mawsynram State. 57. Malngiang Originally from Maskut in the Jowai Sub-division. 58. Marpna 59. Mawlong 60. Marboh Formerly one of the Khadar Kur clans. Has now become extinct. 61. Mawdkhap 62. Mohkhiew 63. Mynrieng 64. Myrthong 65. Nongbri 66. Nongkynrih One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State. 67. Nonglait 68. Nongtran 69. Nonglathiang 70. Nongrum One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State. 71. Nontariang These two clans cannot intermarry. Nongtariang is now one of the Khadar Kur clans in place of the Marboh clan which has become extinct. 72. Padoh 73. Parariang 74. Pohnong 75. Prawai 76. Puria 77. Pompyrthat 78. Rani 79. Rapthap 80. Rynjah One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State. 81. Samai 82. Shabong 83. Shanpru 84. Shrieh Shrieh means a monkey. Possibly totemistic. 85. Siem Lyngng 86. Sohkhlet 87. Shyngpliang 88. Sumer 89. Swer 90. Syiem 91. Syngai 92. Synrem 93. Thabah 94. Tham Thammeans a crab. Possibly totemistic. 95. Tohtih 96. Umdor 97. Walang 98. Warkon 99 Khyrwang 100. Ksing



CHAPTER B

Exogamous Clans in the Khyrim State

1. Awri 2. Bariang 3. Basa-iew-moit 4. Bhoi 5. Bithai 6. Diengdoh (2) Intermarriage with Masar clan prohibited. 7. 'Dkhar 8. Dumpep 9. Hadem 10. Jasia 11. Khang-shei 12. Khar baino 13. ,, baki 14. ,, bangar Intermarriage with Nong-lwai clan prohibited. 15. Khar bih-khiew Intermarriage prohibited with Khar-umnuid clan 16. Khar bonniud 17. ,, bud 18. ,, buli 19. ,, dint 20. ,, dohling 21. ,, dumpep 22. ,, hi-dint 23. ,, iap 24. ,, Kamni 25. ,, Kongor 26. ,, Kset 27. ,, kynang 28. ,, long 29. ,, luni 30. ,, Malki 31. ,, Masar 32. ,, mawlieh Intermarriage with Khar pomtiah clan prohibited. 33. Khar mihpein 34. ,, mithai 35. ,, mudai 36. ,, mujai 37. ,, mukhi 38. ,, muti 39. ,, mylliem 40. ,, patti 41. ,, pein 42. ,, phan 43. ,, phur 44. ,, pohlong 45. ,, pohshiah 46. ,, pomtiah Intermarriage with Khar mawlieh clan prohibited. 47. Khar pomtih 48. ,, pran 49. ,, ryngi 50. ,, rynta 51. ,, Sati 52. ,, shan 53. ,, shi-ieng 54. ,, shilot 55. ,, shong 56. ,, shrieh 57. ,, sohnoh 58. ,, sugi 59. ,, Umnuid Intermarriage with Khar-bihkhiew clan prohibited. 60. Khar urmut 61. ,, War 62. Khier 63. Khmah 64. Khong-binam 65. ,, blah 66. ,, buh 67. ,, buhphang 68. ,, 'dkhar 69. ,, dup Intermarriage prohibited with Rongsai and Khongree clans. 70. Khong [45] iap 71. ,, iong 72. ,, ji Intermarriage with Pongrup clan prohibited. 73. Khong joh 74. ,, kai 75. ,, khar 76. ,, kiang 77. ,, kib 78. ,, kylla 79. ,, kyndiah 80. ,, lam 81. ,, liam 82. ,, likong 83. ,, litung 84. ,, luni 85. ,, malai 86. ,, mawlow 87. ,, niur 88. ,, noh 89. ,, pdei 90. ,, pnam 91. ,, pnan 92. ,, sdoh 93. ,, siting 94. ,, slit 95. ,, sugi } 96. ,, sni } 97. ,, sti } Intermarriage prohibited also with Lyngdoh clan 98. Khong stia 99. ,, sylla (2) 100. ,, thaw 101. ,, tiang 102. ,, thorem 103. ,, wanduh (2) 104. ,, wet 105. ,, wir 106. Khriam 107. Khynriam 108. Khynriem 109. Khynriem miyat 110. Khynriem mawshorok Intermarriage with Pongrup, Lyndoh and Mawthoh clans prohibited. 111. Khynriem wahksieng 112. Kur Kalang. 113. Lamin 114. Lawai Intermarriage with Lyngdoh clan prohibited. 115. Lawaisawkher 116. Lingshing 117. Liting 118. Lyngbah 119. Lyngdoh Intermarriage with Pongrup and Mawthoh clans prohibited. 120. Lyngiar 121. Mairang 122. Majaid 123. Manar 124. Masar Intermarriage with Diengdoh clan prohibited. 125. Mawiong 126. Mawphlang 127. Mawsharoh 128. Mawthoh Intermarriage with Pongrup and Lyngdoh clans prohibited. 129. Mawwa 130. Morbah 131. Mormein 132. Mukhin 133. Muroh 134. Mylliem 135. Mylliem muthong } 136. ,, Ngap } 137. ,, pdah } Intermarriage between these clans prohibited also with Sohtum clan 138. Mynsong 139. Niengnong 140. Nieng-suh 142. Nongbri Intermarriage with Nong-kynrih clans prohibited. 143. Nongbri Partuh 144. Nonghulew 145. Nong-khlieh 146. Nong-kynrieh Intermarriage with Nongbri clan prohibited. 147. Nong-lwai Intermarriage with Khar-Bangar clan prohibited. 148. Nong-lyer 149. Nong-pinir 150. Nong-pluh 151. Nongrum 152. Nongspung 153. Nongsteng 154. Nongstein 155. Nongtlub 156. Pdei 157. Pohkhla 158. Pohthmi 159. Pongrup Intermarriage with Mawthoh and Lyngdoh clans prohibited. 160. Rumkheng 161. Ruson 162. Rymkheng 163. Ryndong (2) 164. Ryngksai 165. Rynjah Intermarriage with Mawroh clan prohibited. 166. Rynjem 167. Ryntong 168. Ryngngi 169. Shabong 170. Shadap 171. Singting 172. Sohkhleb 173. Sohtum Intermarriage with Mylliemngap, Mylliempdah and Mylliem-muttong clans prohibited. 174. Sonjri 175. Songthiang 176. Sumer 177. Surong 178. Suting 179. Swali 180. Swer 181. Synnah 182. Synteng 183. Synteng-hen 184. Tadong 185. Tangper 186. Tangsang 187. Tarieng 188. Trai-iew 189. Tyngsier 190. Tynsil (2) 191. Tyngsong 192. Umsong 193. Uri-ieng 194. Wallang 195. Warbah Intermarriage with War-shong prohibited. 196. War-Jnem 197. ,, jri 198. ,, khyllew 199. War-malai 200. ,, moi 201. ,, Nongjri 202. Wan-khar 203. War-shong Intermarriage with Warbah prohibited.



CHAPTER C

Divination by Egg-Breaking

The dieng shat pylleng, or egg-breaking board, is shaped as indicated in the diagram. Having placed a little heap of red earth on the board at point p, the egg-breaker sits facing the board in the position shown in the diagram. He first of all makes a little heap of rice in the middle of the board sufficient to support the egg. He places the egg there. He then takes it up and smears it with red earth, muttering incantations the while. Having finished the invocation to the spirits, the egg-breaker sweeps the grains of rice off the board, stands up, and dashes the egg on the board with considerable force. The large portion of the egg-shell is made to fall in the middle of the board, as at X in the diagram. This portion of the shell is called ka lieng, or the boat. The small bits of egg-shell which fall around the boat are either good or evil prognostics, according to the following rules:—

1. The bits of shell which fall on the right of the boat are called ki jinglar, and those on the left ki jingkem. Supposing fragments of shell fall as at b, c, d, e, with their insides downwards, this is a good sign, but if one of the fragments lies with its outside downwards, this is a bad omen, and signifies ka sang long kha, or sin on the father's or the children's part. It may also signify ka daw lum, or "cause from the hill," i.e, that the illness or other affliction has been caused by a god of some hill.

2. If the fragments of shell lie on the left side of the boat as at g, k, i, j in the diagram, they are named ki jingkem. If they lie with their insides downwards, they indicate a favourable sign. If g lies with its outside downwards, this is an evil omen. If g and h lie with their insides downwards, this is favourable, even if i lies with its outside downwards. If, however, j lies with its outside downwards, this is not a good sign.

3. If there are a number of pieces of egg-shell lying in a line, as at k, this is an evil prognostic, the line of shell fragments indicating the road to the funeral pyre. Such a line of shell fragments is called ki'leng rah thang. This sign is a harbinger of death.

4. If all the fragments of shell on both sides of the board, excepting the boat, lie with their insides downwards, the question asked by the egg-breaker is not answered. If a or l fall with their outsides downwards, this is a bad sign.

5. If the portion of a shell at f falls with the outside downwards, this indicates that some god needs appearing by sacrifice.

6. If there are a number of small fragments lying around the boat, as in the diagram, these mean that there are many reasons for the illness, which cannot be ascertained.

7. If the portion of shell marked s is detsehed from the boat, this indicates that the goddess is very angry.

8. If four fragments lie around the boat so as to form a square, as c, e, h, j, these mean that the patient is at the point of death. These are called ki leng sher thang.

8. If there are no fragments, as at d, e, f, g, h, i, it is a puzzle, ka leng kymtip.

Note.—The above information was obtained from U Sarup Singh, of Mairong; U Them, of Laitlyngkot, and U Bud, of Jowai. Different egg-breakers have somewhat different methods of reading the signs, but the main points are usually the same.



NOTES

[1] The previous history of the Khasi state of Jaintia, so far as it can be traced will be found related in Mr. E. A. Gait's History of Assam (1906), pp. 253-262.

[2] P. 211.

[3] Vol. iii., p. 168, 177, &c.

[4] These cloths, which Lindsay calls "moongadutties," were really the produce of Assam, and were dhutis or waist-cloths of muga silk.

[5] Pp. 218-220., It appears from p. 219 that Mr. Scott's report is responsible for the erroneous statement (often repeated) that the mountaineers "called by us Cossyahs, denominate themselves Khyee." This second name is in fact the pronunciation current in Sylhet of the word Khasi, h being substituted for s, and should be written as Khahi.

[6] In Mr. Scott's time it was usual to speak of such a place as a "Sanatary."

[7] Vol. ix, pp. 833 sqq.

[8] Vol. xiii., pp. 612 sqq.

[9] Pp. 272 sqq.

[10] Called >w oskop'ia: one of the lost books of the Orphic cycle was entitled t'a >w oskopik'a.

[11] The figures for Khasi population in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills district will be found under "Habitat."

[12] The average rainfall at the Cherrapunji Police Station during the last twenty years, from figures obtained from the office of the Director of Land Records and Agriculture, has been 118 inches. The greatest rainfall registered in any one year during the period was in 1899, when it amounted to 641 inches.

[13] It is interesting to compare the remarks of M. Aymonier in his volume iii of "Le Cambodge." He writes as follows:—"Mais en Indo-Chine on trouve, partout dissemine, ce que les indigenes, au Cambodge du moins, appellant, comme les peuples les plus eloignes du globe les traits de foudre.' Ce sont ici des haches de l'age neolithique ou de la pierre polie, dont la plupart appartiennent au type repandu en toute la terre. D'autres de ces celtes, dits epaules, parcequ'ils possedent un talon d'une forme particuliere, paraissent appartenir en propre a l'Indo-Chine et a la presqu'ile dekkhanique. Its fourniraient donc un premier indice, non negligeable, d'une communaute d'origine des populations primitives des deux peninsules, cis et trans gangetiques."

[14] Mawkhar is a suburb of Shillong, the headquarters station.

[15] The maund is 82 lbs.

[16] See Bulletin No. 5 of the Agricultural Department of Assam, 1898, pp. 4 and 5.

[17] Khasi u sak-riew.

[18] Colocasia osculenta, Beng. Kachu.

[19] About threepence.

[20] For the story in detail see the Folk-lore section of the monograph.

[21] Simsong is the Garo name for the river Someshwari.

[22] Officer.

[23] See page 13, "Ka Niam Khasi" (U Jeebon Roy.)

[24] What follows is a literal translation of the Khasi.

[25] This cave is at Pomdalai, some five miles west of Cherrapunji, close to a great waterfall called Noh Ka Likai, i.e. the place where Ka Likai jumped down the precipice (for a full account of this story see Section V. of the monograph), where there is a large block of stone, with some cuts over it, known as Dain Thlen, i.e. the snake cutting (place).

[26] In another account it is said to have been U Suid-noh himself who did this.

[27] Sir Charles Lyall has pointed out that the Mikirs possess this custom; it is probably borrowed from the Khasis.

[28] Karl Pearson's essay on "mother age civilization."

[29] Lit.: Cut by magic.

[30] In Ahom kai = fowl, chan = beautiful, mung = country. Therefore Kai-chan-mung = fowl of a beautiful country (heaven).

[31] A spirit which is supposed to have the power of causing a disease of the navel of a child.

[32] Iapduh is the regular word used for a clan, and in this case a species dying out.

[33] The Shillong Peak is thought to be the seat of a powerful blei or god who has his abode in the wood close to the top of the "Peak." Another folk-tale will be found concerning this god.

[34] another version is that it was U Kyrphei, another hill in Nongspung territory, who fought with U Symper.

[35] For further details regarding the Khasi superstition of the "thlen," the reader is referred to the portion of the monograph dealing with human sacrifices. It may be mentioned that the "thlen's" cave is at a place called Pom Doloi in the territory of the Siem of Cherra, where there is also a rock called "Dain Thlen" (the cutting of the "thlen"). Another version of the story explaining why there are still "thlens" in the Khasi Hills is that there was an old woman who lived at a placed called Mawphu, a village in a valley to the west of Cherrapunji. This old woman forgot to eat her share of the "thlen's" flesh, the result being that the species became repropagated.

[36] Both rivers, Umngot and Umiew, or Umiam, have their sources in or close to the Shillong Peak. The word "Rupatylli" signifies in Khasi a solid silver necklace of a peculiar shape. In order to appreciate this pretty tale thoroughly, the reader ought to view the river "Rupatylli" from the heights of the Laitkynsew, or Mahadeo, whence it is to be seen glistening in the sun like a veritable rupatylli or silver necklace.

[37] Those mountains are the high hills which lie to the east of the Jowai Sub-Division, and which form part of the boundary line between the Khasi and Jaintia Hills District and North Cachar.

[38] The word Hadem is possibly a corruption of "Hidimba," the old name for North Cachar.

[39] A Kongngor is one who has married a Khasi princess.

[40] This stone bridge, situated on the Theria road about a mile below Cherra, existed up to the Earthquake of 1897, which demolished it. The large slab of stone which formed the roadway of the bridge, is however, still to be seen lying in the bed of the stream.

[41] The above story is said to have been taken down word for word from the mouth of an old woman of the Malyniang clan who lived at Mawlong.—P.R.G.

[42] Kuhn's "Beitraege zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens."

[43] Khasi ktin kynnoh.

[44] Assamese loan word, a corruption of "julunga."

[45] The word khong has probably connection with the Synteng word jong meaning a clan.

THE END