The distinguished Archbishop of St. Paul, Minnesota, John Ireland, a man of wide influence, on May 5, 1890, spoke on the race problem in a sermon delivered at St. Augustine's Church, Washington, D. C. Secretary Windom, Recorder Bruce, the whole Minnesota delegation to Congress and many Senators and others prominent in public life were among the congregation. The bold and outspoken stand of the Archbishop on this occasion created somewhat of a sensation throughout America. Among other things he said:

"It make me ashamed as a man, as a citizen, as a Christian, to see the prejudice that is acted against the colored citizens of America because of his color. As to the substance, the colored man is equal to the white man; he has a like intellect, the same blood courses in their veins; they are both equally the children of a common Father, who is in heaven. A man shows a narrowness of mind and becomes unworthy of his humanity by refusing any privilege to his fellowman because he is colored. Every prejudice entertained, every breach of justice and charity against a fellow-citizen because of color is a stain flung upon the banner of our liberty that floats over us. No church is a fit temple of God where a man, because of his color, is excluded or made to occupy a corner. Religion teaches that we cannot be pleasing to God unless we look upon all mankind as children of our Father in heaven. And they who order and compel a man because he is colored to betake himself to a corner marked off for his race, practically contradict the principles of justice and of equal rights established by the God of Mercy, who lives on the altar. Let Christians act out their religion, and there is no more race problem. Equality for the colored man is coming. The colored people are showing themselves worthy of it. Let the colored be industrious, purchase homes, respect law and order, educate themselves and their children, and keep insisting on their rights. The color line must go; the line will be drawn at personal merit."[512]

There may be cited other instances of the friendly interest of leading prelates and Bishops of the Church in the welfare of the Negro and of care for their spiritual interests. They have ever been anxious that justice be done to the race. The late Pope Pius X, sometime before his death, wrote a letter through his secretary to the Rt. Rev. Thomas S. Byrne, Bishop of Nashville, Tennessee, saying that he "most earnestly wishes that the work of the Apostolate to the colored people, worthy of being encouraged and applauded beyond any other undertaking of Christian civilization, may find numerous and generous contributors."

JOSEPH BUTSCH

ST. JOSEPH'S SEMINARY, BALTIMORE, MD.

FOOTNOTES:

[478] Dollinger, "The Gentile and the Jew," II, p. 265.

[479] Aristotle, "Politics," I, 3-4.

[480] Plato, "The Laws," VI, p. 233.

[481] Cardinal Gibbons, "Our Christian Heritage," pp. 416-420.

[482] Cardinal Gibbons, "Our Christian Heritage," p. 432.

[483] Cardinal Gibbons, "Our Christian Heritage," pp. 429-430.

[484] P. Allard, "Les Esclaves Chretiens," p. 215.

[485] Cardinal Gibbons, op. cit., p. 436.

[486] Lecky, "History of European Morals," Vol. II, p. 76.

[487] St. Gregory I, "Letter VI."

[488] In treating of an early period of Spanish American history, undue importance seems to be given by some writers and historians, such as Bancroft, Robertson and Blyden, to the fact that Bartholomew de Las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, when before the Court of Charles V of Spain, in 1517, counseled that Negro slaves take the place of Indians, as he considered the Negroes a hardier race. Other reliable authorities, such as Fiske and MacNutt, claim that Las Casas merely tolerated for a time, what already existed and what he could not prevent. All agree that Las Casas in later life bitterly regretted having approved of slavery under any form or condition whatever. John Fiske, in his "The Discovery of America," Vol. II, p. 458, says, "that the life work of Las Casas did much to diminish the volume of Negro slavery and the spiritual corruption attendant upon it." This non-Catholic writer furthermore declares that "when the work of Las Casas is deeply considered, we cannot make him anything else but an antagonist of human slavery in all its forms, and the mightiest and most effective antagonist, withal, that has ever lived." F. A. MacNutt in his work "Bartholomew De Las Casas," page 98, speaks of him in like manner. In connection with Negro slavery in the West Indies it should be said that the famous Cardinal Ximenes, of Spain, had protested already in 1516 against the recruiting of Negro slaves in Africa as then carried on for the West Indies.

[489] Cardinal Gibbons, op. cit., p. 434.

[490] Leo XIII to the Bishops of Brazil in a Letter dated Rome, May 5, 1888. Among the strong opponents of slavery before and during the Civil War in America was the noted Catholic philosopher and publicist, Orestes A. Brownson. His views on slavery and allied questions are found in his "Works," Vol. XVII, edited by his son, Henry F. Brownson.

[491] Lecky, "History of Rationalism," Vol. II, pp. 31-32.

[492] Guizot, "History of Civilization," Lect. VI.

[493] Blyden, "Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race," p. 46. A recent work entitled "Slavery in Germanic Society During the Middle Ages," by Dr. Agnes Wergeland, late professor of history in the University of Wyoming, throws light on the work of the Church in behalf of the oppressed and enslaved. In the preface of this book Prof. J. F. Jameson, of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, declares that "we cannot hope to attain a true understanding of American slavery in some of its essential aspects unless we are somehow made mindful of the history of slavery as a whole."

[494] Mark, 16-15.

[495] Details of this expedition are found in "The Franciscans in Arizona," by Fr. Zephyrim Englehardt, O.F.M.

[496] French "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. III, p. 89.

[497] Russell, "Maryland, The Land of Sanctuary," p. 268.

[498] Woodson, "The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861," pp. 23-42.

[499] African Repository, XI, 294-295.

[500] Woodson, "The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861," pp. 99, 121.

[501] Johnston, "The Negro in the New World," pp. 142-401.

[502] Woodson, "The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861," p. 139, quoting Special Report of U. S. Com. of Ed., 1871, pp. 205-206.

[503] McElrone, Memoir to "Bishop England's Works," Vol. I, XIV.

[504] Acts and Decrees of the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore, p. xxviii; also No. 484, p. 244.

[505] Acts and Decrees of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, No. 239, p. 134.

[506] This brings to mind the fact that, in one burial lot in Calvary Cemetery, Memphis, Tennessee, lie the bodies of twenty-one priests and some fifty Catholic Sisters who fell victims of yellow fever, while nursing the sick during the great epidemics which raged in that city during 1873 and 1878.

[507] Reilly, "Life and Times of Cardinal Gibbons," Vol. II, p. 47.

[508] Riley, "Passing Events in the Life of Cardinal Gibbons," App. X.

[509] Will, "Life of Cardinal Gibbons," p. 361.

[510] Judge Thomas Lee, in "America," p. 495, New York, March, 1917.

[511] Bragg, "Men of Maryland," p. 131.

[512] Riley, "Passing Events in the Life of Cardinal Gibbons," p. 365.



DOCUMENTS

LETTERS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON BEARING ON THE NEGRO

In bringing together here the important expressions of George Washington reflecting his attitude toward the Negro, no claim to the discovery of something new is made. Our aim is rather to publish these extracts in succinct form for the convenience of those who may be interested in this field. While it is to be regretted that we have not here a large collection of such materials, these are adequate to give one a better conception of what Washington thought about the Negro than can be usually obtained from secondary works.

Complying with the custom of transporting troublesome blacks to the West Indies,[513] Washington addressed Captain John Thompson the following July 2, 1766:

"Sir:

"With this letter comes a Negro (Tom), which I beg the favour of you to sell, in any of the Islands you may go to, for whatever he will fetch and bring me in return for him.

"One hhd of best molasses One ditto of best rum One barrell of lymes if good and cheap One pot of tamarinds containing about 10 Ibs. Two small ditto of mixed sweetmeats about 5 lbs. each.

"And the residue, much or little, in good old spirits. That this fellow is both a rogue and a runaway (tho' he was by no means remarkable for the former, and never practiced the latter till of late) I shall not pretend to deny—But he is exceeding healthy, strong, and good at the hoe the whole neighbourhood can testifie and particularly M. Johnson and his son, who have both had him under them as foreman of the gang; which gives me reason to hope he may, with your good management, sell well, if kept clean and trim'd up a little when offered for sale.

"I shall cherfully allow you the customary commissions on this affair, and must beg the favour of you (least he shoud attempt his escape) to keep him handcuffd till you get to sea—or in the bay—after which I doubt not but you may make him very useful to you.

"I wish you a pleasant and prosperous passage, and a safe and speedy return, being Sir

"Yr Yery Hble. Servt. "Go. WASHINGTON."[514]

The question as to whether Washington wanted Negroes in the army has often been raised. Addressing a Committee of Congress January 28, 1778, Washington said in part:

"Gentlemen,

"The difficulty of getting waggoners and the enormous wages given them would tempt one to try any expedient to answer the end of easier and cheaper terms. Among others it has occurred to me whether it would not be eligible to hire negroes in Carolina, Virginia and Maryland for the purpose. They ought however to be freemen, for slaves could not be sufficiently depended on. It is to be apprehended they would too frequently desert to the enemy to obtain their liberty, and for the profit of it, or to conciliate a more favorable reception would carry off their wagon horses with them."[515]

The student finds it difficult to determine exactly what was Washington's attitude toward the enlistment of Negro soldiers. When that question was extensively agitated Laurens wrote Washington:

"Had we arms for three thousand such black men as I could select in Carolina, I should have no doubt of success in driving the British out of Georgia, and subduing East Florida before the end of July."

To this Washington replied:

"The policy of our arming slaves is in my opinion a moot point, unless the enemy set the example. For, should we begin to form Battalions of them, I have not the smallest doubt, if the war is to be prosecuted, of their following us in it, and justifying the measure upon our own ground. The contest then must be who can arm fastest, and where are our arms? Besides I am not clear that a discrimination will not render slavery more irksome to those who remain in it. Most of the good and evil things in this life are judged by comparison; and I fear a comparison in this case will be productive of much discontent in those, who are held in servitude. But, as this is a subject that has never employed much of my thoughts, these are no more than the first crude Ideas that have struck me upon ye occasion."[516]

Writing to Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, July 10, 1782, concerning his plan to arm Negroes to defend the South, he said:

"My Dear Sir:

"The last post brought me your letter of the 19th of May. I must confess that I am not at all astonished at the failure of your plan. That spirit of freedom, which at the commencement of this contest would have gladly sacrificed every thing to the attainment of its object, has long since subsided, and every selfish passion has taken its place. It is not the public but private interest, which influences the generality of mankind, nor can the Americans any longer boast an exception. Under these circumstances, it would rather have been surprising if you had succeeded nor will you I fear succeed better in Georgia."[517]

From his headquarters October 24, 1781, Washington wrote David Ross the following concerning Negroes who had been recaptured during the Revolutionary War:

"Sir:

"In answer to your Queries of Yesterday, the Negroes that have been retaken, from whatever State, whose owners do not appear, should all be treated in the same manner, and sent into the Country to work for their Victuals and Cloathes, and advertised in the States they came from. Those from N. York, are most probably the property of Inhabitants of that State and N. Jersey, and should be there Advertised. If any officers, knowing who the owners are, will undertake to send them home, they may be delivered to them. The other steps taken by you, are proper and Expedient. The Negroes may be furnished with two days' Provisions to carry them to Williamsburg, where there is a State Commissary.

"I am etc.,"[518]

In a letter to Colonel Bland in 1783 Washington took up one of the important questions arising at the close of the Revolution. This was the return of the slaves carried off by the British:

"Sir,

"HEAD QUARTERS 31st March, 1783.

"The Article in the provisional Treaty respecting Negroes, which you mention to Sir Guy Carleton, had escaped my Notice, but upon a recurrence to the Treaty, I find it as you have stated. I have therefore tho't it may not be amiss to send in your Letter to Sir Guy, and have accordingly done it.

"Altho I have Servants in like predicament with yours, I have not yet made any attempt for their recovery.

"Sir Guy Carleton's reply to you will decide upon the propriety or expediency of any pursuit to obtain them. If that reply should not be transmitted thro my Hands, I will thank you for a Communication of it.

"With much Regard, I am &c."[519]

Writing to Sir Guy Carleton about the same question on May 6, 1783, Washington said:

"Respecting the other point of discussion, in addition to what I mentioned in my communication of the 21st ultimo, I took occasion in our conference to inform your Excellency, that, in consequence of your letter of the 14th of April to Robert R. Livingston, Esquire, Congress had been pleased to make a further reference to me of that letter, and had directed me to take such measures as should be found necessary for carrying into effect the several matters mentioned by you therein.[520] In the course of our conversation on this point, I was surprised to hear you mention, that an embarkation had already taken place, in which a large number of negroes had been carried away. Whether this conduct is, consonant to, or how far it may be deemed an infraction of the treaty, is not for me to decide. I cannot, however, conceal from you, that my private opinion is, that the measure is totally different from the letter and spirit of the treaty. But, waving the discussion of the point, and leaving its decision to our respective sovereigns, I find it my duty to signify my readiness, in conjunction with your Excellency, to enter into any agreement, or to take any measures, which may be deemed expedient, to prevent the future carrying away of any negroes, or other property of the American inhabitants. I beg the favor of your Excellency's reply, and have the honor to be, &c."[521]

In the substance of the conference between Gen. Washington and Sir Guy Carleton, at an interview at Orangetown, 6th May, 1783, one gets a still better idea of the attitude of Washington on this question:

"General Washington opened the Conference by observing that he heretofore had transmitted to Sir Guy Carleton the resolutions of Congress of the 15th ulto, that he conceived a personal Conference would be the most speedy & satisfactory mode of discussing and settling the Business; and that therefore he had requested the Interview—That the resolutions of Congress related to three distinct matters, namely, the setting at Liberty the prisoners, the receiving possession of the posts occupied by the British Troops, and the obtaing. the Delivery of all Negroes & other property of the Inhabitants of these States in the possession of the Forces or subjects of, or adherents to his Britannic Majesty.—That with respect to the Liberation of the prisoners, he had, as far as the Business rested with him, put it in Train, by meetg. & conferring with the Secretary of War, & concertg. with him the proper measures for collecting prisoners & forwarding them to N. York, and that it was to be optional with Sir Guy, whether the prisoners should march by land, or whether he would send Transports to convey them by Water—and that the Secty. of War was to communicate with Sir Guy Carleton on the subject & obtain his Determination.

"With respect to the other two Matters which were the Objects of the Resolutions, General Washington requested the Sentiments of General Carleton.

"Sir: Guy then observed that his Expectations of a peace had been such that he had anticipated the Event by very early commencing his preparations to withdraw the British Troops from this Country—and that every preparation which his situation & circumstances would permit was still continued—That an additional Number of Transports, and which were expected, were necessary to remove the Troops & Stores—and as it was impossible to ascertain the Time when the Transports would arrive, their passage depending on the casualties of the Seas, he was there unable to fix a determinate period within which the British forces would be withdrawn from the City of New York—But that it was his desire to exceed even our own Wishes in this Respect, & That he was using every means in his power to effect with all possible despatch an Evacuation of that & every other post within the United States, occupied by the British Troops, under his Direction—That he considered as included in the preparations for the final Departure of the B. Troops, the previously sending away those persons, who supposed that, from the part they had taken in the present War, it would be most eligible for them to leave the Country—and that upwards of 6,000 persons of this Character had embarked & sailed—and that in this Embarkation a Number of Negroes were comprised—General Washington therefore express his Surprize, that after what appeared to him an express Stipulation to the contrary in the Treaty, Negroes the property of the Inhabitants of these States should be sent off.

"To which Sir: Guy Carleton replied, that he wished to be considered as giving no construction of the Treaty—That by Property in the Treaty might only be intended Property at the Time, the Negroes were sent off—That there was a difference in the Mode of Expression in the Treaty; Archives, Papers, &c., &c., were to be restored—Negroes & other property were only not to be destroyed or carried away. But he principally insisted that he conceived it could not have been the Intention of the B. Government by the Treaty of Peace, to reduce themselves to the necessity of violating their faith to the Negroes who came into the British Lines under the proclamation of his Predecessors in Command—That he forebore to express his sentiments on the propriety of those proclamations, but that delivering up the Negroes to their former Masters would be delivering then up some possible to Execution, and others to severe punishments, which in his Opinion would be a dishonorable violation of the public Faith, pledged to the Negroes in the proclamations—That if the sending off the Negroes should hereafter be declared in Infraction of the Treaty, Compensation must be made by the Crown of G. Britain to the Owners—that he had taken measures to provide for this, by directing a Register to be kept of all the Negroes who were sent off, specifying the Name, Age & Occupation of the person, and the Name, & Place of Residence of his former Master. Genl. Washington again observed that he conceived this Conduct on the part of Genl. Carleton, a Departure from both the Letter and Spirit of the Articles of Peace;—and particularly mentioned a difficulty that would arise in compensating the proprietors of Negroes, admitting this infraction of the Treaty can be satisfied by such a compensation as Sir Guy had alluded to, as it was impossible to ascertain the Value of the Slaves from any Fact or Circumstance which may appear in the Register,—the Value of a Slave consisting chiefly in his Industry and Sobriety—& Genl. Washington mentioned a further Difficulty which would attend Identifying the Slave, supposing him to have changed his own and to have given a wrong Name of his Master—In answer to which Sir Guy Carleton said, that as the Negroe was free & secured against his Master, he could have no inducement to conceal his own true Name or that of His Master—Sir Guy Carleton then observed that by the Treaty he was not held to deliver up any property but was only restricted from carrying it way—and therefore admitting the interpretation of the Treaty as given by Genl. Washington to be just, he was notwithstanding pursuing a Measure which would operate most for the security of the proprietors. For if the Negroes were left to themselves without Care of Controul from him, numbers of them would very probably go off, and not return to the parts of the Country from whence they came, or clandestinely get on Board the Transports in such a manner as would not be in his Power to prevent—in either of which Cases an inevitable Loss would ensue to the proprietors—But as the Business was now conducted they had at least a Chance for Compensation—Sir Guy concluded the Conversation on this subject by saying that he Imagined that the mode of Compensating as well as the Amount and other points with respect to which there was no provision made in the Treaty, must be adjusted by the Commissioners to be hereafter appointed by the two Nations."[522]

Washington admitted that slavery was wrong but he never did much to curb its growing power, contenting himself with a deprecation much like this expressed in the letter to Lafayette, April 5, 1783.

"The scheme, my dear Marqs., which you propose as a precedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people of this Country from that state of Bondage in wch. they are held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your Heart. I shall be happy to join in so laudable a work; but will defer going into a detail of the business, till I have had the pleasure of seeing you."[523]

In 1786 Washington wrote the Marquis:

"The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so conspicuous on all occasions, that I never wonder at any fresh proofs of it; but your late purchase of an estate in the colony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves on it, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might diffuse itself generally, into the minds of the people of this country. But I despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the Assembly at its last session, for the abolition of slavery, but they could scarcely obtain a reading. To set the slave afloat at once would, I really believe, be productive of much inconvenience and mischief, but by degrees it certainly might and assuredly ought to be effected; and that too by legislative authority."[524]

Addressing Robert Morris in 1786, Washington said:

"I hope that it will not be conceived, from these observations, that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people who are the subject of this letter, in slavery. I can only say that there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting."[525]

Although not an active abolitionist Washington did not believe in the slave traffic, as this part of his letter to John Mercer in 1786 will show:

"I never mean, unless some particular circumstance should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted, by which slavery in the country may be abolished by law."[526]

In 1799 he wrote Robert Lewis:

"It is demonstratively clear, that on this Estate (Mount Vernon) I have more working negroes by a full moiety, than can be employed to any adventage in the farming system, and I shall never turn Planter thereon.

"To sell the overplus I cannot, because I am principled against this kind of traffic in the human species. To hire them out, is almost as bad, because they could not be disposed of in families to any advantage, and to disperse the families I have an aversion. What then is to be done? Something must or I shall be ruined; for all the money (in addition to what I raise by crops, and rents) that have been received for Lands, sold within the last four years, to the amount of Fifty thousand dollars, has scarcely been able to keep me afloat.

"Under these circumstances and a thorough conviction that half the workers I keep on this Estate would render me a greater nett profit than I now derive from the whole, has made me resolve if it can be accomplished, to settle Plantations on some of my other Lands. But where? without going to the Western Country, I am unable, as yet to decide; as the best, if not all the Land I have on the East side of the Aleghanies are under Leases, or some kind of incumbrance or another. But as you can give me the correct information relative to this matter, I now early apply for it."[527]

The best evidence as to what Washington thought of the Negro may be obtained from his treatment of his slaves, as brought out by the following clauses from his will.

"Item—Upon the decease of my wife it is my will and desire, that all the slaves which I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom—To emancipate them during her life, would tho earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriages with the Dower negroes as to excite the most painful sensations—if not disagreeable consequences from the latter while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor, it not being in my power under tenure by which the dower Negroes are held to manumit them—And whereas among those who will receive freedom according to this devise there may be some who from old age, or bodily infirmities & others who on account of their infancy, that will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come under the first and second description shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live and (3) that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or if living are unable, or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the Court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty five years, and in cases where no record can be produced whereby their ages can be ascertained, the Judgment of the Court upon it's own view of the subject shall be adequate and final—The negroes thus bound are (by their masters and mistresses) to be taught to read and write and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeable to the laws of the commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphans and other poor children—and I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said Commonwealth of any Slave I may die possessed of, under any pretence, whatsoever—and I do moreover most positively, and solemnly enjoin it upon my Executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them to see that this clause respecting slaves and every part thereof be religiously fulfilled at the Epoch at which it is directed to take place without evasion neglect or delay after the crops which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects (4) the aged and infirm, seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established for their support so long as there are subjects requiring it, not trusting to the uncertain provisions to be made by individuals.—And to my mulatto man, William (calling himself William Lee) I give immediate freedom or if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which have befallen him and which have rendered him incapable of walking or of any active employment)[528] to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so—In either case however I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his natural life which shall be independent of the victuals and cloaths he has been accustomed to receive; if he chuses the last alternative, but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first, and this I give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me and for his services during the Revolutionary War.[529]

"Item—The balance due to me from the Estate of Bartholomew Dandridge deceased, (my wife's brother) and which amounted on the first day of October, 1795, to Four hundred and twenty-five pounds (as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son John Dandridge, who was the Executor of his father's will) I release and acquit from the payment thereof,—And the negros (then thirty three in number) formerly belonging to the said Estate who were taken in Execution,—sold—and purchased in, on my account in the year (1795?) and ever since have remained in the possession and to the use of Mary, widow of the said Bartholomew Dandridge with their increase, it is my will and desire shall continue and be in her possession, without paying hire or making (13) compensation for the same for the time past or to come during her natural life, at the expiration of which, I direct that all of them who are forty years old and upwards shall receive their freedom, all under that age and above sixteen shall serve seven years and no longer, and all under sixteen years shall serve until they are twenty-five years of age and then be free.—And to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negros they are to be taken to the Court of the County in which they reside and the judgment thereof in this relation shall be final and a record thereof made, which may be adduced as evidence at any time thereafter if disputes should arise concerning the same.—And I further direct that the heirs of the said Bartholomew Dandridge shall equally share the benefits arising from the services of the said negros according to the tenor of this devise upon the decease of their mother."

PETITION FOR COMPENSATION FOR THE LOSS OF SLAVES BY EMANCIPATION IN THE DANISH WEST INDIES[530]

We, the undersigned, inhabitants of the West India Islands St. Thomas and St. John, beg leave most respectfully to present to the Rigsdag of Denmark, this Petition, praying that just and equitable compensation may be granted us for the loss we have sustained in our property, in consequence of the ordinance of the Governor General, bearing date 3d July, 1848, by which he took upon himself to abolish Negro Slavery in the Danish Colonies, and which act received the Royal sanction on the 22d September of the same year.

If, notwithstanding the heavy loss thus sustained, we have hitherto been silent, it should be attributed to the hope we had entertained, that the government, without being called upon to do so, would have taken steps to obtain compensation for us; and to the sentiments of sympathy with which we beheld the struggle of the mother country in the trying situation in which the revolt of the Duchies, and war with many powerful enemies had placed her, a struggle which required all her resources, both intellectual and material, of which she could dispose; and thus it would have been inopportune had we at that time obtruded ourselves on the notice of the government. But now, that the clouds which obscured the political horizon have been dissipated, now, that a glorious war is concluded, and peace sheds its blessings over Denmark, we can no longer defer our just demand for compensation, lest our silence should be construed into acquiescence with the act, by which we have been despoiled of our property, or interpreted as an abandonment of our claims. We had as good a title of property to our negroes, as to our land, houses, or any other property we possess; this right was established not only by law, but the government had moreover ever encouraged the subjects to acquire such property as being advantageous to the state. For this purpose the government granted loans to the colonists upon reduced interest from the so dominated "negro loan." The government bought and sold such property, took it in mortgage, levied duties upon their importation, and imposed a yearly capitation tax, consequently not a shadow of doubt could exist of the legality of such property; and if it was a fault to become possessors of such property, it must be laid to the charge of the government which had fostered and encouraged it. The highest tribunal of the land, the King's High Court, acknowledged this right in its fullest sense, so that a negro slave, even on the free soil of Denmark, continued to be the property of his master so thoroughly, that the latter in direct opposition to the slave's will, could oblige him to return to the West Indies. That the negro's ability to work, and personal qualities, enhanced his value, is a fact too palpable to stand in need of proof; the numberless legal appraisements upon oath, the sales which took place daily between man and man, as well as the normal value, which according to the Ordinance of the first of May, 1840, was determined every year by the government, after a previous hearing of the Burgher Council, and the respective authorities, render this matter incontestable.

This ordinance admits the owner's right to full compensation, for only on condition of paying the full value of the services which the master could have from the slave, had the slave the right to demand his freedom; but without such remuneration, his master could not be deprived of him.

The forementioned ordinance, the common law, and in particular the eighty-seventh section of the constitution, lay down as an invariable rule, that no subject can be compelled to cede his property, unless the general good of the commonwealth requires it, and then only on receiving full compensation.

Those civilized nations in whose colonies slavery has been abolished, have neither raised any question nor doubt as to the legality of the principle of compensation. Thus England, France and Sweden have granted compensation. The first L 25 12 2 sterling at an average per head; the second 490 francs per head, which is, however, considered but part of the whole sum; and the third in the following manner: first class, under fifteen years, $80 per head, second class, from fifteen to sixty years, $240 per head; third class, over sixty years, $40 per head.

With regard to emancipation without compensation, the following language was held to the King of Sweden: "Your most gracious Majesty, in your high wisdom, will never allow such violation of justice as emancipation without compensation would be; such a thing has never anywhere occurred."

The Dutch government has declared that it will not abolish slavery without indemnifying the owners, and for this reason it has not given any formal sanction to the liberty which the Dutch governor of St. Martin's (with the consent of the planters) found himself compelled to concede to the negroes, when emancipation was proclaimed in the French part of the same island, but left matters in statu quo. Once, however, there existed an instance of emancipation without compensation. The National Convention of France, in the year 1793, did, disregarding the sacred rights of property, proclaim the abolition of slavery; but ten years afterwards, on the 28th of May, 1802, that act was declared by the corps legislatif, to be an act of spoliation, and as such illegal; consequently slavery was re-established by decree of the First Consul, and continued for half a century, and would in all probability be still in full vigor, at least for some time, had it not been for the revolution of February. For us, we have the most implicit reliance on the honor of the Danish Government, and the Danish people, and we feel persuaded that they will not follow the example of the National Convention. In Denmark, love of justice and respect for the sacredness of the rights of property are too deeply implanted in the soil to be easily rooted out. The proverbial honesty of Denmark is as firm as the courage, loyalty, and gallantry of which her sons have so lately given such signal proof.

The Rigsdag of Denmark will not on account of the burden, shrink from the demands of justice; it will not allow it to be said that it refused to satisfy a claim, the justness of which has never been doubted by any civilized nation, nor will it suffer a number of its fellow citizens to be illegally bereft of their property without compensation. The Rigsdag of Denmark will not leave it in the power of the world to say, that it was liberal at the expense of others, or that it denied compensation to the weak, because they had only the right, but not the power to enforce it. In reviewing the means that present themselves, the burden will not be so considerable or so heavy, when we take into consideration that the state possesses many plantations, in respect of which to their former complement of slaves, there will of course be no question of compensation, and that it also holds mortgages on many properties, where the compensation can be written off, without any real loss in many cases; on the other hand, the realm, by fulfilling its duty in settling a lawful claim, will gain by the disbursement of the compensation, which will as may reasonably be expected, not alone increase the prosperity of the colonies, but their inhabitants will attach themselves more closely to Denmark.

We do not entertain any doubt but that the Rigsdag will grant us the compensation to which we have the most incontestable right, and which cannot be controverted by such futile arguments, as, that the owners have lost nothing by the government depriving them of their property, as the stock of labor is the same, and to be had for an equitable hire. If it even in reality were the case, that the expenses were not greater, and the work not less than before the emancipation, while, alas! the contrary is the case, it would, nevertheless, be a species of argument in itself contrary to common sense, in a degree, that it would scarcely require any refutation at the bar of the enlightened Rigsdag, as it might with just as much reason be said, that all the rest of the property of people could be taken away whenever the government managed matters in such a way, that the properties could be rented at so moderate a rate, that the expenses did not exceed, what those of the keeping of the property yearly had amounted to. It will be clearly evident that the owner notwithstanding, loses his essential rights, for the property would no longer be at his disposal, or under his control, he would be dependent upon others not only as to renting of that kind of property of which he had formerly been possessed, but he would not be able to sell, mortgage, or dispose of it in any manner whatever, either in favor of himself, his children, or other heirs; in short, property would to him, entirely lose its money value, and the capital vested in it would be sunk as is now the case with us. Many a slave owner derived his living from the yearly income which the hire of his slaves produced, but now the state has bereft him of his property, and hurled him, widows and orphans into the most abject poverty and misery, while that act, as yet without compensation, has more or less generally affected those who possessed that class of property, and in numberless instances produced pecuniary embarrassment; while the slave owners who are proprietors of plantations have not alone lost the capital invested in their slaves, but the subversion of the ancient normal order in the colonies, but in addition thereto, they are exposed to the imminent risk of seeing their estates, buildings, and fabrics eventually reduced to no value whatever. Most assuredly the circumstances which precede the emancipation, cannot be brought forward in support of the necessity thereof. Such a delusion cannot hold good. It is notorious that the so called insurrection which was begun in the jurisdiction of Fredericksted, at St. Croix on the 3d of July, 1848, would have been put down, if the forces, although reduced as they had been, had been called out and made use of by the government of that island. This is borne out by the sentence of 5th of February, in this year, rendered against the governor-general by the commission, which sentence expressly states that the declaration of emancipation partly originated in a desire to procure the treasury an exemption from compensation, or what is the same thing, it was intended to serve as a means to deprive the proprietors of their lawful rights. Furthermore, it is quite evident, that even the most trifling commotion would not have occurred, if the Captain-General of Puerto Rico's offer of assistance on perceiving the impending dangers had been accepted. Neither is it less certain that the normal order could have been re-established subsequently. His Majesty's government by presenting to royal assent the emancipation of the negro slaves, which the governor-general had taken upon himself to grant, has adopted the act as its own. It has also from the very beginning been considered that the insurrection could not be viewed as sufficient foundation for the act. This is clearly to be seen from the wording of the royal mandate on which the emancipation is made a concession "to the lively" wishes of the negroes. That his late Majesty King Christian VIII., of glorious and blessed memory, had by rescript of 28th July 1847, given freedom to all children born of slaves in the Danish West India possessions, and at the same time ordained that slavery should finally cease in twelve years, cannot be pleaded as a reason that proprietors of slaves are to sustain loss and receive no compensation, for the question remained open, and had been only glanced at by said rescript. It is much to be lamented that the emancipation in the manner it took place, and with the circumstances with which it was accompanied, induced the slave population, although erroneously, to believe that they had overawed the government, and to receive the emancipation not as boon, but rather as a trophy. The bad impression which such a management of matters has caused, will ever remain, and render the march of administration difficult, for defiance has taken the place which only should have been ceded to gratitude. It ought here to be observed that a succession of ordinances had gradually loosed the ties which existed between the master and the slave. What heretofore had been esteemed as a favor on the master's part, was by law converted into an obligation, and the slave was not only rendered more and more independent of his master, but his sentiments of attachment to him were destroyed. Thus the law made it obligatory on the master to cede a negro his freedom when he could pay his full value; a favor which hardly any one had thought of refusing; thus the law bound the master to give his slaves certain little extras for Christmas, a favor which no one had thought of denying, and thus the law compelled the planter to give his negroes the Saturday free; a boon, which hitherto frequently had been granted as a recompense for diligent work during the week. But from the moment that the law converted into an obligation, that which hitherto had been received as a favor, indifference usurped the place of gratitude. Thus, by consecutive innovations, the state of things became precarious, the relations insecure, impatience sprung up, and the seeds of the tumultuous scenes which ensued and served as a pretext for emancipation, were sown. Here we must observe, that though it were admitted that the pretended insurrection at St. Croix rendered emancipation an act of necessity, it cannot, at all events, in any manner be cited with regard to St. Thomas or St. John, where no kind of disturbance existed among the slave population, Thus, entertaining the intimate conviction that our right to compensation is as conformable to reason, as it ought to be sacred and inviolable, and in solemnly protesting against our being bereft of our property without full compensation, we submit this our representation to the Rigsdag of Denmark, with the most unlimited confidence in its justice. We have the consoling hope and encouraging persuasion that the representatives of a people who, by the bill of indemnity of 30th June, 1850, have gone ahead of, and set a brilliant example to other nations, by the acknowledgment of the principle of equity, that "all citizens ought equally to share the losses which the scourge of war had brought upon individuals," will not deny a principle of justice, which every European nation has hitherto not neglected to comply with towards its colonies.

ST. THOMAS AND ST. JOHN, June, 1851. To the Rigsdag of Denmark.

AN EXTRACT FROM THE WILL OF ROBERT PLEASANTS DATED FEBRUARY 6, 1800, AND ADMITTED TO PROBATE IN HENRICO COUNTY, VIRGINIA, APRIL 6, 1801

"From a full conviction that slavery is an evil of great magnitude and no less repugnant to the Divine command of doing to others as we would they should do unto us that it is inconsistent with the true interest and prosperity of my country, I did confirm freedom to all the Negroes that by law, I had property in by a Deed of Emancipation bearing date the first of the 8th month, 1782, duly acknowledged and admitted to record in the Clerk's office of Henrico County, three boys excepted names Moses, Nat and James, who at that time lived with their mothers in Goochland County and were forgotten but have since been emancipated, but as it is still necessary that those who are ancient and incapable of getting a living (being over forty-five years of age at the time of emancipation) should be supported, I now desire and direct it to be done and that the young ones may have learning sufficient to enable them to transact the common affairs of life for that purpose I have had a Schoolhouse put on my land called Gravely hills tract containing by estimation 350 acres the use and profits whereof I give for that purpose forever, or so long as the Monthly Meeting of Friends in this County may think it necessary for the benefit of the children and descendants of those who have been emancipated by me, or other black children whom they may think proper to admit; reserving only to my heirs hereafter named the priviledge of cutting timber occasionally for building, of which there appears to be more than perhaps may ever be necessary for the use of the School and the Tenants who are now on it, or hereafter may settle thereon and reserving also a privilege for my old servant Philip and his Wife Dilcy to settle on and occupy such part thereof as they may choose (not interfering with the school) during their natural lives, they not committing Waste or taking others to work the land under colour of this gift except it should be necessary for their support reserving also to the women Effee, Sarah, Dilcy and Elcy to continue or live on rent free during their natural lives on the same conditions or restrictions expressed in my grant to Philip and Dilcy and I further direct that in case those of my heirs who may claim a right to the service of the young blacks under this will should neglect or refuse to give them learning either at the above mentioned School or by some other way or means, I hereby declare them free one year before their time of servitude expires and to be sent to school at the expense of my estate for that time. And Whereas a suit was instituted several years ago in my name as the Heir at Law of my Father and only acting executor to him and my Brother Jonathan Pleasants for the relief of a number of Negroes by them directed to be free at a certain age, but wrongfully held in Bondage which suit was lately determined in their favor, but considering that many of them have been brought up in ignorance and may need the care, advice and perhaps assistance too of friends I do request my beloved friends to be nominated Executors by this Will to extend such care towards them as the nature of the case may call for or require."

PROCEEDINGS OF A RECONSTRUCTION MEETING[531]

On April 19, 1867, a general meeting of the citizens of Mobile was held relative to the new measures of reconstruction. Among the vice-presidents were men of all classes and color—as civil judges, bishops, clergy, physicians, citizens, etc., etc., of whom five were colored men. The only colored speaker on the occasion said:

"Fellow-Citizens: I feel my incapacity to-night to speak, after hearing the eloquence of those preceding me. I received an invitation from the white citizens of Mobile to speak for the purpose of reconciling our races—the black to the white—to extend the hand of fellowship. You have heard the resolutions. You are with us, and I believe are sincere in what they promise. It is my duty to accept the offer of reconstruction when it is extended in behalf of peace to our common country. Let us remove the past from our bosoms, and reconcile ourselves and positions together. I am certain that my race cannot be satisfied unless granted all the rights allowed by the law and by that flag. The resolutions read to you to-night guarantee every thing. Can you expect any more? If you do, I would like to know where you are going to get it. I am delighted in placing myself upon this platform, and in doing this I am doing my duty to my God and my country. We want to do what is right. We believe white men will also do what is right."

The next speaker was a late Confederate officer during the war. He said:

"It is the first time for seven long years that we sit—and at first we sat with diffidence—under the 'old flag' and I connot deny that my feelings are rather of a strange nature. Looking back to the past, I remembered the day (the 10th day of January, 1861) when I hauled down that flag from its proud staff in Fort St. Philip, and thought then that another flag would soon spread its ample folds over the Southern soil.

"But that flag is no more. It has gone down in a cloud of glory—no more to float even over the deserted graves of our departed heroes—one more of the bright constellations in the broad canopy of that firmament where great warriors are made demigods.

"But I did not come here to-night to tell you, men of Alabama, that my heart was with you—for you well know that as far as that heart can go, it never will cease beating for what is held dear and sacred to you. But I came here to speak to those of our new fellow-citizens, who are not seeking the light of truth.

"It is said that two races now stand in open antagonism to each other—that the colored man is the natural enemy of the white man, and, hereafter, no communion of interests, feelings and past associations, can fill the gulf which divides them.

"But who is it that says so? Is it the Federal soldier who fought for the freedom of that race? Is it even the political leader whose eloquence stirred up the North and West to the rescue of that race? No; it is none of these. It is not even the intelligent and educated men of that class, for I now stand on the very spot where one of them, Mr. Trenier, disclaimed those disorganizing principles, and eloquently vindicated the cause of truth and reason.

"Why, then, should there be any strife between us? Why should not our gods be their gods—our happiness be their happiness? Has anything happened which should break up concert of action, harmony, and concord in the great—the main objects of life—the pursuit of happiness?

"Where can that happiness spring from? Is it from the midst of a community divided against itself, or from one blessed with peace and harmony?

"In what particular have our relations changed? In what case have our interests in the general welfare been divided? Is not today the colored man as essential to our prosperity as he was before?

"Is not our soil calling for the energetic efforts of his sinewy arms? Can we, in fact, live without him? But while we want his labor he wants our lands, our capital, our industry, our influence in the commerce and finances of the world.

"And if, coming down from those higher functions in society, we descend to our domestic relations, where do we find that those relations are changed?

"Does not the intelligent freedman know that neither he nor we are accountable to God for the condition in which we were respectively born?

"Does he not know that, for generations past, the institution of slavery had been forced upon us by the avarice, the love of power of the North? Does he not know that to-day we have in him the same implicit faith and reliance we had before?"[532]

FOOTNOTES:

[513] Boston Evening Post, Aug. 3, 1761. This issue carries an advertisement for such Negroes.

[514] Ford, "Washington's Writing," II, 211.

[515] Ibid., VI, 349.

[516] Ford, "Washington's Writings," VII, 371.

[517] Ibid., X, 48.

[518] Ford, "Washington's Writings," IX, 392-393.

[519] Ibid., X, 200.

[520] In the letter here mentioned, Sir Guy Carleton had requested that Congress would empower some person or persons to go into New York, and assist such persons as he should appoint to inspect and superintend the embarkation of persons and property, in fulfilment of the seventh article of the provisional treaty, and "that they would be pleased to represent to him every infraction of the letter of spirit of the treaty, that redress might be immediately ordered." Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. XI, p. 335. The commissioners appointed by General Washington for this purpose were Egbert Benson, William S. Smith, and Daniel Parker. Their instructions were dated the 8th of May.

[521] This gives further light on the subject: "The breach of that (article) which stipulated a restoration of negroes, will be made the subject of a pointed remonstrance from our minister in Europe to the British Court, with a demand of reparation; and in the meantime Genl. Washington is to insist on a more faithful observance of that stipulation at New York."—Virginia Delegates in Congress to the Governor of Virginia, 27 May, 1783.

"Some of my own slaves, and those of Mr. Lund Washington who lives at my house, may probably be in New York, but I am unable to give you their description—their names being so easily changed, will be fruitless to give. If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I will be much oblige by your securing them, so that I am obtain them again."—Washington to Daniel Parker, 28 April, 1783. Ford, "Washington's Writings," X, 246-247.

[522] Ford, "Washington's Writings," X, 241-243.

[523] Ibid., X, 220.

[524] The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.

[525] The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.

[526] The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.

[527] Ford, "Washington's Writings," XIV, 196-197.

[528] "On 22d April 1785, when acting as chain bearer, while Washington was surveying a tract of land on Four Mile Run, William fell, and broke his knee pan; 'which put a stop to my surveying; and with much difficulty I was able to get jim to abingdon, being obliged to get a sled to carry him on, as he could neither walk, stand or ride.'"—Washington's Diary. See Spurious Letters Attributed to Washington, 8.

[529] "The mulatto fellow, William, who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family. She has been in an infirm condition for some time, and I had conceived that the connextion between them had ceased; but I am mistaken it seems; they are both applying to get her here, and tho' I never wished to see her more, I cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years.

"After premising this much, I have to beg the favor to procure her passage to Alexandria, either by Sea, in the Stage, or in the passage of boat from the head of the Elk, as you shall think cheapest and best, and her situation will admit; the cost of either I will pay. Her name is Margaret Thomas allias Lee (the name by which he calls himself). She lives in Philada. with Isaac and Hannah Sile—black people, who are oftern employ'd by families in the city as cooks."—Washington to to Clement Biddle, 28 July, 1784.

"The President would thank you to propose to Will to return to Mount Vernon when he can be removed for he cannot be of any service here, and perhaps will require a person to attend upon him constantly. If he should be incline to return to Mount Vernon, you will be so kind as to have him sent in the first Vessel that sails for Alexandria after he can be removed with safety—but if he is still anxious to come on here the President would gratify him Altho' he will be troublesome—He has been an old faithful Servant, this is enough for the President to gratify him in every reasonable wish."—Lear to Biddle, 3 March, 1789. Ford, "Washington's Writings," XIV, 272-274.

[530] Knox, "An Historical Account of St. Thomas, West Indies," pp. 255-261.

[531] This document and the Will of Robert Pleasants were collected by Mr. M. N. Work.

[532] Annual Cyclopedia, 1867, pp. 19, 20.



REVIEWS OF BOOKS

History of South Africa from 1795 to 1872. By GEORGE MCCALL THEAL, Litt.D., LL.D. George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., London.

This work is intended to be a general history of South Africa in detail. It is to be completed as a revised edition in five volumes, three of which have already appeared. Each volume contains about 500 pages, is neatly printed and substantially bound. The work is well supplied with maps and charts reflecting the growth and development of the country.

The author of this history has lived in South Africa and has served as keeper of the archives of the Cape Colony. The preparation of this history has occupied his almost undivided attention during the last fifty years. He says that he has made the closest possible research among official documents of all kinds. Apparently he has had little use for secondary material, but his large collection of books on South Africa has served him as a guide. The author asserts that to the utmost of human ability he has striven to write without fear, favor or prejudice, to do equal justice to all with whom he had to deal. For this reason, he offers his work to the public as "not alone the only detailed history of South Africa yet prepared, but as a true and absolutely unbiased narrative." The work shows, however, that it is written in the attitude of arrogating to himself the privileges of the superior group, exhibiting occasionally a bit of sympathy for the inferior, who had to be exterminated to make room for those chosen of God.

The first volume of the work deals largely with the conquest of the colony. It is mainly a narrative of the deeds of the conquering leaders of the colonists, closing with an account of the destruction of the Bantu tribes. In succession, we read here about the exploits of James Henry Craig, Earl McCartney, Major General Dundas, Sir George Younge, Jacob Abraham De Mist, J.W. Janssens, General David Baird, Du Pre Alexander, Lord Charles Somerset, Sir Rufane Shaw, and General Richard Bourke.

The second volume adheres in the beginning to the same sort of style, making the history of the whole colony center largely around the life of a single man, mentioning such characters as Sir Lowry Cole, Sir Benjamin D'Urban, Sir George Napier, and Sir Peregrine Maitland. In the 32d chapter, however, the work becomes more nearly historical in taking up the emigration from Cape Colony, and the abandonment of that country by many thousands of substantial burghers, who were intent upon seeking homes in the wilderness. This movement is further illuminated by a treatment of the emigrant farmers in Natal, the republic of Natal, its overthrow, its transitory state, and movements north of the Orange.

The third volume maintains the standard of the last part of the second in dealing with the Kaffir Wars, and sketching the conditions leading up to the grant of a liberal constitution. It returns to the District of Natal from 1845 to 1857, discusses the creation of the Orange River Sovereignty, the abandonment of the Sovereignty, and the events north of the Vaal, in the South African Republic and Orange Free State from 1854 to 1857. In these last chapters the author brings out more prominently than elsewhere the conflict between the whites and the blacks, the correlated problems arising therefrom, and measures brought forward to solve them. The reader easily learns that the handling of the question in South Africa has not been very different from the method of attack in the United States. The South African method has, in some respects, been more cruel than that of the United States.

J. O. BURKE.

* * * * *

Native Life in South Africa, before and since the European War and the Boer Rebellion. By SOLOMON T. PLAATJE. P.S. King and Son, Ltd., London, 1916. Pp. 352.

Mr. Plaatje is a South African native, educated near Barkly West at a mission school. He later studied languages and served as an interpreter for important officials such as Duke of Connaught and Mr. Chamberlain. He later rose to a position of some importance in the Department of Native Affairs. He once edited a paper called Koranta ea Becoana. He is now the editor of the Tsala ea Batho (the People's Friend). Although treating of questions concerning the oppression of his people, his writings have been marked by moderation and common sense. He is not an agitator, not a firebrand, and can, therefore, be read with profit. Rather resenting the power of the uneducated chiefs who rule by virtue of their birth alone, Mr. Plaatje belongs to a new school of thought. He is making a new appeal for the native.

Mr. Plaatje modestly disclaims any pretension to literary merit. He is merely giving a "sincere narrative of a melancholy situation, in which, with all its shortcomings," he "has endeavored to describe the difficulties of South African natives under a very strange law, so as most readily to be understood by the sympathetic reader." The author had access to sources from which he obtained the facts presented. He has made personal observations in the Transvaal, Orange Free State and the Province of the Cape of Good Hope. He used other facts collected by Attorney Msimang of Johannesburg. Organizing these facts, Mr. Plaatje shows how the native has been maltreated and debased so as to be considered a pariah of society in his own native land. In the struggle between right and wrong, the latter has triumphed, culminating in such an evil as the Native Land Act, an effort at class legislation, the worst sort of discrimination and segregation in land tenure.

One would have difficulty in believing that such barbarities could be practiced within the British Empire, were it not for the fact that Mr. Plaatje not only quotes from the act in extenso but quotes also from the debates in the Colonial Parliament to show that the intention of the legislators was to restrict the native to their reservations or to servitude among the white population to placate the extreme Dutch Party in South Africa. In other words, the Colonial Parliament took the position of Mr. J.G. Keyter, the member for Ficksburg, who said: "They should tell the native, as the Free State told him, that it was white man's country, that he was not going to be allowed to buy land there or hire land there, and that if he wanted to be there, he must be in service." The author is thankful for the assistance given the natives by the British, but contends that the fortunes of the former should not have been committed to the hands of the Dutch Republicans without adequate safeguards.

The work will doubtless be successful as an appeal to the court of public opinion, as it is intended. The case is ably and seriously put and is supported by adequate evidence to warrant the author's conclusions as to the enormity of the crimes against the natives. In making this bold agitation for economic equality, this book may materially influence future events in South Africa and in England. It will doubtless lead British statesmen to conclude that the imperial power cannot dissociate itself from the responsibility for native affairs. The writer will attract attention too because of the novelty in that this work is the product of the brains of an intelligent native, who can think and express himself well on public questions. It will be surprising to those Englishmen who have hitherto treated the natives altogether as an uneducated mass incapable of thinking and will certainly excite sympathy among those who believe in the principles of liberty and justice.

* * * * *

The Danish West Indies under Company Rule, 1671-1754. With a Supplementary Chapter, 1755-1917. By WALDEMAR WESTERGAARD, Assistant Professor of History at Pomona College. Introduction by H. MORSE STEPHENS. Macmillan Company, New York, 1917. Pp. 359.

This work is the history of a company of Danish merchants desiring to avail themselves of the commercial opportunities of the New World. The work was undertaken prior to the recent negotiations of the United States for the purchase of the islands. It is the result of an attempt to "identify and appraise" a number of official and other papers found in the Bancroft Collection at the University of California. The study of these documents led to further research in the Danish libraries and archives, especially the archives of the Danish West India and Guinea Company. The work then becomes a treatise on the rise and fall of a great corporation with business as its objective rather than the sketch of a mere colony. It has a number of helpful maps and illustrations.

In writing this work, the author easily realized that treated as an isolated subject it would be worthless. It is, therefore, dealt with as a part of European history, that phase commonly characterized as commercial expansion. He, therefore, in accounting for the Danish interest in colonization and in estimating the part that nation actually played, finds that the experiences of the Danes were fairly typical of those of the Dutch, the French, the English and the Spanish. The narrative then is a succession of accounts of speculation, competition, prosperity and depression. There are sketches of adventurers, buccaneers and pirates all brought forward in such a way as to tell their own story.

The author directs attention to the West Indies as the great theater in which was played the drama of history in the New World during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Sugar is presented as king. The author is chiefly concerned with the crucial test to which the company was subjected, the establishment of the Brandenburgers at St. Thomas, the leasing of Guinea and St. Thomas, the governorship of John Lorentz, the plantation colonies of St. Thomas and St. John, the introduction of slavery, the slave trade, the relations of the planter and the company, the acquisition of St. Croix, and the career of the company under a new charter. In the appendix there is such valuable information as the list of governors in the West Indies and the Guinea, the directors and board of shareholders in Copenhagen, the first charter of the Danish West India and Guinea Company, the charter of 1697, important letters of officials and the report of the board of police and trade to King Frederick IV in 1716. One finds also the list of slave cargoes arriving in the Danish West Indies, the list of prices on St. Thomas from 1687 to 1751, West Indian sugar exported from Copenhagen, the company's receipts and debts at St. John and St. Croix, the capital invested in St. Thomas in 1747, the company's business in cotton, returns on the company's capital, and other statistics.

The supplementary chapter is an effort to connect as far as possible the sketch set forth in the preceding part of the book with the events leading up to the recent purchase of the group by the United States. The work throughout necessarily deals with the contact of the Negro with the European, as the African slaves constituted the class of population to be exploited and, of course, were the factor essential to the rise and growth of the company.

A. H. CLEMMONS.

* * * * *

The Taxation of Negroes in Virginia. By TOPTON RAY SNAVELY, Phelps-Stokes Fellow at the University of Virginia, 1915-1917. Publication of the University of Virginia Phelps-Stokes Papers. Pp. 97.

This work is the result of the establishment at the University of Virginia of a fellowship through a gift from the trustees of the Phelps-Stokes Fund. The holder of this fellowship must "stimulate and conduct investigations and encourage a wider general interest among students concerning the character, condition and possibilities of the Negroes in the Southern States." Carrying out this plan the incumbents have organized classes for study and conducted special investigations, assigning related topics for study, bringing the results before classes for discussion and sometimes securing distinguished men for lectures in this field.

In this dissertation the author has undertaken something new. No one had so far treated the taxation of the Negroes in any State. As taxation is an important concern of the commonwealth, it was believed that the way in which the State determined how this burden should fall on the Negro race would do much in bringing out an understanding as to the attitude of the whites to the blacks. The author claims to have adhered strictly to the facts to give an unbiased interpretation of this phase of history. The work is well done in parts. It should have been amplified. The most valuable part of it is that which treats of the problem of taxation since the Civil War. In treating the antebellum period, the author shows a lack of breadth in that he does not connect the question of the taxation of Negroes with the struggle between Eastern and Western Virginia, which finally resulted in the disruption of the State. He does not show that the West wanted the increase in taxes, necessitated by the construction of internal improvements, obtained from a tax on slaves, as the mountaineers did not have many, while the East was anxious to tax more heavily cattle and the like which flourished beyond the Alleghanies.

During the colonial period and, at times, after the Revolution, Negroes paid a capitation tax. It is remarkable that the State of Virginia in 1814 collected $8,322 from 5,547 free Negroes. The same class of Negroes paid $11,554 in 1863 at the rate of $2 a head. Provision was made for the capitation tax in the Constitution of 1867-68. In 1870 the prepayment was required of voters but because of corruption at the ballot box it was repealed. Delinquency followed and to counteract this the tax was made a lien on real estate. The Constitution of 1901-02 made the poll-tax a political measure in providing that the payment of it six months in advance of election day should be a prerequisite for voting with a registration clause as another requirement. These provisions, it seems, have not been enforced and for that reason many Negroes are returned as delinquent. In 1914 the whites showed a delinquency of thirty per cent, and the Negroes sixty per cent.

Taking up real estate, which is the principal source of all taxes paid by Negroes, the author confines himself to the period since the War. The Negroes of Virginia had $12,464,377 subject to taxation in 1900 and $28,775,199 in 1914. The tax levy in 1910 was $48,173 and $93,245 in 1914, having almost doubled during the intervening years. The delinquency in real estate taxes too is much less than that in the case of capitation taxes.

In answer to the question as to whether the Negroes of the State are sharing its burden of taxation in proportion to their ability the author brings out some interesting facts. He finds it difficult to answer this question accurately. He shows, however, that Negroes composing 32.6 per cent. of the population pay only a small part of the $7,757,532 in taxes of all kinds. The real estate, capitation, personal property and income taxes paid by Negroes in 1914 aggregated $318,381, or 5 per cent. of the real estate taxes, 3.8 per cent. of the personal property taxes, 28.1 per cent. of the capitation taxes, and .000006 per cent. of the income taxes. In all the Negroes pay about 4.1 per cent. of the revenue of the State. This estimate is doubtless too low.



NOTES

Mr. A. E. Martin, of the Pennsylvania State College, will soon publish through the Filson Club The Anti-Slavery Movement in Kentucky to 1850. Mr. Martin plans to bring this study down to 1870.

The New York Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada has published The Lure of Africa by C. H. Patton.

W. M. Ramsay's The Intermixture of Races in Asia Minor has come from the Oxford University Press.

The Harvard University Press has published Ephod and Ark, by W. R. Arnold.

July number of The Journal of Race Development contains two interesting articles: On the Culture of White Folk, by Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, and Psychic Factors in the New American Race Situation, by George W. Elliss, K.C., F.R.G.S.

The July number of the American Journal of Sociology contains a rather misinforming article on The Superiority of the Mulatto, by Mr. E. B. Reuter, and another on Class and Caste, by Edward Alsworth Ross.

In the July number of the South Atlantic Quarterly appears The Black Codes, by Prof. John M. Mecklin, of the University of Pittsburgh.

Prof. Benjamin Brawley will soon publish a work to be known as The Genius of the Negro.

La Revista Bimestre Cubana has published Los Negros Esclavos, a study in sociology and public law by Fernando Ortiz, professor in the University of Havana.

The United States Bureau of Education in cooperation with the Phelps-Stokes Fund has published in two volumes a report entitled Negro Education, a Study of the Private and Higher Schools for Colored People in the United States. This report was prepared under the direction of Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, specialist in the education of racial groups. This work was undertaken to comply with that provision of the will of Miss Caroline Phelps-Stokes directing that some portion of the income from a fund originally amounting to about $900,000 be used for the education of Negroes and for research and publication. In 1912 it was decided to prepare a report on Negro education to furnish the public with valuable information as to existing conditions throughout the South. The Bureau of Education agreed to cooperate with the trustees of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, bringing the work under the general supervision of the United States Commissioner of Education. This report is the result of their efficient cooperation.

On the thirtieth of August, there assembled at the request of the United States Commissioner of Education a conference to discuss this report. For two days practically all of the active white and colored educators in Negro schools discussed the various phases of education as brought out by this report and undertook to find a working basis for a more extensive cooperation of all agencies in the uplift of the Negro. The frank statements of several of the State Superintendents, like that of Mr. Harris of Louisiana, showed how much good a report of this kind may do in arousing the best white people of the South to a realization that it pays to educate all citizens of the state whether they be white or black. No definite decision was reached but the conference was a success in leading men to study more seriously the problems of Negro education.



THE FIRST BIENNIAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY AT WASHINGTON

There is no fixed rule to determine exactly where the meetings of the Association shall be held. The constitution grants this power to the Executive Council. Washington, however, naturally proved attractive for the reasons that it is located mid-way between the North and the South, the Association is incorporated under laws of the District of Columbia, and several of its officers reside there. The extensive advertising given the meeting and the occurrence of the conference in Washington on the education of the Negro the following day brought to the meeting probably the largest number of useful and scholarly Negroes ever assembled at the national capital. Among these were: President Nathan B. Young, Mr. W. T. B. Williams, President Byrd Prillerman, Dr. C. V. Roman, Prof. George E. Haynes, Mr. Monroe N. Work, President W. J. Hale, Dean Benjamin G. Brawley, Bishop I. N. Ross, Prof. J. R. Hawkins, Mr. R. P. Hamlin, Mr. C. H. Tobias, and Mr. A. L. Jackson. The meeting was further honored with the presence of some of the most useful and distinguished white persons in the country, namely: Mrs. Louis F. Post, the wife of the Assistant Secretary of Labor; Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, Educational Expert of the United States Bureau of Education; Dr. James H. Dillard, Director of the John F. Slater Fund; Mr. George Foster Peabody, the New York banker; and Mr. Julius Rosenwald, the well-known philanthropist.

The morning session proved to be the most interesting of all. The introductory address was delivered by Dr. J. E. Moorland, the Secretary-Treasurer, who, in the absence of the President, presided throughout the meeting. In his remarks Dr. Moorland gave a brief account of what the Association had undertaken and endeavored to show how important the work is and how successfully it is being prosecuted under tremendous difficulties. He paid a high tribute to the Director of Research and Editor as the one who has done most of the work and contributed most of the money to finance the movement.

Mr. Monroe N. Work then read a very carefully prepared and illuminating paper on "The Negro and the World War." Taking a world-wide view of the great struggle, Mr. Work discussed the social, economic and political roots of the war as it concerns the black race and explained how the interests of these people connect with the upheaval in all its ramifications. As Dr. R. R. Wright, Jr., was unavoidably absent, all the time allowed for the discussion of the paper was given to Prof. George E. Haynes. Basing his remarks on the actual facts of the migration of the Negroes to the North, Professor Haynes spoke of the war as a rejuvenating and regenerating factor in enabling the Negro to know his possibilities and to come into his own.

Dr. C. G. Woodson followed Mr. Work, making a clear statement as to the meaning of the movement to study Negro life and history and setting forth the plans to save the records of the black race that the Negro may not, like the Indian, leave no written account of his thoughts, feelings, aspirations, and achievements. Dr. Woodson went into detail to explain how necessary it is to have trained investigators to undertake this work immediately, before it is too late, as many valuable documents bearing on the Negro are being destroyed for the reason that persons now possessing them do not know their value and the facilities for collection of such materials now afforded are inadequate. This topic was further discussed by Dr. C. V. Roman and Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones. Dr. Roman restricted his remarks largely to a definition of civilization to determine whether or not the Negro has made any contribution to it. After speaking of certain achievements of the Negro he deplored the fact that not only the white people but the Negroes themselves know very little about what their race has contributed to the progress of mankind. Dr. Jones spoke of how important it is for a race to know and write its own history, for because of race prejudice, a man of one race cannot easily tell the truth about one of another. He then expressed his deep interest in the work and lauded the enterprise of those who are prosecuting it.

Probably the most interesting features of the morning session, however, were the brief addresses of Mr. George Foster Peabody, Mr. Julius Rosenwald, and Mr. James H. Dillard. Mr. Peabody expressed his delight at seeing such an important work undertaken and urged cooperation as the only successful way of carrying it on. He took occasion, also, to speak of his general interest in the Negro and his belief in his ultimate success. Mr. Julius Rosenwald referred to the time when he received a copy of the first issue of the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY and how it so impressed him that he decided to contribute one hundred dollars to its support every quarter. He believes that this magazine of standard scientific stamp, published in the interest of the propagation of the truth concerning the Negro, will be another means of helping him onward and upward. Dr. James H. Dillard spoke of the importance of studying Africa, mentioning several books which are so informing to him that the far-off continent seems to be an unexplored land of wonders. He maintained that largely through the study of the history of one's race one can have high ideals, without which there can be no actual progress.

The business session was looked forward to as an important one, as interested members were anxious to know what the Association had done during the first two years of its history. As there was no unfinished business, new business was in order. The chairman appointed Professor Kelly Miller, Dean Benjamin G. Brawley and Mr. M. N. Work as the committee on nominations and Mr. A. L. Jackson, Prof. George E. Haynes and Dr. Thomas J. Jones as an auditing committee. The most important business was amending the constitution, the changes of which having been previously sanctioned by a majority of the members of the Executive Council, they were duly ratified by the Association. This constitution follows.

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY

I

The name of this body shall be the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History.

II

Its object shall be the collection of sociological and historical documents and the promotion of studies bearing on the Negro.

III

Any person approved by the Executive Council may become a member by paying $1.00 and after the first year may continue a member by paying an annual fee of one dollar. Persons paying $2.00 annually become both active members of the Association and subscribers to the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. On the payment of $30.00, any person may become a life member, exempt from assessments. Persons not resident in the United States may be elected honorary members and shall be exempt from payment of assessments. Members organized as clubs for the study of the Negro shall gratuitously receive from the Director such instruction in this field as may be given by mail.

IV

The Officers of this Association shall be a President, a Secretary-Treasurer, a Director of Research and Editor, and an Executive Council, consisting of the three foregoing officers and twelve others elected by the Association. The Association shall elect three members of the Executive Council as trustees. It shall also appoint a business committee to certify bills and to advise the Director in matters of administrative nature. These officers shall be elected by ballot through the mail or at each biennial meeting of the Association.

V

The President and Secretary-Treasurer shall perform the duties usually devolving on such officers. The Director of Research and Editor shall devise plans for the collection of documents, direct the studies of members and determine what matter shall be published in the JOURNAL. The Executive Council shall have charge of the general interests of the Association, including the election of members, the calling of meetings, the collection and disposition of funds.

VI

This CONSTITUTION may be amended at any biennial meeting, notice of such amendment having been given at the previous biennial meeting or the proposed amendment having received the approval of the Executive Council.

Then the Director followed by the Secretary-Treasurer, with a financial statement, made this report:

The Association was organized in Chicago, September 9, 1915, by five persons who felt that something effective should be done to direct attention to the long-neglected work of saving the records of the Negro race. At first, it was thought best to call a national meeting to form an organization. This plan was abandoned, however, for the reason that it was not believed that a large number of persons would pay any attention to the movement until an actual demonstration as to the possibilities of the field had been made. The Director, therefore, had these few persons join him in organizing, so to speak, in a corner and proceeded at once to bring out the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. How it was received by the public is now a matter of history.

The growth of the JOURNAL has been more than was expected. The first edition was 1,500, the second 1,300, the third 1,000, the fourth 2,000. At the end of 1916 the demand for back numbers so increased that it soon became evident that the editions were not large enough and that the back numbers would have to be reprinted. One thousand copies of volume I, and some extra numbers of it were accordingly reprinted and the current edition was increased to 4,000. The total circulation of the JOURNAL is 2,830. The subscription list shows 1,430 subscribers, about 400 copies are sold at newstands, 1,000 copies are used for promotion, and about 1,000 copies are kept on hand for future subscribers.

These achievements, however, have been due to sacrifice both of time and means. The Director has had to work under tremendous difficulties, but he has never lost faith in his coworkers and believes in the ultimate triumph of the cause. The problem has been threefold, that of research, that of editing and that of promotion.

As the Association has not had adequate funds to provide the Director with an office force or sufficient stenographic assistance, he has too often found himself in the position of having to do all things at one time. But in spite of these handicaps there was a gradual increase in the number of subscribers and contributors until unfortunately the income from these sources was greatly diminished by the war. A few substantial friends, however, have helped us when seemingly at our extremity. Among the more important contributions obtained are: $75 from Dr. R. E. Park, $100 from the Phelps-Stokes Fund, $100 from Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, $200 from Mr. Harold H. Swift, $500 from Mr. Julius Rosenwald and $1,000 from Dr. C. G. Woodson. We have, therefore, been able to come to the end of the first two years of our history free from debt and with a considerable balance on the right side of the ledger as is attested by the following financial statement of the Secretary-Treasurer:

STATEMENT OF RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY, FROM OCTOBER 14, 1915, TO SEPTEMBER 9, 1917, INCLUSIVE

Receipts

Bound Volumes and Subscriptions $1,216.39 Life and Active Memberships 512.75 Contributions and Advertising 1,800.05 News Agents 222.84 Loans 296.50 ————- Total Receipts $4,048.53

Expenditures

Printing and Stationery $2,993.32 Petty Cash 603.59 Stenographic Services 254.16 Rent and Light 81.00 Bond 10.00 ————- Total Expenses $3,942.07 Balance on hand 106.46 ————- $4,048.53

Respectfully submitted, J. E. MOORLAND, Secretary-Treasurer.

When the time came for the election of officers, Professor Kelly Miller, the chairman of the committee on nominations, reported a list of names for the various positions. The name of Dr. G. C. Hall, President of the Association, was, at his request, omitted. Thereupon, Dr. C. G. Woodson and Dr. J. E. Moorland expressed regret that Dr. Hall desired to retire and paid him high tributes as a coworker without whom the work could not have been made so successful. The Association then voted that the Secretary-Treasurer be instructed to cast its unanimous ballot for the persons nominated. These officers are: R. E. Park, President; J. E. Moorland, Secretary-Treasurer; C. G. Woodson, Director of Research and Editor, and, with the foregoing officers, Julius Rosenwald, Chicago, Illinois; George Foster Peabody, Saratoga Springs, New York; James H. Dillard, Charlottesville, Virginia; John R. Hawkins, Washington, D.C.; R. E. Jones, New Orleans, Louisiana; Thomas Jesse Jones, Washington, D. C.; A. L. Jackson, Chicago, Illinois; Sir Edmund Walker, Toronto, Canada; Moorefield Storey, Boston, Massachusetts; and J. G. Phelps Stokes, New York City, as members of the Executive Council. R. E. Park, J. E. Moorland and C. G. Woodson were appointed trustees and Thomas Jesse Jones, L. Hollingsworth Wood and J. E. Moorland as the business committee. Mr. A. L. Jackson, the chairman of the auditing committee, read the report certifying that the books of the Secretary-Treasurer had been properly kept and all moneys accounted for. Mr. Jackson took occasion, also, to point out the fact that in addition to taking upon himself the burden of editing the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, Dr. Woodson gives more than half of the amount received as contributions to maintain it.

Several suggestions were offered for the good of the cause. Professor Kelly Miller spoke in a commendatory manner concerning the work and urged the people to direct their attention to the study of their traditions. Mr. R. C. Edmonson suggested that the Association pay more attention to the collection of statistics concerning the race. Mr. John W. Davis asked members to volunteer to secure a larger number of subscribers. He himself submitted a pledge to obtain 25 subscribers during the year.

At the evening session, Dean Benjamin G. Brawley, of Morehouse College, read an excellent paper on Three Negro Poets: Horton, Mrs. Harper and Whitman, giving his audience startling information about these literary workers in the days when opportunities were meager. In this way, Dean Brawley successfully bridged the gap between Phyllis Wheatley and Paul Lawrence Dunbar. Professor Kelly Miller then delivered an instructive address on The Place of Negro History in our Schools. Professor Miller's discourse was well received and seemed to arouse interest in the study of Negro history. Dr. C. G. Woodson made some remarks concerning the plans of the Association and Dr. J. E. Moorland appealed to the people for their support. Many new members were added. The Association then adjourned.

* * * * *

[Transcriber's Notes:

Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies. The transcriber made the following changes to the text to correct obvious errors:

1. p. 49, No footnote marker for footnote #45 in original text. 2. p. 63, No footnote marker for footnote #79 in original text. 3. p. 69, No footnote marker for footnote #96 in original text. 4. p. 120, Footnote #153, "pp. 263 ff" changed to "pp. 263 ff." 5. p. 130, Footnote #178, "Woolmans'" changed to "Woolman's" 6. p. 186, "kinds of graots" changed to "kinds of groats" 7. p. 213, No footnote marker for footnote #244. 8. p. 216, Footnote #255, "XXXV, 126" changed to "XXXV, 126." 9. p. 226, Footnote #286, "December 26, 1916", left unchanged 10. p. 259, "Like Miss Patterson" changed to "Like Miss Patterson," 11. p. 349, No footnote marker for footnote #402. 12. p. 380, Footnote #465 and 466 were referenced with the same footnote marker number in the original text. 13. p. 419, Footnote #524, 525, 526 were all referenced with the same footnote marker number in the original text. 14. All The footnotes have been re-numbered.

End of Transcriber's Notes]