The real reason why the Canadian Negroes failed to respond in the summer of 1860 when Brown's men were gathering near the boundary line of slavery seems to be that too great a delay followed after the Chatham convention. The convention was held on May 8 and 10, 1858; but Brown did not attack Harper's Ferry until the night of October 16, 1859, nearly a year and a half later. The zeal for action that manifested itself in May, 1858, had cooled off by October, 1859, the magnetic influence of Brown himself had been withdrawn, and the Negroes had entered into new engagements. Frank B. Sanborn says he understood from Brown that he hoped to strike about the middle of May of 1858, that is about a week after the convention or as soon as his forces could gather at the required point.[20] The delay was caused by the partial exposure of Brown's plans to Senator Henry Wilson by Hugh Forbes, who had been close to Brown. Panic seized Brown's chief white supporters in New England, the men who financed his various operations, and they decided that the plans must be changed. Brown was much discouraged by their decision, but being dependent upon them for support in his work he submitted and went west to Kansas. Among his exploits there was the running off of more than a dozen slaves whom he landed safely at Windsor, Canada.

There was some effort made in the early summer of 1859 to enlist the support of the Canadian Negroes,[21] the mission being in charge of John Brown, Jr., who was assisted by Rev. J. W. Loguen, a well-known Negro preacher and anti-slavery worker. Together they visited Hamilton, St. Catharines, Chatham, London, Buxton and Windsor, helping also to organize branches of the League of Liberty among the Negroes. The letters of John Brown, Jr., show that there was little enthusiasm for the cause, which, indeed, could only have been presented in an indefinite way. There was more interest at Chatham than elsewhere, as might be expected, but even there it was not sufficiently substantial to bring the men that were needed. Against this rather dismal picture should be placed some evidence that there were a few Canadians on the way South when the end came.[22]

FRED LANDON.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Longfellow, Life of Longfellow, vol. II, p. 347.

[2] Thoreau, A Plea for Capt. John Brown, read at Concord, October 30, 1859.

[3] Toronto Weekly Globe, Nov. 25, 1859.

[4] Ibid., Dec. 9, 1859, and Dec. 16, 1859.

[5] Toronto Weekly Globe, Dec. 12, 1859.

[6] "There is no country in the world so much hated by slaveholders as Canada," Ward, Autobiography of a Fugitive Negro, London, 1855, p. 158.

[7] Journal of the Senate of Virginia, 1859, see pp. 9-25.

[8] The Toronto Weekly Globe of Dec. 6, 1859, reported Governor Wise as saying: "One most irritating feature of this predatory war is that it has its seat in the British provinces which furnish asylum for our fugitives and send them and their hired outlaws upon us from depots and rendezvous in the bordering states."

[9] Toronto Weekly Globe, Dec. 28, 1859.

[10] Toronto Weekly Globe, Dec. 28, 1859.

[11] Ibid., Dec. 23, 1859.

[12] Ibid., July 20, 1860.

[13] Harper's Ferry Invasion, Report of Senatorial Committee, pp. 2 and 7.

[14] Harper's Ferry Invasion, Report of Senatorial Committee, p. 99.

[15] Hinton, John Brown and His Men, pp. 504-507.

[16] Ibid., appendix, p. 704. See also report of Senatorial Committee, p. 97.

[17] Hinton, John Brown and His Men, pp. 171-172.

[18] Ibid., p. 175.

[19] Report of Senatorial Committee, p. 97.

[20] Sanborn, Life and Letters of John Brown, pp. 457-8.

[21] Sanborn, Life and Letters of John Brown, pp. 536-538, 547.

[22] Hinton, John Brown and His Men, pp. 261-263.



THE NEGRO AND THE SPANISH PIONEER IN THE NEW WORLD

Negro slaves probably made their first appearance in the New World in 1502. Those who came in the beginning were Christians and personal servants of masters who had acquired them in Spain, but soon afterwards, thanks to the influence of the religious order of Predicatores and of the more famous Las Casas, they began to be introduced directly from Africa, in order that the sufferings of the Indians who were dying out under the Spanish system of forced labor might be alleviated.[1] By the close of the second decade of the sixteenth century no inconsiderable number had been brought over, and a perusal of the early accounts of the exploits of the Conquistadores will reveal the fact that the Negro participated in the exploration and occupation of nearly every important region from New Mexico to Chile. As personal attendants of the Spanish Pioneers, as burden-bearers and drudges connected with exploration and the founding of colonies, they played an indispensable though inconspicuous role in one of the greatest achievements which history records. Such accounts of their service as have been preserved are, for the most part, accidental: only when he performed an act of unusual heroism or connected himself with a strange or humorous occurrence was the Negro's name placed alongside of that of his Spanish master where it is destined to remain for all time.

When Balboa set out from Darien on the tour of exploration which resulted in the discovery of the South Sea, at least one Negro, Nufio de Olano, was numbered in his party. Three years later, when the timbers for the four boats with which he intended to explore the Pacific had been prepared, thirty Negroes were among those who carried them piece by piece over mountain and jungle from Acla to San Miguel. Moreover, when Balboa's successor constructed the first highway from ocean to ocean he made use of Negro labor along with that of the Indian.[2]

Hernan Cortes carried with him from Cuba not only Indian servants but Negro slaves who helped to drag along the artillery which he used to strike mortal terror into the Indians of Mexico. There has been preserved a list of those who set out on this famous expedition, and among the names are those of two Negroes, one of whom Saco claims to have been the first to sow and reap small grain in Mexico. Moreover, two Negroes were among the company sent out by Velasquez in 1520 to punish Cortes for his insubordination. One of these has the unenviable distinction of having introduced smallpox among the Mexican Indians. The other, who seems to have observed the fight between the men of the agent of Velasquez (Narvaez) from the safe and comfortable distance of a neighboring tree, has, because of some witty and flattering remarks which he made to Cortes, received the honor of a paragraph in the Decades of Herrera.[3]

It is not definitely known whether Pedro de Alvarado, one of the bravest and most gallant lieutenants of Cortes, carried Negroes with him into Guatemala in 1523, but it is certain that eleven years later, when his ambition and love of gain led him to fit out that ill-fated expedition to Quito, he saw fit to include in the company two hundred black slaves, most of whom perished while making their way through the blinding snows of the Andes.[4]

It is certain, moreover, that several Negroes were along with the Conquistadores of Peru and Chile. The contract of Francisco Pizarro permitted him to introduce fifty Negroes into Peru free of duty; and even before this, Negroes had accompanied those who had spied out the land. In 1525, when Diego de Almagro effected a landing near the port of Quemado, on the west coast of South America, and attempted to penetrate the adjacent country, he encountered rather severe opposition from the Indians of the section. During the resulting skirmish one of his eyes was crushed by a dart and he was saved from captivity and death only by the valiant succor of his Negro slave. A year later, the debarkation of a Spaniard and his slave at Tumbez resulted in an amusing occurrence which once more gave the Negro a few brief sentences in the Decades. Astonished at the color of his face, the natives of the region had him wash time after time in order to see if the black would disappear; and the Negro, true to his good nature and love of a joke, complied willingly while he grinned so as to display his pearly white teeth.[5]

Several Negroes assisted the Yanaconas Indians in carrying the baggage of Diego de Almagro and Rodrigo Orgonez during their perilous journey along the frozen Andes from Cuzco to Chile; and many of them perished on the way.[6] Moreover, upon at least one occasion the forces of the great conqueror of Chile, Pedro Valdivia himself, would probably have been destroyed, had it not been for the cool-headed alertness of Captain Gonzalo de los Rios and a Negro who managed to procure the saddle-horses of the Spaniards as soon as they saw a band of Indians dart from their hiding places.[7]

Numerous African slaves were along with the Spanish pioneers in Venezuela. Ortal, Sedeno, and Heredia each had permission to introduce one hundred Negroes to build fortresses and search for mines; and in 1537, when the licentiate Vadillo came to Cartagena to hold the residencia of Heredia, he brought down a large number who later accompanied him on the luckless excursions which he undertook apparently in the hope of finding the mines of Peru.[8]

But of all the members of the colored race who accompanied the Spaniards upon their explorations in the New World, it may be doubted whether any played so conspicuous a part as did Estevanico, or Estevan, an Arabian black from Azamor, in Morocco, and the slave of Andres Dorantes de Carranca. He was a member and one of the survivors of the ill-fated expedition of Panfilo de Narvaez which went to pieces somewhere on the southern coast of the United States, (1528). For six years he was a captive and slave among the Indians of Texas where, in company with others of the expedition who had escaped with their lives, he effected miraculous cures. He was one of the three companions of Cabeza de Vaca on his historic journey across the continent from the Gulf of Mexico to Culiacan. From Culiacan he accompanied De Vaca and his companions to Mexico City, where he was honored by being made the slave of the viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza.

Surely these were rare and noteworthy experiences for a member of the black race, but still greater things awaited Estevan. He was destined ere he met his tragic fate to accompany the expedition which resulted in the discovery of New Mexico and Arizona. The party which, besides the Negro, consisted of three Spaniards—Fray Marcos de Niza, a lay brother, and Fray Onorato—and several Pima Indians, set out from Culiacan on March 7, 1539. They were in search of the famed Seven Cities.

After proceeding northward several days, Fray Marcos decided to rest while he dispatched the Negro to reconnoiter. He directed Estevan to advance to the north several leagues, and in case he discovered indications of a rich and populous country, to return in person or await his coming, sending back, by some of the Pimas who were to accompany him, a cross the size of which should be in proportion to the importance of the information gained. Four days passed, and then the messengers of Estevan returned bearing a cross "as high as a man" and the news that the Negro had discovered "the greatest thing in the world." Fray Marcos hastened to follow in the footsteps of Estevan hoping to overtake him soon, but his efforts were vain. The dusky adventurer could not resist the temptation to proceed and win for himself the honor of conquering the rich country.

This country concerning which such glowing reports had reached Estevan was none other than the land of the Pueblo Indians. His procedure after separating from Fray Marcos is thus narrated by a contemporary, though not an eyewitness:

"After Estevan had left the friars, he thought he could get all the reputation and honor himself, and that if he should discover these settlements with such famous high houses, alone, he would be considered bold and courageous. So he proceeded with the people who had followed him, and attempted to cross the wilderness which lies between the country he had passed through and Cibola, ... [He] reached Cibola loaded with the large quantity of turquoises they [the Indians along the route] had given him and some beautiful women whom the Indians who followed him and carried his things were taking with them and had given him. These had followed him from all the settlements he had passed, believing that under his protection they could traverse the whole world without any danger. But as the people in this country were more intelligent than those who followed Estevan, they lodged him in a little hut they had outside their village, and the older men and governors heard his story and took steps to find out the reason he had come to that country. The account which the Negro gave them of two white men who were following him, sent by a great lord, who knew about the things in the sky, and how these were coming to instruct them in divine matters, made them think that he must be a spy or a guide from some nations who wished to come and conquer them, because it seemed to them unreasonable to say that the people were white in the country from which he came and that he was sent by them, he being black. Besides these other reasons, they thought it was hard of him to ask them for turquoises and women, and so they decided to kill him. They did this, but they did not kill any of those who went with him...."[9]

From this and other contemporary sources, Lowery[10] has constructed a more complete and lively picture of Estevan's last days. Lowery says that "he travelled with savage magnificence, gaily dressed with bells and feathers fastened about his arms and legs. He carried with him a gourd decorated with bells and two feathers, one white and the other red. This gourd he sent before him by messengers as a symbol of authority and to command obedience, as he had seen successfully done in the western part of Texas, when in company with Cabeza de Vaca.... As soon as they had delivered the gourd to the chief [of the pueblo] and he had observed the bells he became very angry," and ordered Estevan and his party to depart at once. But the Negro was persistent. He and his retinue lodged just outside the walls of the Pueblo of Hawaikuh. Early the next morning they were attacked by a large band of warriors from the Pueblo and Estevan was killed while attempting to make his escape.

There has been preserved among the legends of the Zuni Pueblos of New Mexico one which apparently dates back to the coming of Estevan, the Black Mexican from the south. The scene of his death is placed at Kiakima, and the single Black Mexican has been magnified into many, but the legend is nevertheless interesting and significant.

"It is to be believed that a long time ago, when roofs lay over the walls of Kya-ki-me, when smoke hung over the housetops, and the ladder rounds were still unbroken in Kya-ki-me, then the Black Mexicans came from their abodes in Everlasting Summerland. One day, unexpectedly, out of Hemlock Canon they came, and descended to Kya-ki-me. But when they said they would enter the covered way, it seems that our ancients looked not gently at them; for with these Black Mexicans came many Indians of So-no-li, as they call it now, ... who were enemies of our ancients. Therefore, these our ancients, being always bad-tempered, and quick to anger, made fools of themselves after their fashion, rushing into their town and out of their town, shouting, skipping and shooting with their sling-stones and arrows and tossing their war-clubs. Then the Indians of So-no-li set up a great howl, and thus they and our ancients did much ill to one another. Then and thus was killed by our ancients, right where the stone stands down by the arroyo of Kya-ki-me, one of the Black Mexicans, a large man, with chilli lips [i.e., lips swollen from eating chilli peppers], and some of the Indians they killed, catching others. Then the rest ran away, chased by our grandfathers, and went back toward their country in the Land of Everlasting Summer...."[11]

J. FRED RIPPY.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Jose Antonio Saco, Historia de la Esclavitud ... (Barcelona, 1879), IV, 57 ff.

[2] Saco, op. cit., IV, 74, 75, 178; Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, Historia General ... tom. 3, lib. 29, cap. 3.

[3] Dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 4; Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Conquista de Nueva-Espana, cap. 124.

[4] Herrera, dec. 5, lib. 5, cap. 7-9.

[5] Dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 5.

[6] Herrera, op. cit., dec. 5, lib. 10, cap. 1, 2, y 3.

[7] Saco, op. cit. IV, 166.

[8] Ibid., IV, 170.

[9] Pedro de Casteneda, "Account of the Expedition to Cibola which took place in the year 1540 ...," translated in Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States (J. F. Jameson, ed.), pp. 289-290.

[10] Spanish Settlements in the United States, 1513-1561, pp. 278-280.

[11] Quoted in Lowery, op. cit., pp. 281-282.



THE ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE NEGROES OF NEW YORK PRIOR TO 1861

The institution of slavery existed in the State of New York until 1827. The number of slaves had increased from 6,000 slaves in 1700 to 21,000 in 1790.[1] Moved by the struggle for the rights of man, the legislature of New York passed in 1799 an act of emancipation, providing that all children born of slave parents after July 4 ensuing should be free and subject to apprenticeship in the case of males until the age of 28, and of the females until the age of 25, while the exportation of slaves was forbidden. By the process of emancipation all slaves were liberated in 1827. Thenceforth, birth on the soil of New York was a guaranty of freedom and slaves from other States fled to New York as an asylum.[2] As a result of these efforts at gradual emancipation, there were more than 10,000 free Negroes in New York City in 1800.

We are to inquire here as to exactly what was the economic condition of these Negroes. What of their wealth, their means and methods of living well and wisely? With gradual emancipation and the cessation of the sale of slaves the Negroes became economically unimportant to the whites.[3] They were employed as servants, laborers, sailors and mechanics.[4] It was reported to the American Convention of Abolition Societies in 1797, however, "that a degree of decorum and industry prevailed among them much to their honor and advantage." This report further said that "Many in the town and country were freeholders, several worth from $300 to $1,300. Various associations among the free blacks for mutual support, benefit and improvement had been established. One of these had a lot for a burying ground and the site of a church worth fifteen hundred dollars. All were in a state of progressive improvement."[6] Still another part of the report made by these delegates stated that "on the whole they exhibited an example of successful industry highly honorable to themselves, gratifying to their parents, encouraging to patrons and consoling to humanity."[7] Again, in 1803, the New York delegates reported that the "increase of the number of freeholders among the free blacks is an evidence of the progress of industry, sobriety, and economy, and strengthens the hope that they will gradually emerge from their degraded condition to usefulness and respectability."[8]

Further evidence of the economic improvement of free Negroes during this period is evidenced by a significant appeal made by the members of the American Convention of Abolition Societies to the Free Negroes of New York in 1805. "The education of your offspring," said these friends of the Negroes, "is a subject of lasting importance and has obtained a large portion of your attention and care. In this, too, we call upon you for your aid; many of you have been favored to acquire a comfortable portion of property and are consequently enabled to contribute in some measure to the means of educating your offspring."[9] In response to this appeal, the society of free people of color was established in 1812 to maintain a Free Orphan School in New York City and employed two teachers; and there were three other schools which they supported with their tuition fees, while those who were not sufficiently well circumstanced to educate their children sent them to the African Free Schools maintained by the New York Manumission Society.[10]

These African Free Schools were conducted in such a way as to have a direct bearing on the economic improvement of the Negroes. In 1818 the New York Mission Society informed the American Convention of Abolition Societies that the former had devised a plan of extending their care to certain children of color who had completed their course of instruction in the New York African Free Schools "in putting them at some useful trade or employment." These friends of the race in New York said that it had long been a regret that Negro children "educated at their schools had been suffered after leaving it to waste their time in idleness, thereby incurring those vicious habits which were calculated to render their previous education worse than useless." To remedy this evil they appointed an Indenturing Committee, whose duty was to provide places for these children and put them at a trade or some other employment when they had completed their education. The Committee took special care that the persons with whom children might be placed should be those of good character and while on the one hand they insisted that the children demean themselves with sobriety they extended their guardian care to them so that they might not "become subjects of oppression and tyranny." This Indenturing Committee in reaching its decision as to the sort of occupations to which the children could be apprenticed expressed a decided preference for agricultural pursuits, being persuaded that an occupation of this nature was far more conducive to the moral improvement of these Negroes than the pursuits of the city under the most favorable circumstances. This plan upon being presented to the parents and guardians of these children was favorably received, but it does not appear that a large number of them thereafter participated in agriculture.[11]

The activity of the girls who had received instruction in household economics in free schools showed progress in another direction. They formed a society under the name of the African Dorcas Association for the purpose of procuring and making garments for the destitute. The boys, too, contributed their share to this progress, taking up such trades as sail makers, tire-workers, tailors, carpenters and blacksmiths.

Such reports[12] represent the condition of the free Negroes of New York before slavery was completely abolished. This change in the status of the Negroes then, and the evolving industrial system effected a change in the economic condition of the Negro throughout the city.[13]

It must be remembered in this connection, however, that these Negroes experienced difficulties on account of their color either in obtaining a thorough knowledge of the trades or, after they had obtained it, in finding employment in the best shops. White and black laborers at first worked together in the same room and at the same machine. But soon prejudice developed. It was made more intense by the immigration into this country of a large number of poor Germans and Irish, who came to our shores because of the disturbed conditions of Europe. Their superior training and experience enabled them to get positions in most of the trades. Most northern men, moreover, still objected to granting Negroes economic equality. When the supply of labor exceeded the demand, the free Negroes, unable to compete with these foreigners, were driven not only from the respectable positions, but also from the menial pursuits. Measures to restrict to the whites employment in higher pursuits were proposed and where they were not actually made laws, public opinion, to that effect, accomplished practically the same result. This reversal of the position of labor, however, did not take place without a struggle, for there soon arose ill-feeling which culminated in the riots between 1830 and 1840.[14]

In spite of this condition, Arthur Tappan, Gerrit Smith and William Lloyd Garrison reported to the Second American Convention for the Improvement of the Free People of Color that "by perseverance, the youth of color could succeed in procuring profitable situations.[15] To these benefactors, however, it was soon evident that Negroes had to be trained for the competition with white laborers or be doomed to follow menial employment. In accordance with this Gerrit Smith established in 1834 a school in Peterboro, for the purpose of training Negro youths under the manual labor system.[16] With such training, he believed, free Negroes would gain a livelihood, send their children to school, and gradually accumulate money. He hoped that many of them would make progress to the extent of possessing property valued at $250, which amount would enable citizens of color[17] to vote in the State of New York.

Hoping to put an end to economic poverty among these Negroes, Gerrit Smith devised a scheme for the distribution of 3,000 parcels of land of 40 or 60 acres each among the unfortunate blacks then handicapped in this untoward situation in New York City. From a list of names furnished him by Rev. Charles B. Ray, Rev. Theodore F. Wright and Dr. J. McCune Smith, three prominent Negroes in New York City, Gerrit Smith apportioned this land among the Negro colonists in the counties of Franklin, Essex, Hamilton, Fulton, Oneida, Delaware, Madison, and Ulster. On account of the intractability of the soil, however, the harshness of the climate, and, in a great measure, the inefficiency of the settlers, the enterprise was a failure and offered no relief to the economic condition of the Negroes in this city.

It will be interesting to note the observations of a promoter of colonization on the condition of Negroes in New York City at this time. While his statements must be taken with some reservation they, nevertheless, contain a truth which must be taken into account. Hoping to induce Negroes to accept colonization in Africa, he endeavored to show that they could not finally succeed in the struggle in competition with the white laborers and would be crowded out of the higher pursuits of labor. He referred to the fact that a few years prior to 1846 there was a vast body of colored laborers in New York but that at that time they could not be seen. The writer inquired as to "who may find a dray or a cart or a hack driven by a colored man?" "Where are the vast majority of colored people in the city?" "None," said he, "can deny that they are sunken much lower than they were a few years ago and are compelled to pursue none but the meanest avocations."

The gentleman making these observations tried to emphasize this striking contrast by calling attention to the fact that New York was a place that had a great deal of compassion for the slave while it was neglecting to take into account the awful condition of the free Negroes, in spite of the fact that the process of their depression had been going on at the same time that the abolitionists in New York were working for the emancipation of the slave. Although these friends of the Negroes and the Negroes themselves had during these years been boldly asserting their rights and demanding to be elevated, they had been losing ground, sinking into meaner occupations and less lucrative employments. He believed that the day was not far when every desirable business in the city would be entirely monopolized by the whites because of the rapid influx of foreigners who had to labor or serve and knew how to toil to advantage, to the extent that they could make their labor more valuable than that of the people of color.[18]

In things economic, however, the free Negroes of New York made considerable improvement after 1845; a decided improvement in this respect was noted by 1851. So evident was this progress that the colonizationists who had repeatedly referred to the poverty of the Negroes and the prejudice against them in the laboring world as a reason why they should migrate to Africa, thereafter ceased to say very much about their poverty, shifting their complaint rather to social proscription. In 1851 a contributor to The African Repository, the organ of the American Colonization Society, discussed the situation of the 48,000 free Negroes of New York. Directing his attention to the 14,000 living in the metropolis, the editor said that the condition of 4,000 of them approached that of comfort; 1,000 of the number having substantial wealth, or that one out of every ten was in a pleasant and enviable social condition. As this pessimist was compelled to concede that this was not a bad showing for an oppressed people he goes off on another line, saying: "Everywhere the Negro, whatever his wealth or education or talents, is excluded from social equality and social freedom."[19]

There were many instances of individual enterprise, however, but these often meant little since Negroes had such a little knowledge of business that white persons often defrauded them out of what they accumulated. Sojourner Truth accumulated more than enough money to supply her wants, but lost some of it by depositing it in a bank without taking account of the sum which she deposited and without asking for the interest when she drew her money from the bank.[20] One Pierson persuaded her to take her money out of the bank and invest it in a common fund which he was raising to be drawn upon by all needy and faithful free Negroes.[21] Her savings, therefore, served to increase this fund, which instead of relieving the economic condition of many needy free Negroes enriched this white impostor.

As evidences of this unusual progress of the Negroes there are many instances of persons who gained wealth in spite of the various handicaps. Many of the caterers and restaurant keepers of high order of New York were Negroes, the most popular of whom being Thomas Downing, the keeper of a restaurant under what is now the Drexel Building, near the corner of Wall and Broad streets, New York City.[22] Abner H. Frances and James Garrett, were formerly extensive clothiers of Buffalo, New York, doing business to the amount of $60,000 annually. They continued their enterprise successfully for years, their credit being good for any amount of money they needed. They failed in business in 1849 but thereafter adjusted the claims against them.[23] Henry Scott and Company, of New York City, engaged in the pickling business, principally confined to supplying vessels.[24] Edward V. Clark, another business man of New York, had a jewelry establishment requiring much capital. His name had, moreover, a respectable standing even among the dealers of Wall Street.[25] Mr. Huston kept for years an intelligence office in New York. He was succeeded by Philip A. Bell, an excellent business man. Concerning it, Austin Steward reported in his book entitled "The Condition of the Colored People" that "his business is very extensive, being sought from all points of the city by the first people of the community.[26]

Many other names may be mentioned. William H. Topp was one of the leading merchant tailors of Albany, New York. Starting in the world without aid he educated and qualified himself for business.[27] In Penyan, Messrs. William Platt and Joseph C. Cassey were said to be carrying on an extensive trade in lumber.[28]

Situated in the midst of a rapidly developing country the enterprises of these free Negroes increased in importance every year. This was especially true of the drug stores of Dr. James McCune Smith, on Broadway, a Negro physician, who was practicing in New York City during the thirties, and of the establishment of Dr. Philip White, on Frankfort street. Many Negroes accumulated considerable wealth. Edward Bidwell successfully operated during the period of 1827-40 two stores on the main street of New York City, hoarding considerable money. Austin Steward, still another instance of New York City, made "handsome profits" from the sale of spirituous liquors. At one time he said that no further exertion was necessary on his part to enjoy life, or to better his economic condition. Finally, William Smith, a shrewd sailor of New York, managed to accumulate considerable wealth.

The statistics of the census of 1850 give further evidences of this general progress. Of the 50,000 free people of color in the State of New York over 15 years of age in 1850, sixty were clerks, doctors and lawyers and about 55 were merchants and teachers.[29] There were, moreover:

2 apprentices 3 barkeepers 4 bakers 1 blacksmith 122 barbers 21 boarding house keepers 28 boatmen 33 butchers 8 cigar makers 12 carpenters 39 carmen 95 cooks 107 coachmen 2 confectioners 1 gunsmith 24 farmers 7 gardeners 3 merchants 2 hatters 11 ink makers 1144 laborers 3 jewelers 21 ministers 4 painters 24 musicians 434 mariners 2 mechanics 15 marketmen 4 printers 23 tailors 44 stewards 808 servants 23 shoemakers 12 sextons 8 teachers 207 engaged in other occupations

Many Negroes used wisely the money which they obtained from these businesses. Out of a free population of 50,000 Negroes, 5,447, or about one in ten was in school during this period. In a pamphlet entitled the Present Condition of Free People of Color published by James Freeman Clarke in 1859, the author stated that they were no less neat in person and attire than their white neighbors.[30] One year during the period from 1850 to 1860 Negroes of New York City invested in business carried on by themselves $775,000; in businesses of Brooklyn $76,000. That same year these free Negroes purchased real estate in New York worth $733,000, and in Brooklyn $276,000.[31]

With complete freedom in New York, free Negroes made more efforts to improve their condition. There were established several newspapers which served not only to present their cause to the public but also as economic factors. First of these must be mentioned a publication called Freedom's Journal or The Rights of All. This paper, edited by James B. Russworm, the first Negro college graduate in the United States, and Rev. Samuel F. Cornish, was established in March, 1827.[32] Another journal, styled The Weekly Advocate, changing its name later to The Colored American, appeared in New York, March 4, 1837. The editor was Philip A. Bell. Later Charles Bennett Ray became one of the proprietors and editors. Finally, mention must be made of such journals of this period as The Elevator, of Albany, edited by Stephen Myers; The Genius of Freedom, by David Ruggles; People's Press, by Thomas Hamilton; and North Star, by Frederick Douglass. Concerning the last named publication, it was generally said that it was conducted on a higher plane than any of the others and that it was among the first newspapers of the country.

ARNETT G. LINDSAY.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Census of New York before 1790:

Year Number 1664 "very few" 1678 "very few" 1698 King's County, 293. 1703, 5 counties about N. Y. City 1,301. 1712, 5 counties about N. Y. City 1,775. 1723 6,171 1731 7,231 1746 9,717 1774 21,717 1790 21,324 1800 20,903 1810 15,017 1820 10,088 1830 75 1840 4

NEW YORK CITY SLAVES.

1703 801 1712 960 1731 1,571 1737 1,719 1746 2,444

Morgan, Slavery in New York, page 38.

[2] New York Emancipation Law—African Repository, Vol. 31, page 155.

[3] Half a Man, M. W. Ovington, page 69.

[4] American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1797, p. 39.

[5] Ibid., p. 31.

[6] Ibid., p. 39.

[7] Ibid., p. 30.

[8] Ibid., 1803, p. 7.

[9] American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1805, p. 38.

[10] Ibid., 1812, p. 7.

[11] American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1812, p. 14.

[12] Inspectors of the New York African Free Schools reported to The Commercial Advertiser, May 12, 1824, that "we never beheld a white school of the same age in which without exception there was more order, neatness of dress, and cleanliness of person."

[13] Ibid.

[14] Journal of Negro History, Vol. III, p. 354.

[15] Woodson, Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, p. 286.

[16] Journal of Negro History, Vol. III.

[17] Hurd's Law of Freedom-Bondage, p. 81.

[18] African Repository, September, 1846, p. 278.

[19] Ibid., 1851, p. 263.

[20] Narrative of Sojourner Truth, p. 99.

[21] Ibid., p. 99.

[22] Martin Delaney, Condition of Colored People, p. 139.

[23] Ibid., p. 102.

[24] Ibid., p. 106.

[25] Austin Steward, Condition of Colored People, p. 102.

[26] Ibid., p. 102.

[27] Austin Steward, Condition of Colored People, p. 102.

[28] Ibid., p. 132.

[29] Seventh Census of the United States.

[30] J. F. Clarke, Present Condition of People of Color, p. 14.

[31] Ibid.

[32] Afro-American Press, p. 27.



DOCUMENTS

THE APPEAL OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION OF ABOLITION SOCIETIES

The student of the so-called Negro problem of today may find it profitable to study the methods of persons thus concerned more than a century ago. What their plans were, what machinery they constructed for carrying them out, and the hopes they had for ultimate success, will furnish much material for reflection for social workers. There is published below, therefore, a number of the annual appeals of the American Convention of Abolition Societies to the various branches, setting forth the annual review of the work, the general survey of results obtained and the ways and means to carry it forward to a successful completion.

TO THE ANTISLAVERY GROUPS

To the Society for promoting the abolition of Slavery, Ec.

It is with peculiar pleasure we inform you, that the Convention of Delegates, from most of the Abolition Societies formed in the United States, met in this city, have, with much unanimity, gone through the business which came before them. The advantages to be derived from this meeting are so evident, that we have agreed earnestly to recommend to you, that a similar meeting be annually convened, until the great object of our association—the liberty of our fellowmen—shall be fully and equivocally established.

To obtain this important end, we conceive that it is proper, constantly to have in view the necessity of using our utmost and unremitting endeavors to abolish slavery, and to protect and meliorate the condition of the enslaved, and of the emancipated. The irresistible, though silent progress of the principles of true philosophy, will do much for us; but, placed in a situation well adapted to promote these principles, it surely becomes us to improve every occasion of forwarding the great designs of our institutions. For this purpose, we think it proper to request you to unite with us, in the most strenuous exertions, to effect a compliance with the laws in favour of emancipation; and, where these laws are deficient, respectful applications to the State-Legislatures should not be discontinued, however unsuccessful they may prove.—Let us remember, for our consolation and encouragement in these cases, that, although interest and prejudice may oppose, yet the fundamental principles of our government, as well as the progressive and rapid influence of reason and religion, are in our favour—and let us never be discouraged by a fear of the event, from performing any task of duty, when clearly pointed out; for it is an undoubted truth—that no good effort can ever be entirely lost.

While contemplating the great principles of our associations, we cannot refrain from recommending to your attention the propriety of using your endeavours to form, as circumstances may require, Abolition Societies in your own, and in the neighboring States; as, for want of the concurrence of others, the good intentions and efforts of many an honest and zealous individual are often defeated.

But, while we wish to draw your attention to these objects, there is another which we cannot pass over. We are all too much accustomed to the reproaches of the enemies of our cause, on the subject of the ignorance and crimes of the Blacks, not to wish that they were ill-founded. And though, to us, it is sufficiently apparent that this ignorance, and these crimes, are owing to the degrading state of slavery; yet, may we not, with confidence, attempt to do away the reproach?—Let us use our endeavours to have the children of the emancipated, and even of the enslaved Africans, instructed in common literature—in the principles of virtue and religion, and in those mechanic arts which will keep them most constantly employed, and, of course, will less subject them to idleness and debauchery; and thus prepare them for becoming good citizens of the United States: a privilege and elevation to which we look forward with pleasure, and which we believe can be best merited by habits of industry and virtue.

We shall transmit you an exact copy of our proceedings, with the different memorials and addresses which to us have appeared necessary at this time; and would recommend to you the propriety of giving full powers to the Delegates who are to meet in the year 1795; believing that the business of that Convention will be rendered more easy and more extensively useful, if you send, by your Representatives, certified copies of the constitution and laws of your Society, and of all the laws existing in your state concerning slavery, with such facts relative to this business, as may ascertain the respective situation of slavery, and of the Blacks in general.



To the Society for promoting the abolition of slavery, &c.

The Delegates, from the several Abolition Societies in the United States, convened in this city, express to you, with great satisfaction, the pleasure they have experienced from the punctual attendance of the persons, delegated to this Convention, and that harmony with which they have deliberated on the several matters that have been presented to them, at this time, for their consideration. The benefits which may flow from a continuance of this general meeting, by aiding the principal design of its institution—the universal emancipation of the wretched Africans who are yet in bondage, appear to us so many and important, that we are induced to recommend to you, to send Delegates to a similar Convention, which we propose to be holden, in this city, on the first day of January, in the year one thousand, seven hundred and ninety-six.

We have thought it proper to request your further attention to that part of the address of the former Convention, which relates to the procurement of certified copies of the laws of your state respecting slavery; and that you would send, to the next Convention, exact copies of all such laws as are now in force, and of such as have been repealed. Convinced that an historical review of the various acts and provisions of the Legislatures of the several states, relating to slavery, from the periods of their respective settlements to the present time, by tracing the progress of the system to African slavery in this country, and its successive change in the different governments of the Union, would throw much light on the objects of our enquiry and attention, and enable us to determine, how far the cause of justice and humanity has advanced among us, and how soon we may reasonably expect to see it triumphant;—we recommend to you, to take such measures as you may think conducive to that purpose, for procuring materials for the work now proposed, and assisting its publication; and to communicate, to the ensuing Convention, what progress you shall have made toward perfecting the plan here offered for your consideration and care.

Believing that an acquaintance with the names of the officers of the several Abolition Societies, would facilitate that friendly correspondence which ought always to be preserved between our various associations, we request that you would send, to the next, and to every future Convention, an accurate list of all the officers of your Society, for the time being, with the number of members of which it consists. And it would assist that Convention in ascertaining the existing state of slavery in the United States, if you were to forward to them an exact account of the persons who have been liberated by the agency of your Society, and of those who may be considered as signal instances of the relief that you have afforded; and, also, a statement of the number of free blacks in your state, their property, employments, and moral conduct.

As a knowledge of what has been done, and of that success which has attended the efforts of humanity, will cherish the hope of benevolence, and stimulate to further exertion, we trust that you will be of opinion with us, that it would be highly useful to procure correct reports of all such trials, and decisions of courts of judicature, respecting slavery, a knowledge of which may be subservient to the cause of abolition, and to transmit them to the next, or to any future Convention.

It cannot have escaped your observation, how many persons there are who continue the hateful practice of enslaving their fellow men, and who acquiesce in the sophistry of the advocates of that practice, merely from want of reflection, and from an habitual attention to their own immediate interest. If to such were often applied the force of reason, and the persuasion of eloquence, they might be awakened to a sense of their injustice, and be startled with horror at the enormity of their conduct. To produce so desirable a change in sentiment, as well as practice, we recommend to you the instituting of annual, or other periodical, discourses, or orations, to be delivered in public, on the subject of slavery, and means of its abolition.

We cannot forbear expressing to you our earnest desire, that you will continue, without ceasing, to endeavour, by every method in your power which can promise any success, to procure, either an absolute repeal of all the laws in your state, which countenance slavery, or such an amelioration of them as will gradually produce an entire abolition. Yet, even should that greater end be happily attained, it cannot put a period to the necessity of further labor. The education of the emancipated, the noblest and most arduous task which we have to perform, will require all our wisdom and virtue, and the constant exercise of the greatest skill and discretion. When we have broken his chains, and restored the African to the enjoyment of his rights, the great work of justice and benevolence is not accomplished—The new born citizen must receive that instruction, and those powerful impressions of moral and religious truth, which will render him capable and desirous of fulfilling the various duties he owes to himself and to his country. By educating some in the higher branches of science, and all in the useful parts of learning, and in the precepts of religion and morality, we shall not only do away with the reproach and calumny so unjustly lavished upon us, but confound the enemies of truth, by evincing that the unhappy sons of Africa, in spite of the degrading influence of slavery, are in no wise inferior to the more fortunate inhabitants of Europe and America.

As a mean of effectuating, in some degree, a design so virtuous and laudable, we recommend to you to appoint a committee, annually, or for any other more convenient period, to execute such plans, for the improvement of the condition and moral character of the free blacks in your state, as you may think best adapted to your particular situation.

By a decree of the National Convention of France, all the blacks and people of color, within the territories of the French republic, are declared free, and entitled to an equal participation of the rights of citizens of France. We have been informed that many persons, of the above description, notwithstanding the decree in their favor, have been brought from the West-India islands, by emigrants, into the United States, and are now held as slaves,—We suggest to you the propriety, as well as the necessity, of making enquiry into the subject, and of effecting their liberation, so far as may be found consistent with the laws of your state.[2]

To the Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, &c.

The Delegates from the several Abolition Societies in the United States inform you, that, agreeably to the recommendation of the Convention of last year, they met in this city on the first instant, and have, with much harmony and satisfaction, gone through the business which came before them. They have the pleasure to assure you, that every successive meeting evinces the importance of that union and concert which are so happily established among the several Societies, in pursuing the great object of their association.

But, although the exertions of this delegated Body have been hitherto attended, as we hope, with considerable success—Although we are persuaded that no small progress may be marked in the great business of emancipation; yet much remains to be done; as long as seven hundred thousand of our Fellow Creatures, in the United States, continue in a state of bondage, there appears a pressing necessity for the continuance of our efforts; that we should keep our attention fixed upon the subject, and stand ready to improve every favorable opportunity that may occur, to forward the interesting cause in which we are engaged. We are therefore induced to continue the recommendation heretofore made, that a similar meeting be annually held; and as convening at the present season is attended with inconveniences, we propose, that the next Convention, should assemble in this city, on the first Wednesday of May, in the year 1797.

It gives us pleasure to learn, from various reports which were laid before us, that most of the recommendations made by the former Conventions, had received a considerable degree of attention, from the several societies to whom they were addressed. But, as they have not been uniformly and perfectly complied with, permit us to repeat the request, so far as the same may be applicable to your society, that you transmit to the next Convention, certified copies of all such laws, in any wise respecting slavery, as are now in force, as have been repealed, or may hereafter be enacted—Correct lists of the officers of your society, for the time being, and also the names of all your members, and their places of abode—An account of the proceedings of your society, in relieving Africans and others unlawfully held in bondage—A statement of the condition of the blacks, both bond and free, in your state, with respect to the property of the free, and the employment and moral conduct of all—Reports of such trials and decisions of the Courts of Judicature, relative to Africans, as may have taken place—An account of the endeavors which have been used to obtain a repeal or amelioration of the laws respecting slavery—information concerning what has been done, in pursuance of the recommendation of the last Convention, to establish periodical discourses on the subject of slavery, and the means of its abolition—And finally, a report of the progress you have made in extending to Africans the benefits of education. And we further request, that whatever communications may be made to the next, or to any future Convention, in consequence of the above recommendations, be presented in the form of regular written reports, noticing in what manner and degree you have carried them into effect, and how far your efforts have been ineffectual. By this means there will be exhibited such a view of the state of each Society, as that the several reports may be entered on the minutes of the Convention, who will thereby be better enabled to decide on the propriety of making public such parts of these communications as may be best adapted to advance the cause of truth and humanity.

And as very important advantages have, in several instances, resulted from accurate registers being kept, by persons appointed for that purpose by certain of the Abolition Societies in the United States, of such manumissions as have taken place; we do earnestly recommend, should you not already have entered into this regulation, that you make it hereafter an object of diligent attention. Such records may, in various ways, subserve the cause of emancipation.

We learn, that the proposal made by the last Convention, respecting the blacks, and people of color, who have emigrated from the West Indies, and now reside in the United States, has, in many instances, given rise to difficulty; in order to remove which, we have been induced to transmit to you the following extract from the twelfth article of the Consular Convention between France and the United States; which by designating the proper tribunals to whom application, in such cases, is to be made, will, we trust, be found sufficient, in future, to direct your proceedings in this business, viz.

"That all differences and suits between French citizens in the United States, and between American citizens in the dominions of France, shall be determined by the respective Consuls and Vice Consuls either by a reference to arbitrators, or by a summary judgment, and without costs; and that no officer of the country, civil or military, shall interfere therein, or take any part whatever in the matter."

When we contemplate the odious nature and the immense magnitude of the evil which you have associated to oppose, and the inestimable importance of the objects which you are seeking to obtain, we cannot forbear to urge unremitted exertions, in pursuing the great ends before you. We are persuaded you will not neglect any just means in your power, which may tend to advance, either directly, or indirectly, the cause of equal liberty;—And it gives us pleasure also to express our persuasion, that, in this pursuit, much is still in your power. Although you cannot control Legislatures; and though, when you plead the cause of humanity, they will not, at all times, listen to you; yet there are other means to be used, perhaps, more effectual—You can do much, by directing your efforts to the conviction of individuals—by diffusing proper publications amongst them, and by presenting the evils of slavery in various forms to their minds.[3]

The following was inserted in the Address to the Pennsylvania Abolition Society.

And as precise information, on this subject, cannot be too generally diffused, we request you to collect all possible intelligence relative to such blacks and people of color in the United States as are made Citizens of the French Republic, by the decree of the National Convention, of the sixteenth Pluviose, second year of the republic, and transmit the same to all the other Abolition Societies in the United States.

Nor can we suppose, it would be an effort altogether ineffectual in favor of liberty, were its friends, throughout the United States, in all cases where it is practicable, to display a marked preference of such commodities, as are of the culture or manufacture of freemen, to those which are cultivated or manufactured by slaves—In this way, every individual may discountenance oppression, and bear testimony against a practice, which is still suffered to remain the disgrace of our land.

We have thought proper to address the free Africans and other free people of color in the United States, on various subjects, which we believe nearly to concern their interest and happiness. We have directed copies of this address to be transmitted to you and request you to distribute the same, in your State, in such manner as you may judge best calculated to promote its design.

We cannot conclude, without calling your attention, in a particular manner, to the necessity of appointing such of your members to represent you in the Convention, as will be punctually attentive to the duties of their appointment. We are sorry to observe, that there is some ground of complaint, on this subject; but we trust, that, in future, such a full representation will appear, as will give encreasing encouragement, energy and success to our united endeavors in the great cause of human happiness.

Copies of our proceedings will be laid before you; from which we hope, you will derive satisfaction, and perceive the importance of the several objects which we have recommended to your attention.[4]

To the Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery.

To inform you of our proceedings; to solicit your further advice and assistance; and to request your special attention to the original object of our meetings, we now address you.

We have, as formerly, gone through our business with harmony and satisfaction; the peculiar objects, thereof will appear from our minutes, herewith transmitted; and we can truly add, that the important advantages evidently arising from such a collection of information and exchange of sentiment are too obvious, not to unite us in the recommendation, that a similar Convention of delegates from the different abolition societies, be held in this city on the first day of June, 1798.

The non-compliance of several societies with this proposal for some years past, induces us to believe that some obstacles may exist, which possibly might be removed; we therefore request, that where it is not agreed to send delegates, such societies would favor the Convention, in writing, with their determination and the causes of it. This better enables the Convention to judge of the most proper mode of proceeding in future.

A table, containing the requisitions of this and the former Conventions, and how far they have hitherto been complied with by each society, will shew the propriety and necessity of fulfilling these requisitions; which, after being thus pointed out need not now be further insisted on.

When we consider the extensive influence of education on society, we think a due attention to the instruction of the blacks and people of color of every description cannot be too forcibly impressed. This will apply not merely to what is called school learning, but essentially consists in inculcating the sound principles of morality and religion as well as habits of temperance and industry. From a continued regard to the welfare of this much injured and much oppressed people, we have again addressed them on such points as we judged would be most beneficial; but it will in a great degree rest with you to circulate and enforce the advice recommended: and we may add, that, as the evils which must necessarily result from their being retained in a state of ignorance are incalculable, so it is, in our opinion, the greatest and perhaps the only important service we can render to them and to our country, to disseminate learning and morality amongst them, thus raising them gradually and safely to that level, to which they must, in the course of time, inevitably attain.

The different Conventions have from year to year, endeavoured to procure from the Abolition Societies, every kind of information which may illustrate the history of slavery in the United States; we now repeat their request, with a view to the formation of a history of this important subject.

From the general accounts received, as well as from our own observations we are induced strongly to recommend, that where several Abolition Societies exist in one state, they would, if possible, form a general plan of union or confederation, so as, on all important occasions, to act in concert.

You are already well informed of the act of Congress of March twenty-second, 1794, prohibiting the citizens of the United States from supplying foreign nations with slaves; you will also most probably have heard that this wise and humane law has been too frequently violated by our citizens; in consequence of which the Abolition Societies of Pennsylvania, New-York and Providence, have severally commenced prosecutions against divers persons and vessels, engaged in this abominable traffic; the first named society has been successful in the two prosecutions they undertook in the District Court of Pennsylvania and of the United States of America. The vessels have been condemned, and actions are pending against the masters and owners in the Circuit Court of the United States in and for the Pennsylvania district of the middle circuit. There is good ground to believe that the other societies will meet with equal success.

Besides the information mutually given by the societies to each other as occasions may require, to assist them in checking such clandestine practices, we believe it would be highly useful to forward every particular that comes to your knowledge on this subject, to the next Convention, who may make a very important use of it.

The difficulties which have continually occurred respecting the blacks and people of color, who have for several years past emigrated from the French West-Indies into the United States, have engaged the attention of this and the preceding Conventions. To remove these difficulties, we transmit you a certified copy of an authenticated decree of the National Convention of France, of the sixteenth Pluviose, second year of the Republic; (February fifth, 1794,) which has been lately received by the Pennsylvania Abolition Society. With this decree, since fully confirmed by the French constitution of 1795, we believe you will have it in your power to afford every legal and effectual assistance to these unfortunate people.

There yet remains a subject which, though often urged, still continues to demand our serious attention; we allude to the most proper means of extending the principles of just and equal liberty amongst mankind: and as we profess to assume no other powers than those of persuasion and convincement, founded on the unerring basis of truth and justice, we wish you duly to advert to the magnitude of the cause in which we are engaged, to persevere with patience and fortitude in your applications to legislative bodies and courts of justice, for the relief of our unfortunate African brethren, and to continue to enlighten the public mind, by spreading as much as possible, all kind of useful information on the subject: that thus we may, in every form, and on every occasion, be ready to plead the cause of the oppressed, in the language of persuasion and of truth. And then we shall have done our duty; and then we may, in humble confidence, look up for the blessing and protection of the great Father of all, whose ways are just and equal, and who hath made of one blood all nations of men.[5]

To the Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, &c.

THE Convention of delegates from the Abolition Societies established in different parts of the United States, assembled at Philadelphia, congratulate their constituents on the general progress of their objects since last meeting, and on the union of sentiment, and harmony of deliberation, which has prevailed in all their proceedings.

The assembling in Convention, at proper intervals, has produced so many advantages in combining the views and operations of the friends of emancipation throughout the United States, that we are persuaded you will unite with us in opinion, that it is expedient that another Convention of delegates from the several Abolition Societies, be held in this city on the first Wednesday of June, in the year one thousand eight hundred.

The alteration in the period of meeting we have adopted under a consideration of the peculiar situation of our country, and the state of the objects which have hitherto occupied our attention; but, we earnestly request, that a general representation, and a punctual attendance, may take place at the time recommended.

Although, from the reports of such of the Societies as have sent delegates to this Convention, we have observed, with encouragement and pleasure, the perseverance that is used, and the progress that is made, in the great work for which we have associated; yet, we cannot help noticing, with regret, the absence of many of our members, and the total omission of several of the Societies to appoint Representatives, or to comply with the request of the last Convention, that, where it was not agreed to send delegates, such determination and the cause of it might be reported to the Convention in writing. To those societies, therefore, which have failed in this respect, we are induced earnestly to repeat the request, and to urge their particular attention thereto.

By some of the Societies the general requisitions of former Conventions, have not yet been answered or complied with, and by others only in part. An accurate table of these requisitions, and the manner in which each Society had complied with them, was made out by the last Convention and forwarded to the different Abolition Societies. By a reference thereto, and to the report of the committee of this Convention, to whom the several communications were referred, which is included in the copy of our proceedings herewith transmitted to you, you will observe what yet remains to be done; and we hope you will be able to make complete returns to the succeeding Convention, together with such other information as may appear to you to be useful towards the important purpose of forming a history of the progress and state of slavery in the United States.

Too much cannot be said on the necessity of a constant attention to the subject of education. To prepare the minds of our unfortunate African brethren for that condition of freedom and rank in society to which they must, sooner or later, arrive—to disseminate among them useful instruction on moral and religious subjects, and to use our utmost endeavours to have schools established, for the purpose of teaching them to read and write, ought, we conceive, to be the primary object of all the Abolition Societies. We also think it of importance, at this particular period, to impress upon the minds of those who are in bondage, the propriety of a quiet submission to the injunctions of their masters, assuring them that by such conduct they will be likely to experience not only the advantages of better treatment in their present situation, but also cause, perhaps, even their possessors to perceive the injustice that is attached to the principles of slavery.

Firmly persuaded that considerable benefit has already resulted from inculcating friendly advice to this oppressed people, and believing that the sentiments contained in the addresses of the former Conventions to the free blacks and other people of color in the United States cannot be too frequently repeated and enforced, we recommend to the consideration of the Societies, the propriety of a republication of those addresses by each society, and such communication and distribution thereof as may be best calculated to promote a beneficial effect.

The Convention having been informed, that vessels are fitted out with cargoes for certain of the West Indian Islands, parts of which cargoes are their disposed of, and, with the proceeds, slaves are purchased and carried to other of the said Islands, and sold; also that other vessels are loaded with rum, for certain ports in Africa, with the proceeds of which, we have reason to believe, the natives are purchased and afterwards conveyed and sold as slaves in the West Indies. We recommend a strict enquiry to be made into the conduct of persons thus offending against the dictates of humanity and the honor and interest of our country, that proper measures, to punish and prevent such nefarious and disgraceful practices, may be adopted.

We have thought it expedient to confine our attention at present, principally to carrying into effect the measures heretofore advised. Let us, however, whilst prudent and cautious, continue to be firm and sincere. Let us embrace every opportunity which may offer for ameliorating the condition of slaves so far as the laws, under which we severally act, will permit us to proceed. Let us do nothing which may justly draw forth the censure of our country, but act, in all things, with that moderation and propriety which have heretofore distinguished the Abolition Societies.

We confidently trust, that when the storms, by which the world is at present agitated, shall have subsided, the light of truth will break through the dark gloom of oppression—cruelty and injustice will not only hear, but obey, the voice of reason and religion; and in these United States the practice of the people will be conformable to their declaration—"That all men are born equally free, and have an unalienable right to Liberty."[6]

To Society, &c.

The Convention of delegates, from the different Abolition Societies established in the United States, feel a pleasure in informing you, that their deliberations have been conducted with much harmony and satisfaction to themselves.

They, however, deeply regret, that so few of the Societies have been induced to send Representatives to the Convention.

The great and good work of restoring liberty to the captive, and fitting him to fill that station in the scale of being, from which he has been forced by the domineering spirit of power and usurpation, may be considered as little more than begun. How many thousands of miserable wretches yet languish in slavery, in these United States, to whom the light of morn, which should awaken all nature alike to harmony and joy, affords, perhaps, no other consolation save the solitary certainty, that one day more is taken from the long period of their sufferings—This is not all—In vain do you liberate the Africans, while you neglect to furnish him with the means of properly providing for himself, and of becoming an useful member of the community. This subject alone opens an extensive field for active benevolence, and justly demands the exercise of a large portion of the talents and labours of the friends of emancipation.

To effect these desirable objects, so importunately called for by every sentiment of a feeling heart, union and concentration of energy appear to be indispensible. The societies should never be found in the pursuit of incongruous measures, but act in concert; and this cannot, perhaps be better accomplished than by a free and liberal interchange of information, whence useful knowledge should diverge to each society, communicating life, energy, and consistency to the whole.

The advantages resulting from this institution may be known by past experience; but as an additional instance of the good effects flowing from it, we refer you to the addresses forwarded this year to the Convention, and printed in the minutes; in which you will perceive, and especially in the one from New York, much valuable matter. That society mentions a species of kidnapping, which to the disgrace of humanity, has been carried on in that city in a manner at once evincing the barefaced hardiness of its perpetrators, and the wicked and cunning arts practiced, by the enemies of freedom, on an oppressed people. There is good reason to believe, that similar practices are secretly pursued in other parts of the Union. We therefore earnestly press your vigilant attention to the subject, in order that if any other persons should be engaged in this nefarious traffic, they may be made to suffer that exposure and punishment which the enormity of the crime so richly merits.

Fully impressed with the magnitude of the object, and the benefits to be derived from it, we cannot forbear strongly to recommend, that another Convention be held in this city on the first Wednesday in June, in the year 1801. And, in order to insure permanency, and its consequent advantages to this establishment, we submit to your consideration, the expediency of delegating to your Representatives, the power of aiding in the formation of a Constitution, for the government of future Conventions.

The case mentioned by the Virginia society, held at Richmond, from which it seems evident that a small sum of money, beyond what their funds are calculated to bear, might restore a considerable number of persons to liberty, who were unlawfully taken from their state into Georgia, and there sold as slaves, has called forth the sympathy of this Convention; and forcibly suggests the propriety of enabling the next Convention, by the voluntary contributions of the different societies, to grant some pecuniary aid to similar and other proper objects. Much good might be done in this way; and perhaps some societies, who are capable, may be found willing promptly to bestow a portion of their funds to the Virginia society, to enable them more effectually to prosecute this particular claim, it is also to be presumed, that some of the Societies, especially in the eastern states, where slavery no longer exists, might render their benevolent exertions more extensively useful, by suitable and timely grants to others, who are less wealthy, and have much to do.

You have embarked in an excellent cause—go on and prosper,—until liberty, like the light of Heaven, or the air we breathe, shall, however, men may be diversified by color, shape of habit, become the equal inheritance of all.[7]

To the Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery.

THE seventh Convention of Delegates from the several Abolition Societies in the United States, now address you on the subject of their appointment. The concord and reciprocity of sentiment which have attended our proceedings will, we trust, have a happy influence on the cause in which we are engaged, and aid in advancing the great interests of humanity and freedom.

The work which we have undertaken is not a light and trivial nature. It is, on the contrary, one of the utmost magnitude and importance. To remove the foul blot which now stains our country, to break the chains with which so many of our degraded fellow creatures are fettered, and to qualify them for the station for which a beneficent Creator designed them, are labours requiring the vigorous endeavours of every friend to mankind throughout the world. We, therefore, earnestly entreat that the cause may not be suffered to slumber in your hands, but that every favorable opportunity may be eagerly embraced of promoting the work of gradual emancipation.

The subject of the education of the blacks has claimed a share of our consideration. It is an object of so much interest that we cannot too often bring it to view. To adopt the language of the Convention of 1795, "when we have restored the African to the enjoyment of his rights, the great Work of justice and benevolence is not accomplished—The new born citizen must receive that instruction and those powerful impressions of moral and religious truth which will render him capable and desirous of fulfilling the various duties he owes to himself and to his country." On this point we particularly refer you to the sentiments so forcibly expressed in the addresses of preceding conventions, and we strenuously urge a strict compliance with the recommendations therein contained.

The great increase of the practice of kidnapping in defiance of every principle of moral and legal obligation, induces us pressingly to recommend the most earnest endeavours to root out the enormous evil. In this instance there will be less to combat than on the general principle; the slave holders themselves being interested in preventing this addition to the many calamities inflicted on the unfortunate blacks.

With feelings of sorrow and regret, we learn that the horrid trade to Africa for slaves is still continued by many of our fellow citizens. The hearts of those who can contemplate this subject without emotion must indeed be destitute of every sentiment of tenderness. It seems scarcely possible that men accustomed to the enjoyment of liberty, and partaking of the blessings of a free government should so far disregard the rights of humanity as to engage in so diabolical a commerce. The fact however, incredible as it may seem, certainly exists and to a very alarming extent, particularly in the eastern states; we wish to arouse your zeal on the occasion and to incite your diligence and activity in carrying into rigorous execution the laws of the states and of the general government against such atrocious offenders.

The several Societies having expressed themselves favorable to the adoption of a constitution for the government of future conventions, we have made it a subject of our deliberations and being of opinion that the measure would be attended with considerable advantages we have agreed on a plan which we shall forward to you. The provisions of this instrument you will observe are of as general a nature as its objects would admit, and we hope it will prove acceptable to our constituents. If its present form should be approved you will be aware of the necessity of its speedy ratification. From the difficulty of framing a work of this kind, and accommodating it to the wishes and sentiments of every individual, it is hoped that verbal criticisms and alterations of an unimportant nature will be avoided; this point however, we submit to your prudent consideration and decision. Should you think proper to adopt it we request your aid in establishing the contemplated fund.

As numerous misrepresentations of the views of our institutions have gone abroad, and as the unhappy attempt at insurrection on the part of some of the blacks in the southern states, has been called in aid of these misrepresentations by the enemies of liberty, and lessened the activity of some of its friends, we have judged it prudent to publish an address to our fellow citizens, copies whereof will be transmitted to you; you will observe from a perusal of its contents that its object is also to bear our testimony, and produce individual exertion against the abominable practice of kidnapping and the cruel trade to Africa, which, as before observed, still disgrace our country. We anticipate the satisfaction of your approval of this measure, and invite your assistance by every means in your power, in giving it general circulation.

We have had our attention drawn to a subject, believed by our predecessors to be of considerable importance to the work of emancipation; the project of forming a history of slavery in the United States. With a view of forwarding this design, we have appointed a committee to examine and arrange the various papers and documents heretofore received by the several Conventions; to prepare an analysis of their contents, and to report the same with such other information as they may be enabled to obtain, to the ensuing Convention. We request you to examine the minutes and addresses heretofore transmitted, for the purpose of ascertaining how far the requisitions of former Conventions have been complied with on your part, and if my information connected with the object in view remains to be afforded, a benefit will arise from its speedy communication to the committee, and if individuals friendly to the cause, be possessed of any important documents relating to this subject, the committee will no doubt make a proper use of any information with which they may be favored.[8]

To the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery.

It is with lively satisfaction that the eighth Convention of Delegates from different Abolition Societies in the United States, embrace the opportunity of addressing you on the interesting cause, which thus continues to claim our persevering attention, the ultimate success whereof, will, we confidently hope, yield an ample reward for all our labours.

Various and important, in our opinion, are the benefits resulting from thus meeting in annual Conventions. For though we are not invested with legislative influence, yet the opportunity, by this means afforded, for a free interchange of sentiments and communion of feelings, gives energy to action and animation to those who, from multiplied difficulties, are almost ready to relinquish the pursuit.

We have with the united consent of our constituents, fully ratified the Constitution which was presented for your consideration, and have appointed officers for the ensuing year.

This organization of the body, will, we earnestly hope, induce your renewed attention to the nomination of Delegates to the next Convention, and we urge the necessity of your deputing those, whom you have reason to believe, may be willing to devote an adequate portion of their time and attention to a compliance with the objects of their appointment; we request also in an especial manner that you will not fail, regularly to forward written communications from your societies.

Several societies have instructed their representatives to pay certain sums towards the formation of a general fund, from which, if it continues to accumulate, as we hope, it will, much good may be expected to our common cause, particularly in furnishing aid to those societies who are deficient in pecuniary resources.

In the promotion of the laudable purposes to which this fund may be thus applied, we trust our friends in several of the Eastern States, whose domestic exertions have become almost unnecessary by the disappearance of slavery from amongst them, will feel a lively interest;—we, therefore, earnestly solicit their peculiar attention to the subject, persuaded they will feel, in a consciousness of having done well, and in a view of the useful result of their beneficence, an ample reward. We are aware of the varied difficulty and opposition that attend the interference of some societies in this benevolent undertaking. But we sincerely hope they may not be overcome by any discouragements, and we request that they may continue to meet at regular periods, to preserve the form of their association, embracing every opportunity that may occur for useful exertions.

As the general establishment of a legislative plan, for the gradual abolition of slavery throughout the United States, is a desideratum highly interesting to humanity, we cannot but press all those societies which exist in states, where no such legal provisions are in force, to make every proper exertion, in promoting the enaction of a law to this effect.

Much has been said by former Conventions on the subject of schools, and the vast importance of cultivating the minds and the morals of the blacks; no doubt difficulties of various kinds arise in many places to the attainment of this essential point, yet the happy effects abundantly conspicuous in divers neighbourhoods, on a persevering attention to this object, furnish great encouragement to unrelaxed exertion, and we sincerely hope that you may not diminish in zeal, for the promotion of this benevolent, this consistent work. We learn with particular pleasure, that the state of Schools for the African race, is, in several places, flourishing and progressive; and that in others, much good has been done therein, by the laudable and disinterested demand the acknowledgment of our unfeigned approbation.

We perceive, with emotions of horror and regret, that the diabolical practice of kidnapping, notwithstanding the vigilance of societies and recommendations of former Conventions, prevails in many places to a lamentable extent. We are also informed that a new species of this wicked outrage on the feelings of humanity is pursued by the perpetrators taking advantage of the provisions of the fugitive act to lay unfounded claims on the blacks and thus, under colour of the law, to drag them into slavery. We recommend you to urge every suitable means to procure such modifications of your laws as they may need to fit them for holding out efficient and prompt restraints against those wicked proceedings, and for bringing the offenders to exemplary punishment.

We are informed by the reports from New-Jersey, that a new society has been established at Trenton, forming a constituent branch of the general society of that state. This has afforded us peculiar satisfaction; it promises to be materially useful to the cause, and we recommend the example as worthy of your special notice, and so far as you deem it practicable of your example.