Here is a strange confusion of causes and effects, and a strange abuse of words. First let us clear up the facts. Here are some valuable ones for the cause of the Negroes.

You say they are not so thievish in Virginia, propagate faster, and are less depraved: Why? Because they are less cruelly treated.—Here is the cause and the effect, you have mistaken one for the other.

We must conclude from this fact, that if the Virginians were no longer severe, and should treat the blacks like fellow-creatures, they would not be more vicious than their white servants.

The degree of oppression is the measure of what is improperly called the viciousness of the slaves.—The more cruel their tyrants, the more treacherous, villainous and cruel are the slaves in return—Can we wonder that Macronius should assassinate his master Tiberius? This viciousness is a punishment that heaven inflicts upon tyranny.

Can the efforts of a slave for the recovery of his liberty, be denominated vicious or criminal? From the moment you violate the laws of nature, in regard to them, why should not they shake them off in their relative duties to you? You rob them of liberty, and you would not have them steal your gold! You whip and cruelly torment them, and expect them not to struggle for deliverance! You assassinate them every day, and expect them not to assassinate you once! You call your outrages, rights, and the courage which repulses them, a crime! What a confusion of ideas! what horrid logic!

And you, sir, a humane philosopher! are accessory to this injustice, by describing the blacks in the style of a dealer in human flesh! You call what are no more than natural consequences of the compression of the spring of liberty—treachery, theft and depravation.[2] But can a natural consequence be criminal? Remove the cause or is it not the only crime?

For my part, sir, I firmly believe, that the barbarities committed by the Negroes, not merely against their masters, but even against others, will be attributed at the bar of eternal justice, to the slaveholders, and those infamous persons employed in the Guinea trade. I firmly believe, that no human justice has the right of putting a Negro slave to death for any crime whatever, because not being free, he is not sui juris, and should be regarded as a child or an idiot, being almost always under the lash. I believe that the real criminal, the cause of the crime, is the man who first seized him, sold him, or enslaved him.—And if ever I should fall under the knife of an unhappy runaway, I would not resent it upon him but upon those white men who keep blacks in slavery. I would tell them, your cruelty towards your Negroes, has endangered my life—they execrate you, they take me for a tyrant because I am white like you, and the vengeance due to your crimes has fallen upon me.

God forbid, however, that I should undertake to encourage the blacks to take up arms against their masters! God forbid, however, that I should undertake to justify the excesses to which their resentments have sometimes hurried them, and which have often fallen on persons who were not accessary to their wretchedness! The slavery under which they groan, must be abolished by peaceable means; and thanks to the active spirit of benevolence which animates the Quakers, the pious undertaking is already begun. In most of the United States of America, the yoke has been taken from their necks; in others the Guinea-trade has been prohibited. Societies have been formed both at Paris and London, to collect and circulate information upon this interesting subject, to induce the European governments to put a stop to the Negro trade, and provide for their gradual emancipation in the West-India islands: No doubt success will crown their views, and the friends of liberty will enjoy the satisfaction of communicating its blessings to the blacks.

But the blacks must wait for the happy moment that shall restore them to civil life, in silence and in peace; they must rely upon the unwearied diligence and zeal of the numerous writers who advocate their cause, and the efforts of the humane to second their endeavors; they must strive to justify and support the arguments that are adduced in their favour, by displaying virtue in the very bosom of slavery; they must endeavour, in a word, to render themselves worthy of liberty, that they may know how to use it when it shall be restored to them; for liberty itself is sometimes a burden, when slavery has stupefied the soul.

Such blacks, therefore, as are so inconsiderate as to be concerned in insurrections, are guilty of retarding the execution of the general plan for their emancipation; for the question is not, at the present day, whether a million of slaves ought to be set at liberty, but whether they can when free, be put into a capacity of providing for the subsistence of themselves and their families. Insurrections, far from effecting this purpose, would destroy the means. Regard, therefore, to their own interests, if there were no other motive, should therefore engage the blacks to patient submission, and no doubt but they will yield it, if their masters and the ministers of the gospel in particular, to whom the task of comforting and instructing them, is committed, endeavour to prepare them for approaching freedom.

You sir, have adopted the vulgar notion, that the Negroes born in Virginia, are less depraved than those imported from Africa. You call the firmness which is common in the early stages of their slavery greater degeneracy; they are depraved, that is, in your language—they are wicked and treacherous to those who have purchased them, or brought them from their own country.—But in my mind, they are not depraved, because the acts of violence their genius inspires them to revenge themselves upon their tyrants, are justified by the rights of nature.

And why are those imported, more wicked in your opinion? In mine, more quick, more ardent in their resentments? because, not having forgotten their former situation, they feel their loss the more sensibly; and having strong ideas, their resolutions are more firm and their actions more violent, they not having yet contracted the habits of slavery.

They soon fall into that degree of apathy and insensibility, which you unjustly believe to be natural to them; that is, in your language, they become less depraved; but I would say that their depravity begins with this apathy and weakness.—For depravity is the loss of nature, and the want of those virtues inherent in man, courage and the love of liberty. Our readers may judge from this article, how strangely writers have wrested words to condemn these unhappy Negroes, and the unfortunate in general.

I do not, however, pretend to say, that the Negroes of Africa are all good, or even that many of them are not depraved. But is this fact to be imputed to them as a personal crime? Ought you not rather to have ascribed it to the foreign source by which they are corrupted. Alike in them and in the whites, the depravity of man is a consequence of his wretchedness, and the usurpation of his rights. Wherever he is free and at ease, he is good; wherever the contrary, he is wicked. Neither his nature nor the climate corrupt him, but the government of his country. Now that of the Negroes is almost universally despotic, such as must necessarily debase and corrupt the Negro.

How much is the depravity, occasioned by the government of his country, increased by his second slavery, far worse than the first—for he is no longer among friends in his native land—surrounded by the pleasing scenes of his childhood, he is among monsters who are going to live by, and trade in his blood, and has nothing before his eyes but death, or oppression equivalent to an endless punishment.

How is it possible such horrid prospects should not fire his soul? How, if chance should present him with arms and liberty, should he resist using them, to put an end to his own existence, or that of his tormentors? What white man would be less cruel in his situation? Truly I think myself of a humane disposition, that I love my fellow-creatures and detest the effusion of blood, but if ever a villain, white or black, should snatch me from my freedom, my family, and my friends, should overwhelm me with outrages and blows, to gratify his caprice, should extend his barbarities to my wife and children—my blood boils at the thought—perhaps in a transport of revenge.... If such vengeance would be lawful in me, what makes the Negro more guilty? Why should that be called wickedness and depravity in him, which would be stiled virtue in me, in you, in every white man? Are not my rights the same as his? Is not nature our common parent? God his father as well as mine? His conscience an infallible guide as well as mine? Let us then no longer make other laws for the blacks than those we are bound by ourselves, since Heaven has placed them on a level with us, has made them like us, since they are our brethren and our fellow-creatures.

Here you stop me, you say that the Negro is not our fellow-creature, that he is below the white.

How could so shocking an opinion escape the pen of a member of the Royal Academy, a writer who would be thought a friend of mankind!

Do not you see the tormentors of St. Domingo, avail themselves of it already, redoubling their strokes, and regarding their slaves as mere machines, like the Cartesians do the brutes? They are not our fellow-creatures will they say: a philosopher of Paris has proved it?

What! the blacks our equals! Have not they eyes, ears, a shape, and organs like ours? Does nature follow another order, other laws for them?—Have not they speech, that peculiar characteristic of humanity? But then the colour! What of that? Are the pale white Albinos, the olive or copper coloured Indians also of different species! Who does not know that colour is accidental. They are not our equals! Have not they the same faculties—reason, memory, imagination? Yes, you reply, but they have written no books. Who told you so? Who told you there were no learned blacks? And supposing it were so, if none but authors are men, the whole human race is different from us.

Shall I tell you why there are no authors or men of learning among the Negroes? What has made you what you are? Education and circumstances!—Now where are the Negroes favoured by either? Consider them wherever they are to be found.—In Africa, wretchedly enslaved by domestic tyrants; in our islands perpetual martyrs; in the southern United States, the meanest of slaves; in the northern, domestics; in Europe, universally contemned, every where proscribed, like the Jews; in a word, every where in a state of debasement.

I have been told that there are blacks of property in the northern parts of America; but these, like the other settlers, are no more than sensible farmers or traders.—There are no authors[3] among them, because there are few rich and idle people in America.

What spring of action could raise a Negro from his debased condition? the road to glory and honor is impassible to him: What then should he write for? Besides, the blacks have reason to detest the sciences, for their oppressors cultivate them but they do not make them better.

Shall we say that the Indians or Arabs are not our equals, because they despise both our arts and our sciences? or the Quakers, because they neither respect academies nor wits?

In short, if you will deny the Negroes souls, energy, sensibility, gratitude or beneficence, I oppose you to yourself, I might quote your own anecdote of Mr. Langdon's Negro, and abundance of other well known facts in favour of the blacks. You may find some striking ones in the Abbe Raynals' philosophical history. One of them would have been sufficient. The Negro who killed himself when his master who had injured him was in his power, was superior to Epictetus, and the existence of a single Negro of so sublime a character, ennobles all his kind.

But how could you judge whether the blacks were different from the whites, who saw them only in a state of slavery and wretchedness? Do we estimate beauty by the figure of a Laplander? magnanimity by the soul of a courtier? or intelligence by the stupidity of an Esquimaux?

If the traces of humanity were so much weakened and effaced in the Negroes, that you did not recognize them, I conclude not that they do not belong to our species, but that they must have been cruelly tormented to reduce them to this state of degeneracy. I do not conclude that they are not men, but that the Europeans who kidnap the blacks, are not worthy of the name.

You consider what precautions it may be necessary to take to avoid the danger which might attend a general emancipation of the Negroes.

I shall not now enter into a discussion of this nice question, but reserve it for another work: yet I must say in a word, that the Negroes will never be our friends, will never be men, until they are possessed of all our rights, until we are upon an equality. Civil liberty is the boundary between good and evil, order and disorder, happiness and misery, ignorance and knowledge. If we would make the Negroes worthy of us, we must raise them to our level by giving them this liberty.

Thus, the chief inconvenience you expect will follow the emancipation of the Negroes, may be avoided; that although free, they will remain a distinct species, a distinct and dangerous body.

This objection will vanish when we intermix with them, and boldly efface every distinction. Unless this is the case, I foresee torrents of blood spilt and the earth disputed between the whites and blacks, as America was between the Europeans and Savages.

Perhaps, and it is no extravagant idea—perhaps it might be more prudent, more humane, to send the blacks back again to their native country, settle them there, encourage their industry, and assist them to form connections with Europe and America. The celebrated doctor Fothergill conceived this plan, and the society for the abolition of slavery, at London, have carried it into execution at Sierra Leone. Time and perseverance, will discover the policy and utility of this settlement. If it should succeed, the blacks will quit America insensibly, and Sierra Leone become the centre from whence general civilization will spread over all Africa.

Perhaps, sir, you will place these thoughts upon the Negroes with those declamations you are pleased to ridicule: But what is the epithet of declaimer to me, if I am right, if I make an impression upon my readers, if I cause remorse into the breast of a single slave-holder; in a word, if I contribute to accelerate the general impulse toward liberty.

You disapprove the application of eloquence to this subject; you think nothing can affect it but exertions of cool reason. What is eloquence but the language of reason and sensibility? When man is oppressed, he struggles, he complains, he moves our passions, and bears down all opposition. Such eloquence can perform wonders, and should be employed by those who undertake to plead the cause of the unfortunate who spend their days in continual agony, or he will make no impression.—I do not conceive how any man can display wit instead of feeling, upon this distracting subject, amuse with an antithesis, instead of forcible reasoning, and only dazzle where he ought to warm. I have no conception how a sensible and thinking being, can see a fellow-creature tortured and torn to pieces, perhaps his poor wife bathed in tears, with a wretched infant sucking her shriveled breast at his side; I say I have no conception how he can behold such a sight, with indifference; how, unagonized and convulsed with rage and indignation, he can have the barbarity to descend to jesting! Notwithstanding, your observations upon the Negroes, conclude with a jest.

It will be an easy matter, say you, to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert, composed only of principal parts, "con corni ad Libertum."

I hope there is nothing cruel, because there is nothing studied in this connection, this inconsiderate manner: but how could such a comparison come into the head of a man of feeling? It is the sad effect of wit, as I said before; it contracts the soul. Ever glancing over agreeable objects, it is unfeeling when intruded upon by wretchedness—uneasy to obliterate the shocking idea, and elude the groans of nature, it rids itself of both by a jest. The humane Benezet would never have connected this idea of harmony with the sound of a Negro driver's whip.

Having proved that you have wronged the Quakers and the Negroes, I shall proceed to shew that you have equally injured mankind and the people.—Critical Examination of the Marquis de Chastellux's Travels in North-America, 1782. Translated from the French of Jean P. Verre Brissot de Warville, 1788, pp. 51-63.



FOOTNOTES:

[1] This Jefferies was the most infamous Chief Justice that ever existed in England. Charles II. and James II. well acquainted with his talents for chicane, his debauchery and blood-thirstiness, his baseness and his crimes, made use of him to exterminate, with the sword of law, all those worthy men who defended the constitution from their tyranny.

I often quote the History of England; unhappily for us it is too little known in France.

[2] Most authors who have not studied the rights of men, fall into this error. I have remarked elsewhere (Vol. II of the Journ. du Licee, No. 4, page 222) that a writer, who, notwithstanding, deserves our esteem, for having written against the despotism of the Turkish government, has suffered himself to be drawn into it. M. le Baron de Tott says that the Moldavians are thievish, mean and faithless. To translate these words into the language of truth, we must say, the Turks, the masters of the Moldavians, are unjust, robbers, villains, and tyrants; and that the Moldavians revenge themselves by opposing deceit to oppression, etc. Thus, the people are almost everywhere wrongfully accused.

[3] There was, however, a Negro author at London, whose productions are not without merit, and were lately published in two volumes. His name was Ignatius Sancho. He wrote in the manner of Sterne.



SUR L'ETAT GENERAL, LE GENRE D'INDUSTRIE, LES MOEURS, LE CARACTERE, ETC. DES NOIRS, DANS LES ETATS-UNIS

"Dans les quatre etats du nord et dans ceux du midi, les noirs libres sont, ou domestiques, ou tiennent de petites boutiques, ou cultivent la terre. Vous en voyez quelques-unes sur les batimens destines au cabotage. Peu osent se hasarder sur les vaisseau employes aux voyages de long cours, parce qu'ils craignent d'etre transportes et vendus dans les iles.—Au physique, tous ces noirs sont generalement vigoureux,[1] d'une forte constitution, capables des travaux les plus penibles; ils sont generalement actifs.—Domestiques, ils sont sobres et fideles.—Ce portrait s'applique aux femmes de cette couleur.—Je n'ai vu faire aucune distinction entr'eux a cet egard et les domestiques blancs, quoique ces derniers les traitent toujours avec mepris, comme etant d'une espece inferieure.—Ceux qui tiennent des boutiques, vivent mediocrement, n'augmentent jamais leurs affaires au-dela d'un certain point. La raison en est simple: quoique partout on traite les noirs avec humanite, les blancs qui ont l'argent, ne sont pas disposes a faire aux noirs des avances, telles qu'elles les missent en etat d'entreprendre le commerce en grand; d'ailleurs, il faut pour ce commerce quelques connoissances preliminaires, il faut faire un noviciat dans un comptoir, et la raison n'a pas encore ouvert aux noirs la porte du comptoir. On ne leur permet pas de s'y asseoir a cote des blancs.—Si donc les noirs sont bornes ici a un petit commerce de detail, n'en accusons pas leur impuissance, mais le prejuge des blancs, qui leur donnent des entraves. Les memes causes empechent les moirs qui vivent a la compagne d'avoir des plantations etendues; celles qu'ils cultivent sont bornees, mais generalement assez bien cultivees: de bons habits, une log house, ou maison de bois en bon etat, des enfans plus nombreux les font remarquer des Europeens voyageurs, et l'oeil du philosophe se plait a considerer ces habitations, ou la tyrannie ne fait point verser de pleurs. Dans cette partie de l'Amerique, les noirs sont certainement heureux; mais ayons le courage de l'avouer, leur bonheur et leurs talens ne sont pas encore au degre ou ils pourroient atteindre.—Il existe encoure un trop grand intervalle entre eux et les blancs, sur-tout dans l'opinion publique, et cette difference humiliante arrete tous les efforts qu'ils feroient pour s'elever. Cette difference se montre par-tout. Par exemple, on admet les noirs aux ecoles publiques; mais ils ne peuvent franchir le seuil d'un college. Quoique libres, quoique independans, ils sont toujours eux-memes accoutumes a se regarder comme au-dessous du blanc; il y a des droits qu'ils n'out pas.[2] Concluons de la qu'on jugeroit mal de l'etendue, de la capacite des noirs, en prenant pour base celle des noirs libres dans les etats du nord.

Mais quand on les compare aux noirs, esclaves des etats du midi, quelle prodigieuse difference les separe! Dans le midi, les noirs sont dans un etat d'abjection et d'abrutissement difficile a peindre. Beaucoup sont nuds, mal nourris, loges dans de miserables huttes, couches sur la paille.[3] On ne leur donne aucune education; on ne les instruit dans aucune religion; on ne les marie pas, on les accouple; aussi sont ils avilis, paresseux, sans idees, sans energie.—Ills ne se donneroient aucune peine pour avoir des habits, ou de meilleures provisions; ils aiment mieux porter des haillons que de les raccommoder. Ills passent le dimanche, qui est le jour du repos, entierement dans l'inaction.—L'inaction est leur souverain bonheur; aussi travaillent-ils pen et nonchalamment.

Il faut rendre justice a la verite; les Americains du midi traitent doucement les esclaves, et c'est un des effets produits par l'extension generale des idees sur la liberte; l'esclave travaille moins par-tout; mais on s'est borne la. Il n'en est pas mieux, ni pour la mourriture, ni pour son habillement, ni pour ses moeurs, ni pour ses idees; ainsi le maitre perd, sans que l'esclaves acquiere; et s'il suivoit l'exemple des Americains du nord, tous deux gagneroient au changement.

On a cru generalment jusqu'a ces derniers temps, que les negres avoient moins de capacite morale que les blancs; des auteurs meme estimables l'ont imprime.[4] Ce prejuge commence a disparoitre; les etats du nord pourroient fournir des exemples du contraire. Je n'en citerai que deux frappans; le premier, prouvera, qu'avec l'instruction, on peut rendre les noirs propres a toutes les professions; le second, que la tete d'un negre est organsee pour les calculs les plus etonans, et par consequent pour toutes les sciences.

J'ai vu, dans mon sejour a Philadelphie, un noir, appele Jacques Derham, medecin, qui exerce dans la Nouvelle-Orleans, sur le Mississippi; et voici son histoire, telle qu'elle m'a ete attestee par plusieurs medecins.—Ce noir a ete eleve dans une famille de Philadelphie, ou il a appris a lire, a ecrire, et ou on l'a instruit dans les principes du christianisme. Dans sa jeunesse, il fut vendu au feu docteur Jean Kearsley le jeune, de cette ville, qui l'employoit pour composer des medecines, et les administrer a ses malades.

A la mort du docteur Kearsley, il passa dans differentes mains, et il devint enfin l'esclave du docteur George West, chirurgien du seizieme regiment d'Angleterre, sous lequel, pendant la derniere guerre en Amerique, il remplit les fonctions les moins importantes de la medecine.

A la fin de la guerre, le docteur West le vendit au Docteur Robert Dove, de la Nouvelle-Orleans, qui l'employa comme son second. Dans cette condition, il gagna si bien la confiance et l'amite de son maitre, que celui-ci consentit a l'affranchir deux ou trois ans apres, et a des conditions moderees.—Derham s'etoit tellement perfectionne dans la medecine, qu'a l'epoque de sa liberte, il fut en etat de la pratiquer avec succes a la Nouvelle-Orleans.—Il a environ 26 ans; il est marie, mais il n'a point d'enfans; la medecine lui rapporte 3000 dollars, ou 16000 l. environ par an.

J'ai cause, m'a dit le docteur Wistar, avec lui sur les maladies aigues et epidemiques du pays ou il vit, et je l'ai trouve bien verse dans la methode simple, usitee par les modernes pour le traitement de ces maladies.—Je croyois pouvoir lui indiquer de nouveaux remedes; mais ce fut lui qui me les indiqua.—Il est modeste, et a des manieres tres-engageantes; il parle francois avec facilite et a quelques connoisances de l'espagnol. — Qoique ne dans une famille religieuse, on avoit, par accident, oublie de le faire baptiser. En consequence, il s'est adresse au docteur Withe pour recevoir le bapteme; il le lui a confere, apres l'en avoir juge digne, non-seulement par ses connoisances, mais par son excellente conduite.

Voice l'autre fait, tel qu'il m'a ete atteste, et imprime par le docteur Rush,[5] celebre medecin et auteur, etabli a Philadelphie et plusieurs details m'en ont ete confirmes par l'epouse de l'immortel Washington, dans le voisinage duquel ce negre est depuis longtemps.

Son nom est Thomas Fuller; il est ne en Afrique, et ne sait ni lire ni ecrire; il a maintenant soixante-dix ans, et a vecu toute sa vie sur la plantation de M^{me} Cox, a quatre milles d'Alexandrie. Deux habitans respectables de Pensylvanie, MM. Hartshom et Samuel Coates, qui voyageoient en Virginie, ayant appris la facilite singuliere que ce noir avoit pour les calculus les plus compliques, l'envoyerent chercher, et lui firent differentes questions.

Premiere. Etant interroge, combien de secondes il y avoit dans une annee et demie, il repondit en deux minutes, 47,304,000, en comptant 365 jours dans l'annee.

Deuxieme. Combien de secondes auroit vecu un homme age de soix-ante-dix ans dix-sept jours et douze heures? Il repondit dans une minute et demie, 2,210,500,800.

Un des Americains qui l'interrogeoit et qui verifioit ses calculs avec la plume, lui dit qu'il se trompoit, que la somme n'etoit pas si considerable; et cela etoit vrai: c'est qu'il n'avoit pas fait attention aux annees bissextiles; il corrigea le calcul avec la plus grande celerite.

Autre question. Supposez un laboureur qui a six truies, et que chaque truie en met bas six autres la premiere annee, et qu'elles multiplient dans la meme proportion jusqu'a, l' fin de la huiteme annee: combien alors de truies aura le laboureur, s'il n'en perd aucune? Le vieillard repondit en dix minutes, 34,588,806.

La longueur du temps ne fut occasionee que parce qu'il n'avoit pas d'abord compris la question.

Apres avoir satisfait a toutes les questions, il raconta l'origine et les progres de son talent en arithmetique.—Il compta a'abord jusqu'a 10, puis 100; et s'imaginoit alors, disoit-il, etre un habile homme. Ensuite il s'amusa a compter tous les grains d'un boisseau de ble, et successivement il sut compter le nombre de rails ou morceaux de bois necessaires pour enclore un champ d'une telle etendue, ou de grains necessaires pour le semer.—Sa maitresse avoit tire beaucoup d'advantages de son talen; il ne parloit d'elle qu'avec la plus grande reconnoissance, parce qu'elle ne l'avoit jamais voulu vendre, malgre les offres considerables qu'on lui avoit faites pour l'acheter.—Sa tete commencoit a foiblir.—Un des Americains lui ayant dit que c'etoit dommage qu'il n'eut pas recu de l'education: Non, maitre, dit-il; il vaut mieux que je n'aie rien appris, car bien des savans ne sont que des sots.

Ces exemples prouveront, sans doute, que la capacite des negres peut s'etendre a tout; ils n'ont besoin que d'instruction et de liberte.—La difference qui se remarque entre ceux qui sont libres et instruits et les autres, se montre encore dans leurs travaux.—Les terres qu'habitent et les blancs et les noirs, soumis a ce regime, sont infiniment mieux cultivees, produisent plus abondamment, offrent par-tout l'image de l'aisance et du bonheur; et tel est, par exemple, l'aspect du Connecticut et de la Pensylvanie.—Passez dans le Maryland ou la Virginie, encore une fois, vous croyez etre dans un autre monde. Ce ne sont plus des plaines bien cultivees, des maisons de campagne, propres et meme elegantes, des vastes granges bien distribuees; ce ne sont plus des troupeaux nombreux de bestiaux gras et vigoureux: non, tout dans le Maryland et la Virginia, porte l'empreinte de l'esclavage; sol brule, culture mal entendue, maisons delabrees, bestiaux petits et peu nombreux, cadavres noirs ambulans; en un mot, vous y voyez une misere reelle a cote de l'apparence du luxe.

On commence a s'appercevoir, meme dans les etats meridionaux, que nourrir mal un exclave est une chetive economie, et que le fonds place dans l'esclavage ne rend pas son interet. C'est peut-etre plus a cette consideration, plus encore a l'impossibilite pecuniaire de recruter; c'est plus, dis-je, a ces considerations qu'a l'humanite, qu'on doit l'introduction du travail libre dans une partie de la Virginie, dans celle qui avoisine la belle riviere de la Shenadore. Aussi croiroit-on, en la voyant, voir encore la Pensylvanie.

Osons l'esperer, tel sera un jour le sort de la Virginie, quand elle ne sera plus souillee par l'esclavage; et ce terme n'est peut-etre pas eloigne. Il n'y a des esclaves que parce qu'on les croit necessaires a la culture du tabac, et cette culture decline tous les jours et doit decliner. Le tabac, qui se ciiltive pres de l'Ohio et du Mississippi, est infiniment plus abondant, de meilleure qualite, exige moins de travaux. Quand ce tabac se sera ouvert le chemin de l'Europe, les Virginiens seront obliges de cesser sa culture, et de demander a la terre du ble, des pommes de terre, de faire des prairies et d'elever des bestiaux. Les Virginiens judicieux prevoient cette revolution, l'anticipent, et se livrent a la culture du ble.—A leur tete, on doit mettre cet homme etonnant, qui, general adore, eut le courage d'etre republican sincere; qui, couvert de gloire, seul, ne s'en souvient plus; heros dont la destinee unique sera d'avoir sauve deux fois sa patrie, de lui ouvrir le chemin de la prosperite, apres avoir ouvert celui de la liberte. Maintenant entierement occupe[6] du soin d'ameliorer ses terres, d'en varier le produit, d'ouvrir des routes, des communications, il donne a ses compatriotes un exemple utile, et qui sans doute sera suivi. Il a cependant, dois-je, le dire? une foule nombreuse d'esclaves noirs.—Mais ils sont traites avec la plus grande humanite. Bien nourris, bien vetus, n'ayant qu'un travail modere a faire, ils benissent sans cesse le maitre que le Ciel leur a donne.—Il est digne sans doute d'une ame aussi elevee, aussi pure, aussi desinteresse, de commencer la revolution en Virginie, d'y preparer l'affranchissement des negres.—Ce grand homme, lorsque j'eus le bonheur de l'entretenir, m'avoua qu'il admiroit tout ce qui se faissoit dans les autres etats, qu'il en desiroit l'extension dans son propre pays; mais il ne me cacha pas que de nombreux obstacles s'y opposoient encore, qu'il seroit dangereux de heurter de front un prejuge qui commencoit a diminuer.—Du temps, de la patience, des lumieres, et on le convaincra, me dit-il. Presque tous les Virginiens, ajoutoit-il, ne croyent pas que la liberte des noirs puisse sitot devenir generale. Voila pourquoi ils ne veulent point former de societe qui puisse donner des idees dangereuses a leurs esclaves. Un autre obstacle s'y oppose. Les grandes proprietes eloignent les hommes, rendent difficiles les assemblees, et vous ne trouverez ici que de grands proprietaires.

Les Virginiens se trompent, lui disois-je; il est evident que tot ou tard les negres obtiendront par-tout leur liberte, que cette revolution s'etendra en Virginie. Il est done de l'interet de vos compatriotes de s'y preparer, de tacher de concilier la restitution des droits des negres avec leur propriete. Les Moyens a prendre, pour cet effet, ne peuvent etre l'ouvrage que d'une societe, et il est digne du sauveur de l'Amerique d'en etre le chef, et de rendre la liberte a 300,000 hommes malheureux dans son pays. Ce grand homme me dit qu'il en desiroit la formation, qu'il la seconderoit; mail il ne croyoit pas le moment favorable.—Sans doute des vues plus elevees absorboient alors son attention et remplissoient son ame; le destin de l'amerique etoit pret a etre remis une seconde fois dans ses mains.

C'est un malheur, n'en doutons pas, semblable societe n'existe pas dans le Maryland et dans la Virginie; car c'est au zele constant de celles de Philadelphie et de New-Yorck qu'on doit tous les progres de cette revolution en Amerique, et la naissance de la societe de Londres.

Que ne puis-je ici vous peindre l'impression dont j'ai ete frappe en assistant aux seances de ces trois societes!—Quelle gravite dans la contenance des membres! quelle simplicite dans leurs discours! quelle candeur dans leurs discussions! quelle bienfaisance! quelle energie dans leur resolution! Chacun s'empressoit d'y prendre part, non pour briller, mais pour etre utile.—Avec quelle joie ils apprirent qu'il s'elevoit une societe semblable a la leur dans Paris, dans cette capitale immense, si celebre en Amerique par l'opulence, le faste, l'influence sur un vaste royaume, et sur presque tous les etats de l'Europe! Avec quel empressement ils publierent cette nouvelle dans toutes leurs gazettes, et repandirent partout la traduction du premier discours lu dans cette societe! Avec quelle joie ils virent dans la liste des membres de cette societe, un nom cher a leurs coeurs, et qu'ils ne prononcent qu'aves attendrissement, et les noms d'autres personness connues par leur energie et leur patriotisme! Ils ne doutoient point que si cette societe s'etendoit, bravoit les obstacles, s'unissoit avec celle de Londres, les lumieres repandues par elles sur le trafic des negres et sur son infamie inutile, n'eclairassent les gouvernmens, et n'en determinassent la suppression.

Ce fut, sans doute, a cet elan de joie et d'espoir, et aux recommendations flatteuses que j'avois emportees d'Europe, plus qu'a mes foibles travaux, que je dus l'honneur qu'ils me firent de m'associer a leur rang.

Ces societes ne se bornerent pas a ces demonstrations; elles nommerent des comites pour m'assister dans mes travaux; leurs archives me furent ouvertes.

Ces societes bienfaisantes s'occupent maintenant de nouveaux prospects pour consommer leur oeuvre de justice et d'humanite; elles s'occupent a creer de nouvelles societes dans les etats qui n'en out point; c'est ainsi qu'il vient de s'en elever une dans l'etat de Delaware.—Elles forment de nouveaux projets pour decourager l'esclavage et le commerce des esclaves.—Cest ainsi que, pour arreter les ventes scandaleuses qui s'en font encore dans New Yorck,[7] a des encheres publiques, tous les membres se sont engages a ne jamais employer l'officier public, l'huissier-priseur qui presideroit a de pareilles ventes. Mais c'est sur-tout a sauver des mains de la cupidite des esclaves, qu'elle voudroit et ne doit pas retenir, que la societe de Philadelphie est ingenieuse.—Un esclave est-il maltraite, il trouve dans elle une protection assuree et gratuite.—Un autre a fini son temps, et est toujours detenu; elle reclame ses droits.—Des etrangers amenent des noirs, et ne satisfont pas a la loi; la societe en procure le benefice a ces malheureux negres.—Un des plus celebres avocats de Philadelphie, dont j'aime a vanter les talents et l'amitie qui nous unit, M. Myers Fisher, lui prete son ministere, presque toujours avec succes, et tojours avec desinteressement. Cette societe s'est appercue que de nombreuses assemblees, n'avoient pas d'action, parce que le mouvement se perdoit en se divisant en trop de membres; elle a cree plusiers comites, toujours en activite; elle sollicite des creations semblables dans tous les etats; afin que par-tout les loix sur l'abolition de la traite et sur l'affranchissement soient executees; afin que par-tout on presente des petitions aux legislatures, pour obtenir de nouvelles loix pour les cas non prevus. —Enfin, c'est a cette societe, sand doute, que l'on devra un jour de semblables etablissemens dans le midi. J. P. Brissot, (Warville). —"Nouveau Vouage dans les Etats-Unis de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1788," Tome Second, 31-49.



FOOTNOTES:

[1] Les noirs maries font certainement autant d'enfans que les blancs; mais on a remarque que dans les villes, il perissoit plus d'enfans noirs. Cette difference tient moins a leur nature qu'au defaut d'aisance et de soins, sur-tout des medecins et des chirurgiens.

[2] N'y eut-il que l'aversion des blancs pour le mariage de leurs filles avec les noirs, ce seul sentiment suffiroit pour avilir ces deniers. Cependant il y a quelques exemples de ces mariages.

Il existe a Pittsbourg sur l'Ohio une blanche d'origine francoise, menee a Londres, et enlevee, a l'age de douze ans, par des corsaires qui faisoient metier d'enlever des enfans, et de les vendre en Amerique pour un temps fixe de leur travail.—Des circonstances singulieres l'engagerent a epouser un negre qui lui acheta sa liberte, et qui la tira des mains d'un blanc, maitre barbare et libi-dineux, qui avoit tout employe pour la desuire.—Une mulatresse, sortie de cette union, a epouse un chirurgien de Nantes, etabli a Pittsburg.—Cette famille est une des plus respectables de cette ville; le negre fait un tres bon commerce, et la maitresse se fait un devoir d'accueillir et de bien traiter les etrangers, et sur tout les Francois que le hasard amene de ce cote.

Mais on n'a point d'idee d'une pareille union dans le nord; elle revolteroit.—Dans les etablissemens, le long de l'Ohio il y a bien des negresses qui vivent avec des blancs non maries.—Cependant on m'assura que cette union est regardee de mauvais oeil par les negres memes. Si une negresse a une-querelle avec une mulatresse, elle lui reproche d'etre d'un sang mele.

[3] Le docteur Rush, qui a ete portee de traiter ces noirs, m'a communique une observation bien importante, et qui prouve combien l'energie morale et intellectuelle d'un individu influe sur sa sante et son etat physique. Il m'a dit qu'il etoit bien plus difficile de traiter et de guerir ces noirs esclaves que les blancs; qu'ils resistoient bien moins aux maladies violentes ou longues. C'est qu'ils tiennent pen par l'ame a la vie: la vitalite ou le ressort de la vie est presque nul dans eux.

[4] J'ai deja plusieurs fois refute cette opinion et sur-tout dans mon Examen critique des voyages de M. Chatellux. Elle a d'alleurs ete detruite dans une foule d'excellens ouvrages.

[5] Ce medecin est aussi celebre en Amerique, par de bons ecrits politiques. C'est un apotre infatigable de la liberte.

[6] Il n'etoit pas alors president des Etats-Unis. J'anticipe ici sur plusieurs conversations que j'ai eues avec ce grand homme, et dont je parlerai par la suite.

[7] A l'assemblee de la societe de New-Yorck, du 9 novembre 1787, il a ete arrete qu'on donneroit une medaille d'or pour le meilleur discours qui seroit prononce a l'ouverture du college de New-Yorck sur l'injustice et la cruaute de la traite des negres, et sur les funestes effets de l'esclavage.



SLAVERY AS SEEN BY HENRY WANSEY

"In this state (He was then at Worcester) the Negroes are free and happy, are electors, but not elected to offices of state; their education, however, is the same as the whites. ... No negro child is suffered to be endentured beyond twenty-four years of age.

"We observe a school by the road-side in almost every parish, and out of it run negro boys and girls as well as white children, without any distinction. ... A road branched off here to our right hand, leading to Albany about 60 miles distant. I now observe six or eight negroes working together in a field, well dressed as other people. Notwithstanding, they are here free, and admitted to equal privileges with the white people, yet they love to associate with each other. It is observed that they are naturally lazier, and will not work so hard as a white servant.—Perhaps, the remembrance of former compulsive service, may make them place a luxury in idleness. Nor do they yet seem to feel their importance in society; this is a portion of inheritance reserved to the next generation of them. ...

"Came on to Hartford....

Here I staid two days that I might have time to inspect the woolen manufactory of this place, and attend the debates of the House of Representatives of this state.... Two very interesting subjects were in debate:—a bill brought in to repeal a law, passed in October last to order 'That the money arising from the sale of their lands, between the Ohio and Lake Erie, should be appropriated to increase the salaries of the ministers of the gospel and the masters of schools;' and another bill (for its second reading) 'To provide for those poor and sick negroes, who having been freed from slavery might be unprovided for; and that till the master was exculpated, by receiving a certificate from the state, that negro was discharged in perfect health, it should be incumbent on the master to continue to take care of him during sickness, or, at least, pay the expenses of his cure.' I was much pleased to see a legislature extend its humanity and care so far.

After our breakfast, which was not a very good one, we set off for Elizabeth Town, near which, on the right, is Governor Livingstone's handsome house. This is six miles from Newark....

I observed several negro houses, (low buildings of one story) detached from the family house; for the slaves (from their pilfering disposition) are not allowed to sleep in the same houses with their masters. Slavery, although many regulations have been made to moderate its severity, is not yet abolished in the New Jerseys....

"Most of the families of New York have black servants. I should suppose that nearly one fifth of the inhabitants are negroes, most of whom are free, and many in good circumstances."—Henry Wansey, F.A.S., "The Journal of an excursion to the United States of America in the summer of 1794 (Journey from New York to Boston)," pp. 53, 57, 58, 67, and 227.



ESCLAVAGE PAR LA ROCHEFOUCAULD-LIANCOURT

Quant a l'esclavage, l'Etat de New-Yorck est un de ceux ou les idees m'ont paru le moins liberales. Il est donc naturel que les loix qui dans tous les pays suivent plus ou moins l'opinion generale, manquent aussi de liberalite a cet egard.

On peut concevoir comment dans les Etats du Sud le grand nombre des esclaves rend leur emancipation difficile, et comment cette difficulte d'emancipation donne pretexte a l'opinion de la necessite de loix extremement severes contre eux. Mais dans l'Etat de New-Yorck, ou sur une population de plus de quatre cent mille ames on ne compte pas vingt mille negres; il est impossible de comprendre quels si grands obstacles l'emancipation peut rencontrer, et sur quoi l'on peut fonder l'opinion qui'il faut pour ce petit nombre de negres des loix plus severes que pour les hommes d'une autre couleur.

Quoiqu'il en soit, une loi qui n'est pas plus ancienne que 1788, confirme l'etat d'esclavage pour tout negre, mulatre our metif esclave a l'epoque ou elle a ete rendue; declare esclave tout enfant ne ou a naitre d'une femme esclave; autorise la vente des esclaves et les soumet pour les petits crimes, a un jugement, que l'on peut appeler prevotal, des juges de paix, qui peuvent les condamner a l'emprisonnement ou aux coups de fouet. Un article de cette loi les assuejetit a ce genre de jugement et a cette espece de sentence pour avoir frappe un blanc, sans faire exception du cas ou le blanc serait l'aggresseur. La faveur du jury est cependant accordee a l'esclave, si le crime dont il est accuse peut emporter peine de mort. Il est aussi admis en temoignage dans les affaires criminelles ou d'autres negres sont impliques.

La nouvelle jurisprudence criminelle, fondee sur les principes d'humanite et de justice, ne detruit aucune des dispositions reellement injustes et barbares, contenues dans cette loi. Cependant, les esclaves sont generalement traites avec plus de douceur par leurs maitres dans l'Etat de New Yorck, et moins surcharges de travail que dans les Etats du Midi. Les moeurs prevalent a cet egard sur la rigidite des loix; mais les moeurs y sont aussi, comme dans beaucoup d'autres Etats de l'Amerique, impregnees d'avidite et d'avarice. Cette disposition seule y empeche l'abolition de l'esclavage. Elle est frequemment proposee dans la legislature, et jusqu'ici tout moyen, meme preparatoire, y a ete rejette. Quoique la proportion des hommes libres aux esclaves soit telle que le plus grand nombre des habitans de l'Etat de New-Yorck ne possede pas d'esclaves, le petit nombre de ceux qui en possedent sont les plus riches, les plus grands proprietaires; et, dans l'Etat de New-Yorck comme ailleurs, ils ont la principale influence.

Le respect du a la propriete, est l'arme avec laquelle on combat toute proposition que tient a l'affranchissement. J'ai entendu un des hommes de loi les plus eclaires, et dont a tout autre egard les opinions sont liberales, soutenir que "ce serait attenter a la propriete que de declarer libres meme les enfans a naitre des femmes esclaves, parce que, disait-il, les maitres qui out achete ou herite des esclaves, les possedent dans la confiance que leur issue sera leur propriete utile et disponible."

Ainsi, quand on dit en Virginie "qu'on ne peut y changer le sort de l'esclavage qu'en exportant a-la-fois tous les negres de l'Etat"; on dit a New-Yorck "qu'on ne peut y penser a abolir l'esclage, ni rien faire de preparatoire a cette intention, sans payer a chaque possesseur d'esclaves le prix actuel de la valeur de ses negres jeunes et vieux, et le prix estime de leur descendance supposee." C'est sans doute opposer a l'abolition de l'esclavage tous les obstacles imaginables, c'est se montrer bien ennemi de cette abolition.

Cependant l'obstacle presente par les citoyens de New-Yorck, est moins difficile a vaincre. En admenttant le principe de la necessite d'un dedommagement donne aux maitres pour les negres a affranchir, et en evaluant chaque negre a cent trente dollars, la somme totale ne serait que de trois millions de dollars.

Ce prix serait encore susceptible de reduction, par le puissant motif d'interet et d'honneur public auquel chaque membre de la societe doit faire des sacrifices.

La question de la propriete des enfans a naitre ne tiendrait pas a un quart-d'heure de discussion, si elle etait agitee devant la legislature; enfin cet affranchissement qui ne devrait etre fait que par degres, couterait a l'Etat des sacrifices moins grands encore, et dont la succession les rendrait presqu'imperceptibles aux finances de l'Etat, qui ne pourraient d'ailleurs avoir un plus saint emploi.

A New-Yorck comme ailleurs, l'affranchissement des negres doit avoir pour but le bonheur de l'Etat, son bon ordre, le bonheur meme des negres qu'on veut affranchir. Un affranchissement trop prompt, trop subitement general, manquerait ces differens buts de premiere necessite. Je ne repeterai pas ici ce que j'ai dit ailleurs a cet egard, et ce que tant d'autres ont dit avant moi. La depense pour l'Etat serait donc reduite a de bien petites sommes, en les comparant avec l'utilite et le devoir de cette operation. Mais tant que l'Etat de New-Yorck, entoure des exemples du Connecticut, du Massachusetts et de Pensylvanie, ne fait rien qui conduise a cette liberation, tant qu'il semble approuver par le silence ou les refus de sa legislature, la permanence de l'esclavage, il laisse sa constitution et ses loix fletries d'une tache que l'on peut, sans exageration, dire deshonorante, puisqu'elle ne peut etre excusee, ni palliee, par aucune des circonstances ou se trouve cet Etat.

L'importation dans l'Etat de New-Yorck d'esclaves etrangers est prohibee par la meme loi qui confirme l'esclavage de ceux qui y existaient a l'epoque ou elle a ete rendue; ainsi cette disposition de la loi, et la maniere douce dont sont traites les esclaves en general, confirment dans l'opinion que l'interet pecuniaire, plus qu'une veritable approbation de l'esclavage empeche la legislature de New-Yorck, de proceder a cet egard avec la justice et les lumieres qui dirigent generalement ses deliberations.—"Voyage dans Les Etats-Unis D'Amerique." Fait en 1795, 1796 et 1797. Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Septieme, 114-119.



OBSERVATIONS SUR L'ESCLAVAGE PAR LA ROCHEFOUCAULD-LIANCOURT

Il est natural de supposer qu'un negre esclave, fatigue de travail depuis le commencement de l'annee jusqu'a la fin, oblige, sous peine du fouet, d'aller aux champs, qu'il soit ou non en etat de sante, ne voye dans la liberte que la faculte de ne plus travailler. Tant qu'il etait esclave, il etait plus ou moins mal nourri, mais il l'etait sans aucun soin de sa part, et sans qu'un travail plus assidu, plus actif, lui valut une meilleure nourriture ou un meilleur nourriture ou un meilleur vetement. Le travail n'etait donc pour lui qu'une peine, sans etre jamais un moyen de bien etre, il est donc, il doit donc etre paresseux et imprevoyant. Il jouit des premiers momens de sa liberte, en ne travaillant point, car le fouet ne claque plus a ses oreilles; les besoins se font sentir; aucune education ne lui a ete donnee que celle de l'esclavage, qui enseigne a tromper, a voler, comme a mentir; il cherche a satisfaire ses besoins, auxquels son travail n'a pas pourvu, en derobant quelques bleds, quelques provisions a ses voisins; il devient receleur des negres esclaves.

Tout cela peut et doit etre, mais ne doit degouter de l'affranchissement progressif des negres que ceux ne veulent pas penser qu'avec des soins preparatoires, et sur-tout des soins genereux qui auraient pour objet une emancipation generale successive, appropriee au nombre des negres dans le pays, et a plusieurs autres circonstances, la plus grande quantite de ces inconveniens serait evitee, et le serait totalement pour la generation future si elle ne pouvait l'etre pour la presente. Mais comment esperer une philanthropie si prevoyante de ceux qui ne voyent que leur interet du moment, et qui le croyent blesse.

Dans L'Etat de Maryland les esclaves sont juges par les memes tribunaux que les blancs, et comme eux par l'arbitrage des juris. Les punitions pour les noirs sont plus severes; mais les moeurs sont douces au moins dans la partie du Maryland ou je suis a present, et elles prevalent sur la rigueur des loix. J'ai ete temoin d'un fait qui prouve que l'humanite des juges et le desir de rendre une exacte justice les occupent pour les accuses esclaves, comme pour les blancs. Une negresse est en prison, accusee d'avoir voulu empoisonner sa maitresse et d'avoir empoisonne un enfant. Sa maitresse est son accusatrice. C'est une femme d'une bonne reputation dans le pays, appartenant a une famille tres-etendue dans le comte, et y ayant d'ailleurs beaucoup d'influence; les juges craignant l'effet de cette influence sur les juris, ont profite de la faculte qu'ils out de renvoyer le jugement a la cour generale du district qui se tient a soixante milles de Chester, pour donner a l'accusee toute la chance possible d'un jugement sain et impartial.

Il n'y a encore aucune mesure prise en Maryland pour l'affranchissement progressif des esclaves. Quelques hommes bien intentionnees esperent amener la legislature dans peu de temps a une demarche a cet egard, mais l'opinion du pays n'y semble pas dispossee. —"Voyage dans Les Etats-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixieme, 69-71.

Les negres libres se trouvent assez facilement pour le travail des champs. Us coutent quatre-vingt dollars par an. Les negres esclaves se louent a cinquante. Quelques planteurs preferent des ouvriers blancs et des negres libres aux esclaves; ils ont moins d'embarras et plus de profit. Les vaches se vendent ici de quinze a vingt dollars, les boeufs quarante, les chevaux pour le labour cent; ceux pour la voiture coutent souvent six cents dollars la paire. Le comte de Kent, dont Chester est le cheflieu, contient treize mille habitans, dont cinq mille six cents sont negres esclaves; il fournit peu de betail aux marches de Baltimore et de Philadelphie. Presque tout ce qu'il produit dans ce genre est consomme dans son enciente.—"Voyage dans Les Etats-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rouchefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixieme, 79-80.



WHAT ISAAC WELD OBSERVED IN SLAVE STATES

"The principal planters in Virginia have nearly every thing they can want on their estates. Amongst the slaves are found tailors, shoe-makers, carpenters, smiths, turners, wheelwrights, weavers, tanners, etc. I have seen patterns of excellent coarse woolen cloth made in the country by slaves, and a variety of cotton manufacturers, amongst the rest good nankeen. Cotton grows here extremely well; the plants are often killed by frost in winter, but they always produce abundantly the first year in which they are sown. The cotton from which nankeen is made is of a particular kind naturally of a yellowish color.

"The large estates are managed by stewards and overseers, the proprietors just amusing themselves with seeing what is going forward. The work is done wholly by slaves, whose numbers are in this part of the country more than double that of white persons. The slaves on the large plantations are in general very well provided for, and treated with mildness. During three months nearly, that I was in Virginia, but two or three instances of ill treatment towards them came under my observation. Their quarters, the name whereby their habitations are called, are usually situated one or two hundred yards from the dwelling house, which gives appearance of a village to the residence of every plantation in Virginia; when the estate, however, is so large as to be divided into several farms, then separate quarters are attached to the house of the overseer on each farm. Adjoining their little habitations, the slaves commonly have small gardens and yards of poultry, which are all of their property; they have ample time to attend to their own concerns, and their gardens are generally found well stocked, and their flocks of poultry numerous. Besides the food they raise for themselves, they are allowed liberal rations of salted pork and Indian corn. Many of their little huts are comfortably furnished, and they are themselves, in general, extremely well clothed. In short their condition is by no means so wretched as might be imagined. They are forced to work certain hours in the day; but in return they are clothed, dieted, and lodged comfortably, and saved all anxiety about provision for their offspring. Still, however, let the condition of the slave be made ever so comfortable, as long as he is conscious of being the property of another man, who has it in his power to dispose of him according to the dictates of caprice; as long as he hears people around him talking about the blessings of liberty, and considers that he is in a state of bondage, it is not to be supposed that he can feel equally happy with the freeman. It is immaterial under what form slavery presents itself, whenever it appears there is ample cause for humanity to weep at the sight, and to lament that men can be found so forgetful of their own situations, as to live regardless of the blessings of their fellow creatures.

"With respect to the policy of holding slaves in any country, on account of the depravity of morals which it necessarily occasions, besides the many other evil consequences attendant upon it, so much has already been said by others, that it is needless here to make comments on the subject.

"The number of the slaves increases most rapidly, so that there is scarcely any state but what is overstocked. This is a circumstance complained of by every planter as the maintenance of more than are requisite for the culture of the estate is attended with great expense. Motives ... of humanity deter them from selling the poor creatures, or turning them adrift from the spot where they have been born and brought up, in the midst of friends and relations.

"What I have here said, respecting the condition and treatment of slaves, appertains, it must be remembered, to those only who are upon the larger plantations in Virginia; the lot of such as are unfortunate enough to fall into the hands of the lower class of white people, and of hard task-masters in towns, is very different. In the Carolinas and Georgia again, slavery presents itself in very different colors from what it does even in its worst form in Virginia. I am told that it is no uncommon thing there, to see gangs of negroes staked at a horse race, and to see these unfortunate beings bandied about from one set of drunken gamblers to another for days together. How much to be deprecated are the laws which suffer such abuses to exist! Yet these are the laws enacted by the people who boast of their love of liberty and independence, and who presume to say, that it is in the breasts of Americans alone that the blessings of freedom are held in just estimation."—Isaac Weld, Jr., "Travels through the States of North America and the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada," 1795, 1796, and 1797. (London, 1799.)



JOHN DAVIS'S THOUGHTS ON SLAVERY

"The negroes on the plantation, including house-servants and children, amounted to a hundred; of whom the average price being respectively seventy pounds, made them aggregately worth seven thousand to their possessor.

"Two families lived in one hut, and such was their unconquerable propensity to steal, that they pilfered from each other. I have heard masters lament this defect in their negroes. But what else can be expected from man in so degraded a condition, that among the ancients the same word implied both a slave and a thief.

"Since the introduction of the culture of cotton in the State of South Carolina, the race of negroes has increased. Both men and women work in the field, and the labour of the rice plantation formerly prevented the pregnant negroes from bringing forth a long-lived offspring. It may be established as a maxim that on a plantation where there are many children, the work has been moderate. . . .

"Of genius in negroes many instances may be recorded. It is true that Mr. Jefferson has pronounced the Poems of Phillis Wheatley, below the dignity of criticism, and it is seldom safe to differ in judgment from the author of Notes on Virginia. But her conceptions are often lofty, and her versification often surpasses with unexpected refinement. Ladd, the Carolina poet, in enumerating the bards of his country, dwells with encomium on "Wheatley's polished verse"; nor is his praise undeserved, for often it will be found to glide in the stream of melody. Her lines on Imagination have been quoted with rapture by Imley of Kentucky, and Steadman the Guinea Traveler; but I have ever thought her happiest production the Goliath of Gath.

"Of Ignatius Sancho, Mr. Jefferson also speaks neglectingly; and remarks, that he substitutes sentiment for argumentation. But I know not that argumentation is required in a familiar epistle; and Sancho, I believe, has only published his correspondence." —John Davis, "Travels of four years and a half in the United States of America during 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802," p. 86.



OBSERVATIONS OF ROBERT SUTCLIFF

"I had the curiosity to look into some of their little habitations; but all that I examined were wretched in the extreme and far inferior to many Indian cottages I have seen.

"I slept at C. A.'s and this morning set out for Fredericksburg, being accompanied by his young man, our road lying through the woods the greater part of the way. At the place where we dined, we were waited on by two mulatto girls, whose only clothing appeared to be loose garments of cotton and woollen cloth, girt round the waist with a small cord. I had observed that this was the common dress of the working female negroes in the fields; but when engaged in business in the house it seemed hardly sufficient to cover them. In the yard, I observed a number of slaves engaged in the management of a still, employed in making spirits from cider. Here again I had the curiosity to look into some of the negro huts, which like those I had seen, presented little else but dirt and rags.

"We came to Fredericksburg and lodged at Fisher's Tavern. The next morning I was waked early by the cries of a poor negro, who was undergoing a severe correction, previously to his going to work. On taking a walk on the banks of the Rappahannock, the river on which the town is seated, I stepped into one of the large tobacco warehouses which are built here, for the reception and inspection of that plant before it is permitted to be exported. On entering into conversation with an inspector, as he was employed in looking over a parcel of tobacco, he lamented the licentiousness which he remarked so generally prevailed in this town. He said that in his remembrance, the principal part of the inhabitants were emigrants from Scotland, and that it was considered so reproachful to the white inhabitants, if they were found to have illicit connection with their female slaves, that their neighbors would shun the company of such, as of persons whom it was a reproach to be acquainted. The case was now so much altered that, he believed, there were but few slave holders in the place who were free from guilt in this respect: and that it was now thought but little of. Such was the brutality and hardness of heart which this evil produced, that many amongst them paid no more regard to selling their own children, by their females slaves, or even their brothers and sisters, in the same line, than they would do to the disposal of a cow or a horse, or any other property in the brute creation. To so low a degree of degradation does the system of negro slavery sink the white inhabitants, who are unhappily engaged in it."—Robert Sutcliff, Travels in some parts of North America in Years 1804, 1805, 1806, pp. 37-52.



SOME LETTERS OF RICHARD ALLEN AND ABSALOM JONES TO DOROTHY RIPLEY

Philadelphia, 1st, 5th month, 1803.—Naming my concern to some of my solid friends to have a meeting with the Africans, I influenced them to send for Absalom Jones, the Black Bishop, and Richard Allen, the Methodist Episcopal Preacher, who also was a coloured man, and the principal person of that congregation. A. Jones complied with my request, and appointed a meeting for me on first day evening, which was a solid time where many were deeply affected with the softening power of the Lord, who unloosed my tongue to proclaim of his love and goodness to the children of men, without respect to person or nation. There was a respectable number of coloured people, well dressed and very orderly, who conducted themselves as if they were desirous of knowing the mind of the Lord concerning them. The first and greatest commandment of Jesus Christ, the Law-giver, came before me: "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul and with all thy mind," which I endeavoured to enforce as their duty to their Creator who alone could make them happy by his blessing through their obedience to his lawful command. My own experience of thus loving him, I thought would illustrate it, therefore, added it to shew the possibility of pleasing him, and obtaining his divine favor, which was our interest and duty, as soon as we were able to distinguish right from wrong. To see them have this good house for worship, I told them rejoiced me much, and encouraged such as were servants present to be faithful in their situation, and seek the blessing of God, that at the last they might be happy in the enjoyment of his love forever. Supplicating the Throne of mercy in their behalf, my spirit was deeply humbled, and I felt power to plead with the Father on the account of the Africans every where, who were captivated by the oppressive power of men. When we had separated, my mind was much relieved from the weight which pressed my spirit while I had contemplated the matter, desiring to move by special direction of God.

A Letter which I received from Bethel Church.

"Madam,

"I have proposed to the Board of Trustees of Bethel Church your request respecting your speaking in our Church; they have candidly considered the same, and after due investigation, the board unanimously concludes, that as it is diametrically opposite to the letter and spirit of the rules of society in particular, and the discipline in general of the Methodist Episcopalian Church, They therefore are sorry to inform you, that it is not in their power to comply with your request.

"I am, madam, "With much respect, "Yours, &c. "RICHD. ALLEN."

"May 11, 1803."

After R. Allen had sent me this letter by way of denial, the Lord commanded me to "Stand still for I should most assuredly have his place to testify his goodness there." Putting the letter into my pocket, I silently waited for the answer of promise; and while I was thus watching the fulfilment of God's word, there came into my friend's house J. & P. P. two men who enquired if I could not be satisfied without an appointment with R. Allen's people, I said No: for that I believed it was required of me by God. They enquired if I had not received a letter as a denial, which I marvelled at, having shewn it to no person living. I answered their question by handing the letter to them which when they had read it they returned, and signified they would go themselves to see after an opportunity, and obtained permission after the minister had finished his sermon, he being desired to be concise to accomodate a stranger who was then concerned for them. I went to the meeting, or their church, and heard a short methodist sermon, which I thought very instructive, and added thereunto, respecting the conversion of "A man of Ethiopia, an eunuch of great authority under Candace, Queen of the Ethiopians, who had the charge of all her treasure, and had come to Jerusalem for to worship." This pleased them so much when it was opened, that they were willing that I should have another meeting on the second day evening at seven, which I attended, and was brought into great difficulty through an intoxicated soldier pressing by the crowd which stood without. A number of friends being there, were unsettled, fearing lest the house would come down upon us, and for my part, I was actually afraid of satan's malice, lest we should perish in this storm which he raised in a moment. The disquietude of the people made me tremble and shake every limb, not knowing what course to betake myself to for the preservation of us each. I therefore gave up speaking: but this only encouraged the accuser of the brethren, who had come there in the hearts of many, as well as in the poor drunkard, who was taken away and confined. Pouring out my soul to God, I vowed to serve him yet more faithfully, if he would quell the rage of the adversary, and cause us to depart in peace; and I was instantly directed to prostrate myself before him, in faith believing that no harm should befall any of us at that time, which doing commanded the care of Almighty God over us, and the blessing of the Most High to rest upon us, continuing wrestling for some time, knowing this was a powerful weapon against satan, for thus interrupting us in our solemn engagement with God. When I had prayed by the aid of his Holy Spirit, which calmed the minds of the people, I thought I would leave the subject until I came back again,[1] and so come suddenly upon the monster, if it was the will of God: but he pretended that he would do terrible things if I came thither again, so I suppose King Apollyon and I shall have a strong battle to combat, before I enter the house of God: for I mean to war with him on his own ground, and gain the victory before I enter there again. Concluding the meeting sooner than was expected, R. Allen stopped the congregation and told them, "It was no new thing which had happened to us then: for in the days of old, when the sons and daughters of God met together, satan presented himself also, to interrupt their peace." I was much pleased to hear what was advanced, as it shewed the preacher (although a coloured man) to have a knowledge of divine things, and able to attack the enemy of our souls in a suitable degree.

Feeling desirous to follow the Shepherd of my soul, and seeing no further work at this time for me, I leave this city in peace, requesting the Lord to bless the seed sown in great weakness, and to water it with the descending showers of his spiritual rain, that the glory may arise to him alone who is worthy to be praised by every creature, but especially by a worm whom he has preserved thus far from the destructive power of sin, and satan. I trust the Lord will repay each here who have contributed to comfort my soul in the day of distress and heavy travail, and I beseech him of his infinite mercy to forgive such as have blindly persecuted me, by saying unjust things of me, which they have reported merely to gratify the curiosity of others, without considering the waste of their precious moments, or that they will be accountable at the last for "Every idle word" that they may speak while on earth, if not repented of, by a gracious visitation of God's humbling power, which they will find painful, when his judgment, takes place in them to weigh all their words, thoughts, and actions.—Philadelphia, 5th month, 1803.

I have been five weeks and four days in New York, and the neighbouring plains, and have met with sympathizing friends to relieve my mind when full of anxious care concerning the vineyard of the Lord.—Several have told me that I was one of those strangers who should feed the flock of Israel by the appointment of God, which revives me when I consider how significant a creature I am in my own eyes.

The yearly meeting was large, and attended by some precious ministers, whose testimonies will cause them to be written on my heart as living epistles. How do I feel myself united with spiritual worshippers, who desire to ascribe all glory to the Father, through the Son's reigning power in them, by the sanctifying influence of the Holy Ghost which leads them into the depth of self-abasement, and gathers all their powers to centre them in the God of all grace and glory. I rejoice that ever I met with this people, whom I often lament for, because so many live not in the pure principle of Truth, which if they as a body did, the whole earth would soon be filled with the knowledge of the Lord. O that my advantages which I have had up and down among this people, may lead me to honor their God, whom the pure in heart are concerned to worship continually! I have had three large meetings with the Africans in this city, and have great reason to be thankful that the Lord aided me with his Spirit, helping my infirmities in the hour of necessity, when I stood in need of his assistance, standing up to exalt the great Redeemer who died for all nations, that the Lord would bless my little labour of love among this people whom I have secretly mourned for!

I cannot avoid commending the citizens of New York and Philadelphia, for their help to those that have been greatly oppressed, driving slavery out of their States, that they may have the peace of God, and his blessing upon the heads of their children, and children's children. I trust also to see the efforts of individuals crowned with a blessing in the Southern States, where barrenness of the land bespeaks the proverty and wretchedness of thousands of its inhabitants who might enjoy the smile of Heaven, if they would learn to fear God and love their neighbor.

When comparing those States one with the other, what a vast difference there is between them in the outward appearance of things: but I trust the minds of the people to the southward, are not like the barren appearance of many parts I have already travelled, or may yet have to do: for I perceive the Lord intends me to return back to discharge my duty to him, and the people up and down.

I have received the following letters from Philadelphia and think them worthy to make up a page or two in my life. Letter from Absalom Jones, Black Bishop of the Episcopal Church, in Philadelphia, addressed to Dorothy Ripley, at New York, dated Philadelphia, June 3, 1803.

Dear Friend,

It is with pleasure that I now sit down to inform you, that your kind and very affectionate letter came safe to hand; and am happy to hear that kind Providence has conducted you so far on your journey in health of body as well as of mind; and I trust that the Lord will continue to be your Guide, and that your labours may prove as great a blessing to the inhabitants of New-York, as they have been to numbers in this city.

Your letter I read with care and attention, as well as many others of my congregation, and I heartily thank you for your friendly advice and godly admonitions; believing them to have been given in that love which purifies the heart. I am very sensible that the charge committed to my care is very great; and am also fully convinced of my own inability for so great an undertaking. And I do assure you, that when I was called to the task, I trembled at the idea, and was ready to say, "Who am I." But when I consider that God can send by whom he will, and as you very justly have observed, he sometimes makes use of the feeblest instruments for the promotion of Truth; I say under these considerations, I was led to believe that the Lord would perfect strength in my weakness; and glory be to his ever-adorable Name for it. I have cause to believe, my labour has not been altogether in vain.

You wish to know the number I consider to be under my care. Our list of members contains about five hundred, although we have a great many more who constantly attend worship in our church, of whom I have a comfortable hope that they will be brought unto the knowledge of the Truth.

My wife joins me in love. I remain, with sentiments of high esteem and respect,

Your esteemed Friend,

Absalom Jones



LETTER FROM AN AFRICAN MINISTER, RESIDENT IN PHILADELPHIA ADDRESSED TO DOROTHY RIPLEY

Philadelphia, 24th, of 6th mo. 1803.

Friend Ripley,

I Received thy epistle, dated New-York, 26th of 5th month, with much joy, thanks and satisfaction; and am thankful for thy kind spiritual advice, and grateful for thy concern for me and my people.

With the assistance of the good Spirit, I will attend to thy serious admonitions in the Lord, and listen to the small still voice of Christ within, as thou dost observe in thy epistle, for it is He that must enable me to observe his holy law written on the heart by his Spirit.

I wish to take thy sisterly counsel; but O! my abounding weakness. I wish to be more sensible of it, so that I alone may feel it. I would hide it from my friends, but they are too eagle-eyed not to discover it; yet they have the charity to bear with me.—I often bow at the foot-stool of divine mercy, that I may obtain strength to overcome corrupt nature.—None knows but myself my strivings to walk in the narrow way, in which the poor worm has no desire to rob God of his honor. I see the beauty of nakedness to be far superior than to be clothed with rags of self-righteousness.

Thou enquirest how many communicants there are in our church. The precise number of my communicants is 457. All our members are communicants. There is a communion of saints which exceeds all formality, and which even the Apostles were ignorant of, when they gave an account to their Master, on their return from their mission, and told him, "We saw men casting out devils in thy name, and we forbade them, because they followed not us." Yet I still continue of the same mind, that it would be best for thee to be a member of some religious society.—The teachings of Priscilla and Aquila have been found profitable to the eloquent and wise.

The members of the African Methodist Episcopal church (called Bethel) live in love and harmony with each other.

My fellow laborer, Absalom Jones, joins me in a salutation of love to thee, with desires for thy growth and increase in the favor of God: He says he would have written to thee, had he known of thy continuance at New York.

Praying God to bless and make thee instrumental in promoting his glory and the good of souls, I remain, thine, &c.

Richard Allen



LETTER FROM AN AFRICAN, RESIDENT IN PHILADELPHIA, TO DOROTHY RIPLEY

May 17, 1803. Respected Friend,

I am perhaps presumptuous in troubling you to read this. But cannot let slip an opportunity of addressing you with what I wish you to know even when you have arrived at your native country, and may contemplate on a subject which I hope will not displease you, and I will thank Heaven I have it in my power to let one amongst the people called Quakers[2] see, written by the hand of an African, the sentiments of his soul. I mean only to trouble you with the obligations that race of people, myself amongst that great multitude, are to you indebted; and may the unremitting pains which have been taken not fall to the ground. We have been oppressed with cruelty and the heavy task-masters in the West Indies and the southern States of America for many centuries back, with not only the horrible weight of bondage, but have been subject to heavy iron chains, too heavy to bear, had not the Creator of all things framed our constitutions to bear them, and all the deep cuts and lashes the inhuman-hearted drivers please to mangle us with. Had not the all-directing hand of Providence made us come under the notice of the Friends, who formed an abolition society for our relief, many thousands of us would be dragging out our lives in wretchedness, like those of our brethren who have never yet tasted the sweet cup of liberty. Yet while the nations of Europe are contending to catch the draught, the African is forbidden to lift up his head towards it. Every man has a right to his liberty, and we must by the ties of nature come under the title of men: but are dragged from our native land, in our old age or in our infancy, and sold as the brute, to the planters; the infant dragged from its parents, and the husband from wife and children, and hurried into the cane field, to give independence to their owners, and annex abundance to their riches. And how is this, that God created us amongst the rest of human beings, and yet man would level us with the brute? We were not all born Christians, but many have become so; and I pray Heaven many thousands of us may be received at the bar of God amongst the righteous at his right hand, and with you glorify him in Heaven for ever. I pray that the Africans may enjoy his holy privileges, and let their light shine before men.

The cross[3] you met with in your sermon at Bethel African church grieved me much, but it originated with white men. Had it been one of my complexion, it would prey on my feelings to the very heart. But I hope you will forget it. If I was a converted soul in the Lord, I could address you on a more spiritual subject. But alas! I am an unfortunate being not born a second time. Yet weak as I am, the prayers of an unconverted African shall be offered to Heaven for your happiness on earth, and in the world to come life everlasting. And may the vessel in which you may embark for England be attended with a fair and pleasant passage, and land you safe on its shores. And when you shall lay your head on a dying pillow, to leave this troublesome world, may you be surrounded with a blessed convoy of angels to attend you to the Throne of God.

I am, Yours, Of The African Race

—"The Extraordinary Conversion and Religious Experience of Dorothy Ripley with her First Voyage in America," 132-144.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] From England.

[2] He expected I was a member of that society, which I never yet have been.

[3] The cross here mentioned has an allusion to an attempt made by an intoxicated soldier, to disturb our peace, who caused great confusion for a few moments; but kneeling in the midst of this tempestuous storm, God instantly caused a calm, so that no one received harm.



BOOK REVIEWS



The Aftermath of the Civil War, in Arkansas. By Powell Clayton, Governor of Arkansas, 1868 to 1871. Neale Publishing Company, New York, 1915. Pp. 378.

Looking at the title of this work the student of history would expect that same scientific treatment which is observed in so many of the Reconstruction studies. On the contrary, he finds in this a mere volume of memoirs of a political leader completed in his eighty-second year. The work gives an account of the author's own administration as governor of Arkansas "also of those events that commenced before and extended into it, and those that occurred during that period and continued beyond it."

In view of the fact that he, a man of well-known partisan proclivities, may be charged with criticising his defenceless and dead contemporaries the author says that he endeavored to substantiate "every controvertible and important conclusion." To do this he collected "an immense amount of documentary evidence" from which he selected the most appropriate for that purpose. The writer made use of certain documents in the Library of Congress and had frequent recourse to the Arkansas Gazette.

The book as a whole is essentially political history. It is chiefly concerned with "the Murphy Government," the "Organization and Operations of the Klu Klux Klan," "Martial Law," and the peculiar situation in the counties of Crittenden and Conway. The subjects of immigration, education, state aid to railroads, and the funding of the state debt are all mentioned but they suffer because of the preference given to the discussion of political questions. When one has read the book he is still uninformed as to what was the actual working of the economic and social forces in Arkansas during this period.

This work, however, is valuable for several reasons. In the first place, whether the reader agrees with the author or not he gathers from page to page facts which throw light on other conditions. Moreover, consisting mainly of a discussion of extracts from various records it is a good source book for students who have not access to the documents the author has used. Further it is important to get the viewpoint of the distinguished author who lived through what he writes of and is now sufficiently far removed from the struggle to study it somewhat sympathetically.

C. R. WILSON



Black and White in the Southern States. By Maurice S. Evans, C.M.G.—Longmans, Green and Company, London, 1915. Pp. 209.

This book cannot be considered an historical work. Yet when the author makes a survey of the slavery and reconstruction periods with a view to estimating what the Negro has been, what has been done for him, and what he himself has accomplished it claims the attention of historians. From this historic retrospect the author approaches such questions as the Negroes' grievances, their political rights and wrongs, blood admixture, race hostility and grounds for hope and the like.

The author has had experiences in South Africa and traveled in the United States with a view to studying the condition of the descendants of the African race in this country. His effort seems to be to write such a work as some of those of Sir H. H. Johnson or W. P. Livingstone. He justifies the writing of this work on the grounds that "the partisan spirit, partial to one race or other, permeates most of the writings on this subject." Feeling that the issues involved are too great, he hoped to avoid this "that no preconceived ideas or partiality should be allowed to cloud clarity of view, or warp the judgment."

Yet although the author speaks well of his good intentions it is apparent that he did not live up to this profession. In the first place, the work is not scientific, facts are not "observed and noted with scrupulous care," and conclusions are drawn without warranted data to support them. On the whole then, one must say that this work fails to unravel some "knots in this tangled skein of human endeavor and error." When after a survey of the history of the Negro during the last fifty years an investigator concludes that the Negro has shown an incapacity for commerce and finance, and that he must not struggle to equip himself in the same way that the white man has, one must believe that the writer has not the situation thoroughly in hand. The great difficulty of the author seems to be that he did not remain in the country long enough to know it, did not give sufficient time to the study of conditions, and based his conclusions largely on information obtained from persons who were either too prejudiced or had neither the scientific point of view nor adequate mental development to describe social conditions.

It is not surprising therefore that the author asserts that the record of the Negro during the last fifty years shows that they are chiefly valuable as laborers in drudgery, or weak in foresight and thrift, and unfit for city life. Yet he believes that there is some hope for the blacks, since they can get work and buy land and thereby become economically independent. He calls attention to such injustices as miscegenation, lynching, unfairness of the courts, and discrimination in traveling.

W. R. WARD



Samuel Coleridge-Taylor—Musician. His Life and Letters. By W. C. Berwick Sayers. Cassell and Company, London, 1915. Pp. 328.

In this work we have the first extensive account of Samuel Coleridge-Taylor. The author of this volume has succeeded in producing a sympathetic and interesting narrative of the life of one of the greatest musicians of his time. Taking up his birth and childhood and then his college days, ending in the romance which attached him to a young Croydon girl, the author does not delay in bringing the reader to a consideration of those fundamentals which made Samuel Coleridge-Taylor famous ...

Much space is devoted to Coleridge-Taylor's achievement of success with his "Ballade in A Minor." How Sir Edward Elgar extended the promising composer a welcoming hand and arranged for him to write for a concert a short orchestral piece which turned out to be the artist's first great success is well described. The author emphasizes the barbaric strain and orchestral coloring, the prominently marked features which made the composer great.

The next task of the author is to show how the "essential beauty, naive simplicity, unaffected expression and unforced idealism," of Longfellow's "Hiawatha" stirred the artist and set him composing an unambitious cantata which resulted in "Hiawatha's Wedding Feast," and the "Song of Hiawatha." The expressions of enthusiasm and the euologies which crowned the musician as one of the greatest artists that Great Britain has produced justly constitute a large portion of the work.

His "Visit to America" is an important chapter of the volume. The manner in which the oppressed of his race received him in their troubled land is treated in detail, and the names of the persons and organizations that arose to welcome him are given honorable mention. The author brings out too that so impressed was Coleridge-Taylor with the frank recognition of pure music in America that he once "contemplated the desirability of emigrating to this land."

The book abounds with letters and extracts from publications, which enable the reader to learn for himself how the artist's work was appreciated. The volume is well illustrated. In it appear the early portraits of Coleridge-Taylor's mother, of himself, and family, and home, and of the Coleridge-Taylor Society in Washington, D.C. Not only persons who appreciate music but all who have an intelligent interest in the achievements of the Negro should read this work.

J. R. DAVIS



Race Orthodoxy in the South and other Aspects of the Negro Problem. By Thomas Pearce Bailey, Ph.D. The Neale Publishing Company, New York, 1914.

The author of this volume has a long intellectual pedigree. Pedigrees are important in authors who write on the race problem. This is particularly true when they attempt to tell us what the orthodox opinion of the South is regarding the Negro. Much that passes for Southern opinion on the Negro is too violent to be taken at its face value. Other interpretations of the South have too frequently been the individual views of eminent men of Southern origin who no longer hold orthodox views.

The author discusses some of these interpretations and criticises them. There are four principal types. There is the philosophical view, represented by Edgar Gardiner Murphy's "The Basis of Ascendancy." Mr. Murphy "is one of the choicest specimens of noble character that the South has produced," but he came under Northern influences and his book represents a struggle between Northern and Southern points of view. "The first part of his book seems to be, in the main, pro-Southern and defensive of the South, while the latter part becomes largely Northern and critical of the South." He does not succeed, in the opinion of the author, in synthesizing these two divergent views.

The second type is sociological, represented by "The Southerner," a novel written in the form of an autobiography or, perhaps, rather an autobiography written in the form of a novel. The author is supposed to be Walter Hines Page, at present American ambassador to Great Britain. Of this book Mr. Bailey says: "The author is not a Southerner of the spirit, whatever he may be of the flesh. There is something of North Carolina and something of Massachusetts in his attitude, but none of the all-inclusive Americanism that alone is able to write about the South with sympathy of the heart yet with balanced discrimination."

To understand the South one must have lived in South Carolina, and understand the "apparent violence" of Ben Tilman, or in Mississippi, the home of Senator Vardaman. The South, the orthodox South, is today as it was before the war, the "far South"; but the sentiments which dominate it are not now, as in slavery days, the sentiments of the "master class" but rather those of the "poor white man."

The third type of interpretation is represented here by "Uncle Tom's Cabin." The criticsm of this book is so subtle that it is difficult to indicate the outlines of it in a single paragraph. The difficulty with Mrs. Stowe's interpretation of the South and the Negro is that she, just as certain Southern humanitarians of the present day, is inclined to treat the Negroes as a class. She does not regard them as a race, a different breed, whose blood is a contamination. "No one," says the writer, "has come within shouting distance of the real Negro problem who does not appreciate this distinction. Indeed, almost everything critical that can be alleged against 'Uncle Tom's Cabin' springs from the failure of its humanitarian author to sympathize with race consciousness as such."

Finally there is the scientific interpretation of Southern sentiment, and the "race instinct" which is back of most Southern opinion in regard to the Negro. This scientific interpretation is represented by Boas, "The Mind of Primitive Man." "Ultimately," according to Professor Boas, "this phenomenon (race instinct) is a repetition of the old instinct and fear of the connubium of the patricians and the plebeians, of the European nobility and the common people, or of the castes of India. The emotions and reasoning are the same in every respect."

To this scientific exposition of the Southern attitude Mr. Bailey replies: "Even if it could be scientifically proved that an infusion of Negro blood would help the white race, the prejudice against a really great branch of the white race like the Jews is sufficient warning to us not to confine our discussion of race problems to the question of equality or inequality of physical and mental endowment."

What then is race orthodoxy? Where shall we look for a true statement of the attitude of the South on the subject of the Negro since none of these attempts at interpretation have done justice to it? The racial creed has been expressed at different times in a number of pithy expressions current in the Southern states. Here they are in order as the author gives them: "Blood will tell"; The white race must dominate; The Teutonic peoples stand for race purity. The Negro is inferior and will remain so. "This is a white man's country." Let there be no social equality; no political equality. In matters of civil rights and legal adjustments give the white man as opposed to the colored man the benefit of the doubt. In educational policy let the Negro have the crumbs that fall from the white man's table. Let there be such industrial education of the Negro as will fit him to serve the white man. Only Southerners understand the Negro question. Let the South settle the Negro question. The status of peasantry is all the Negro may hope for, if the races are to live together in peace. Let the lowest white man count for more than the highest Negro. The above statements indicate the leadings of Providence.

This statement of the Southern creed is practically the common opinion of the South. It is not the only opinion. It is not, perhaps, the "best" opinion. But is it right opinion? Mr. Bailey thinks it is, in its underlying meaning at any rate, but not in its "present shape." His book may be said, on the whole, to be an interpretation and a justification of this "underlying meaning."

Race orthodoxy in the South is, take it all in all, the most candid statement of the race problem; the most searching, suggestive and revealing interpretation of the attitude of the Southern white man that has ever been written. The book is, however, merely a statement of the problem and not a solution. Rather it is intended, as the author suggests again and again, to provoke and stimulate—not discussion, heaven forbid,—but inquiry, investigation. In spite of the fact that the author professes his personal loyalty to the dogma upon which race orthodoxy is founded, still, by stating it in the clear and candid way in which he has, in pointing out with unflinching directness the moral cul-de-sac into which it has forced the Southern people, he has at once enabled and compelled them to put their faith on rational grounds. His is the higher criticism in race creeds, and it is hard to tell where criticism once started will lead.

ROBERT E. PARK



NOTES

Mr. Monroe N. Work has brought out the Negro Year Book for 1916-1917. In keeping with the progress hitherto shown this edition surpasses that of last year. Here one finds an unusually large collection of statistical material as to the economic, social and religious progress of the black race; and a brief account of what exceptional Negroes have done to distinguish themselves in various fields. It contains also a brief history of the Negro given in such succinct statements as will please the hurried reader and meet the requirements of those who have not access to reference libraries.

The striking new feature of the work, however, is a brief account of what leading thinkers and the press have said about such perplexing problems as the "Birth of a Nation," "Miscegenation," and "Segregation." The editor has endeavored to present in popular style a brief account of everything of importance with which the Negro has been concerned during the year. He has done his task well. Sold at such a reasonable price as thirty-five cents a copy, this valuable book should find its way to the home of every one who desires to keep himself informed on what the Negro is actually achieving.

The United Brethren Publishing Co., Huntington, Ind., has published M. B. Butler's My Story of the Civil War and the Underground Railroad. A native of Vermont, where he had an opportunity to see many a fugitive on his way to freedom, the author naturally makes his narrative interesting and straightforward. He recounts his unusual experiences as a soldier in detail but does not grow tiresome.

In the Mississippi Valley, Historical Review, II, March, 1916, appeared Doctor H. N. Sherwood's Early Negro Deportation Projects. This is a selected part of the author's doctorate thesis. It treats of the endeavors to ameliorate the condition of emancipated slaves and the colonization plans which finally led to the establishment of the republic of Liberia.

The Tennessee Historical Magazine for June contains a dissertation by Asa Earl Martin, entitled Anti-Slavery Activities of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Tennessee. The article covers the period from 1784 to the time of the great schism of 1844.

Professor Tenny Frank has contributed to the July number of the American Historical Review a valuable article entitled Race Mixture in the Roman Empire.

In the same number of this publication appear also twenty-three pages of documents on the Cane Sugar Industry collected by Irene A. Wright. As the Negroes proved to be a great factor in the development of this industry, these documents will be helpful to those who desire to study the bearing of the Negro on its origin and early growth.

Miss Helen Nicolay has turned over to the Library of Congress some important Lincoln Manuscripts, among which are the first and second autograph copies of the Gettysburg Address, the autograph of the Second Inaugural Address, and the President's memorandum of August 23, 1864, pledging support to the next administration.

In The Case for the Filipino, Maximo M. Kalaw gives an account of the American occupation of the Archipelago, and in presenting his claims for independence he puts his countrymen in the attitude of an oppressed people.

Dr. C. G. Woodson delivered at the University of Chicago in July a lecture on The varying Attitude of the White Man toward the Negro in the United States.



A HAPPY SUGGESTION

My dear Dr. Woodson: I am in receipt of the current number of THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY and am more and more delighted with it. I think it furnishes the richest source for available information on the Negro that I have yet found. The leading article in this number is inspiring as well as illuminating and the idea has come to me that it would be an excellent thing to have history reading circles organized in all our schools for the purpose of systematically reading the JOURNAL. A hundred or more such organizations with the JOURNAL as a text would accomplish two or three very valuable things, viz., promote the circulation of the JOURNAL and disseminate historical knowledge of the race so necessary to give it self-respect and pride. These historical clubs might meet monthly and include others than teachers. By all means your work should not lack for funds for keeping it going. I hope to interest the colored High School Alumni here at its annual meeting next week. I shall also call the attention of my teachers here to your publication. It is great.