 |
Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, Tom. xxvi. p. 72.
The above passage was written by D'Anville about the year 1754; and it is not a little extraordinary that during the sixty years that have since elapsed, a period so much distinguished for geographical discovery, Tombuctoo should never have been visited by any European traveller: and that one of the greatest marts of African commerce, which is annually resorted to by caravans from various parts of that continent, should remain at this time entirely unknown to the civilized world.
In speaking of Tombuctoo as being still entirely unknown, the writer is aware that a particular description of that city has been given in an Account of the Empire of Morocco published in the year 1809 by Mr. James Grey Jackson, who resided in that part of Africa during many years. But Mr. Jackson derived his whole knowledge of Tombuctoo from the accounts of native traders; upon whose unsupported testimony very little reliance can be placed; especially as to matters of detail, or such facts as require to be stated with any degree of exactness. Considering that Mr. Jackson's information was obtained from this source, the very minuteness and apparent precision of his account, are circumstances highly unfavourable to its authenticity.
With reference to the internal geography of Africa, the writer may take this opportunity of observing, that next to the African Association, to whom we are indebted for almost all the authentic information which we possess upon this subject, [Footnote: The valuable discoveries of the late Mr. Browne (whose death must be lamented as a public loss) form an exception to this general remark; but perhaps the only exception.] considerable praise is due to the Sierra Leone Company; under whose auspices, during the time they were in possession of that colony, several important journies into the interior were judiciously undertaken and successfully executed. Among these may be mentioned an expedition in 1794 by Mr. Watt and Mr. Winterbottom (being a land journey of near five hundred miles, in going and returning by different routes) to Laby and Teembo, both of them considerable towns, and the latter the capital of the Foulah country. Tombuctoo appeared, from the enquiries made by the travellers, to be well known at both those places; and the communication with that city from Laby, though it was spoken of as a journey of four moons, was represented to be open, and they were furnished with many particulars of the route. Shortly afterwards, in consequence perhaps of this information, a project was formed at Sierra Leone of sending out a mission to Tombuctoo; but Mr. Watt, who was to have undertaken the journey, died; and the invasion of the colony by the French in September 1794, together with the destruction which followed, seems to have put a stop to expeditions of this nature.
The editor has been favoured by Mr. Macaulay, late Secretary of the Sierra Leone Company and formerly Governor of the Colony, with a sight of the Journals of the expedition to Teembo as well as of some other missions from Sierra Leone of inferior importance. They do great credit to the writers (especially the Journal to Teembo) and contain many valuable and interesting particulars; several of which have been given to the public in the Reports of the Sierra Leone Company, and in Dr. Winterbottom's judicious account of the native Africans in the neighbourhood of that colony. But there is still room for a compilation or selection from these Journals, which, if well executed, would be an instructive and interesting publication.
APPENDIX. No. III.
Page xxix.
Soon after Mr. Edwards's death several letters passed between Park and Sir William Young, now Governor of Tobago, upon a subject immediately connected with the question, considered in the memoir, relative to the assistance afforded by Mr. Edwards in preparing Park's travels for the press. Copies of these letters having been transmitted to the editor by Park's family, he thinks it right on the present occasion to lay them before the public; remarking at the same time that, after due consideration of their contents, he continues to be of the opinion which he has expressed in the text.
The occasion of this correspondence appears to have been as follows. Mr. Edwards was engaged, at the time of his death, in preparing for the press an enlarged and corrected edition of his History of the West Indies; but as he did not live to complete it, his friend Sir William Young superintended the publication of the work, and added a short preface; in which, speaking of Mr. Edwards's literary merits, he mentioned "the judicious compilation and elegant recital of the travels of Mungo Park". This produced a letter of expostulation from Park to Sir William Young, of which either no copy was kept, or it has been since lost or mislaid; but the nature of its contents will be seen from the sequel of the correspondence.
Sir William Young to Mr. Park.
59 Harley-street, November 9th, 1803.
"The day before yesterday I received your letter dated so far back as August 25th. It appears to have been put into the London post, addressed to my clerk's lodgings, only last week, and reached me in the country November the 7th. I am thus particular as to dates, as I could not bear the imputation of having so long neglected the due acknowledgment of a letter from one whom I so highly esteem and respect. In regard to the question you state, I understood from the late Mr. Edwards, that he assisted in the general arrangement of the materials you supplied, as Dr. Hawkesworth did, in the case of a voyage by the great navigator Captain Cooke; and that the previous Account or Summary of your Travels delivered into the African Association was written by him; to which your fuller Account of your Travels in detail was subsequent. The word "author," I believe, does not occur in the passage you refer to; and if the words "compilation and recital" seem to bear any application beyond the prospectus before adverted to, or in any way to trench on your just pretensions as a writer, I truly lament the inaccuracy, and will take the most immediate means of rectifying the error, which circumstances may place within my reach; either by present correction or on a new edition of the work. My situation as Secretary of the African Association furnishes me with documents from which I have learned so highly to appreciate your character and to entertain so grateful a sense of your public services, that it would be painful in me, in the smallest degree to have stated any thing that might be so construed as to affect your just literary pretensions; although it is difficult to add to the just and high reputation you held independently, from the fortitude, discretion, and resource so eminently shewn in your distinguished and successful enterprise."
Mr. Park to Sir William Young.
Fowlshiels, 14th May, 1804.
"I perceive by your letter, that you meant the words 'compilation' and 'recital,' to refer entirely to the Abridgment of my Travels, which was written for the perusal of the gentlemen of the African Association, by Mr. Edwards, their Secretary.
"A printed copy of this Abridgment was delivered to each of the gentlemen at their annual meeting, but I believe it was never publicly sold. The greater number of readers are therefore but slightly acquainted with it; and to such, the words above-mentioned will naturally convey a very different meaning. Having thus explained myself to you, I hope you will see the propriety of correcting the passage above-mentioned as soon as possible. I must therefore request you will permit me to insert your letter in any of the periodical publications, or favour me with a correction of the passage, as you may think proper."
Extract from a letter of Sir William Young to Mr. Park
May 25, 1804.
"The letter which I wrote on the subject of the publication of your travels in Africa, is perfectly at your service to make any use of, which you may think proper. No measure can be more satisfactory and agreeable to myself, than that which may most fully render justice to your high and well earned reputation in every point of view."
APPENDIX. No. IV.
The question regarding the termination of the Niger is one of the most doubtful and obscure in modern geography, and in the present defective state of our information with regard to the interior of Africa, seems hardly to admit of a clear and satisfactory solution. Of the difficulties with which the subject is attended, some judgment may be formed from the various and even opposite opinions which have been maintained relative to the course of the Niger, since Park's discoveries have ascertained that it flows from west to east. As the enquiry is somewhat curious, a summary view of these different opinions, and of the principal arguments by which they are supported, may not be uninteresting to the readers of Park's life. To investigate the question with the accuracy and minuteness which it deserves, would not only very far exceed the limits of a note, but would require much more information upon this subject than the editor possesses, united with some previous habits of geographical disquisition.
I. According to the oldest of these opinions, and that which is supported by the greatest authorities (being the opinion not only of some of the principal Geographers of antiquity, but of D'Anville and Rennell among the moderns), it is supposed, that the Niger has an inland termination somewhere in the eastern part of Africa, probably in Wangara or Ghana: and that it is partly discharged into inland lakes, which have no communication with the sea, and partly spread over a wide extent of level country, and lost in sands or evaporated by the heat of the sun.
[Footnote: Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. p. 535.]
The principal ground of this supposition is, the opinion of some of the best informed writers of antiquity on the geography of Africa, and a sort of general persuasion prevalent among the ancients to the same effect; circumstances, it must be acknowledged, of considerable weight in determining this question: since there is good reason to believe, that the knowledge of the ancients concerning the interior of Africa was much more extensive and accurate than that of the moderns. It is justly observed by Dr. Robertson, that the geographical discoveries of the ancients were made chiefly by land, those of the moderns by sea; the progress of conquest having led to the former, that of commerce to the latter. (Hist. Of America, vol. ii. p. 3l6, 8vo.) Besides which, there are several distinct and peculiar causes which have essentially contributed to our present ignorance respecting the interior of Africa; namely, the great prevalence of the slave trade, which has confined the attention of European adventurers exclusively to the coast; the small temptation which the continent of Africa held out, during the continuance of that trade, to internal commerce; and the almost impenetrable barrier raised up against Europeans in modern times, by the savage intolerance of the Moors.
The ancient opinion, respecting the termination of the Niger which has just been alluded to, receives a certain degree of confirmation from the best and most authentic accounts concerning that part of Africa, in which the Niger is supposed to disappear. This is represented by various concurrent testimonies to be a great tract of alluvial country, having several permanent lakes, and being annually overflowed for three months during the rainy season.
Against the hypothesis of an inland termination of the Niger, several objections have been urged, which are well deserving of attention. They are principally founded on a consideration of the vast magnitude which the Niger must have attained after a course of more than 1600 geographical miles, and the difficulty of conceiving so prodigious a stream to be discharged into lakes, and evaporated even by an African sun. To account for such a phenomenon, a great inland sea, bearing some resemblance to the Caspian or the Aral, appears to be necessary. But, besides that the existence of so vast a body of water without any outlet into the ocean, is in itself an improbable circumstance, and not to be lightly admitted; such a sea, if it really existed, could hardly have remained a secret to the ancients, and entirely unknown at the present day.
It may just be observed, that D'Anville, following Ptolemy and other writers whom he considers as the best informed on the internal geography of Africa, is satisfied that there are two considerable rivers, the Niger and the Gir; both of which are said to terminate in the same quarter of Africa, and precisely in the same manner. The Gir, totally unknown at the present day, is familiarly mentioned by Claudian, who, however, it may be recollected, was a native of Africa:—
'Gir, ditissimus amnis 'Aethiopum, simili mentitus gurgite Nilum.' Carm. 21. v. 252.
In some MSS. it is notissimus amnis; but the other reading is more probable.
'Domitorque ferarum 'Girrhaeus, qui vasta colit sub rupibus antra, 'Qui ramos ebeni, qui dentes vellit eburnos.' Carm. 47. v. 20.
II. The second opinion respecting the Niger is, that it terminates in the Nile. In other words, this hypothesis identifies the Niger with the great western branch of the Nile, called the White River, which D'Anville traces from a source very far SS.W. to its junction with the Nile near Sennaar. He likewise accurately distinguishes this stream from the eastern branch, which is much shorter and of inferior magnitude, and which takes its rise in the mountains of Abyssinia. This opinion is maintained by Mr. Horneman, Mr. Grey Jackson, and several other modern travellers; and it is slightly sanctioned by Strabo and Pliny, who speak of the sources of the Nile as being reported by some to be in the farther parts of Mauritania. But it may be affirmed with great confidence, that of all the hypotheses respecting the termination of the Niger, that which supposes it to be a branch of the Nile, is the most unfounded, and the least consistent with acknowledged facts. It is indeed rather a loose popular conjecture, than an opinion deduced from probable reasoning; since nothing appears to be alleged in its support, except the mere circumstance of the course of the river being in a direction towards the Nile; and a few vague notions of some of the African natives with regard to this subject, which are unworthy of the smallest attention.
Mr. Jackson, indeed, in his Travels (p. 310), states it to be a fact universally known among the rich African traders, that the Niger and the Nile are one and the same river, by means of which there is a practicable communication between Tombuctoo and Grand Cairo. Between these two cities caravans are continually passing, and a large trade is carried on; but Mr. Jackson observes, that the expense of land-carriage by means of camels is more moderate than that by water, and that the journey also is more agreeable! He gives an account of the voyage to Cairo down the Niger, having actually been performed in the year 1780 by a party of seventeen negroes, the particulars of which expedition, he says that he received from 'a very intelligent man who has an establishment at Tombuctoo.' These negroes proceeded down the Niger from Jinnie, on a commercial speculation, and reached Cairo after a voyage of fourteen months. They returned by the caravan, and arrived at Jinnie, after an absence of more than three years. Some of the facts which they reported are not a little extraordinary:—viz. that in several places they found the Nile so shallow, in consequence of channels cut for irrigating the lands, that they could not proceed in their boat, and were obliged to transport it some distance over-land; that they saw between Tombuctoo and Cairo twelve hundred cities and towns, adorned with mosques and towers, &c. It is needless to comment upon such hearsay statements, received from an African traveller or merchant more than twenty years after the transaction is said to have happened; nor would any allusion have been made to them in this place, if Mr. Jackson's book had not been much commended by distinguished critics, and quoted as an authority respecting the interior of Africa by several geographical writers.
[Footnote: Edinburgh Review, vol. xiv. p. 306.]
The principal, and apparently decisive, objection against this supposed junction of the Niger and the Nile, is grounded upon a comparison of the great difference of level between the beds of the two rivers. From the authentic information we possess by means of Mr. Browne, respecting the countries west of the Nile, it is now clear, that if this junction takes place at all, it must be in the upper part of the Nile, before that river has quitted the higher regions of Africa, from whence it has still 1000 geographical miles to run before it reaches the sea, passing in its way through several cataracts. But it is utterly incredible that the Niger, which, in order to reach this part of the Nile, must have run at the least 2300 miles, should not in so long a course have descended to a level considerably lower than that which is here described. This objection is urged with great force by Major Rennell, who justly considers it as being entirely decisive of the question; but he has added several other arguments, which those who take an interest in this question, will do well to consult.
[Footnote: Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. p. 537; and vol. ii. p. 268, 280.]
III. The supposition, mentioned in the text (p. lxviii), that the Niger terminates in the River Congo, or, as it is sometimes called, the Zaire, is entirely a recent conjecture, adopted by Park in consequence of the information and suggestions of Mr. Maxwell, an experienced African trader, who appears from his letters to have been a man of observation and intelligence. The principal arguments in support of the opinion are shortly and clearly given in the memoir addressed by Park to Lord Camden; but the subject will receive additional elucidation from Mr. Maxwell's own statement, and especially from his striking description of the river Congo, the vast magnitude of which is little known, and has not sufficiently attracted the attention of geographical writers. The following passage is extracted from a letter, dated Prior's Lynn, near Longtown, July 20, 1804, addressed by Mr. Maxwell to William Keir, of Milnholm, Esq., a friend of Park, to whom the letter was communicated by Mr. Maxwell's desire.
"Before ever the Niger came to be the topic of conversation, it struck me, that the Congo drew its source far to the northward, from the floods commencing long before any rains take place south of the equator; since it begins to swell perceptibly about the latter end of October, and no heavy rains set in before December: and about the end of January the river must be supposed at its highest. At no time, however, can the rains to the southward of the Line be compared with those in the Bight of Guinea, where ships are obliged to have a house erected over them during these months.
"But, whether the Congo be the outlet of the Niger or not, it certainly offers the best opening for exploring the interior of Africa of any scheme that has ever yet been attempted; and the ease and safety with which it might be conducted, needs no comment. However, if the Niger has a sensible outlet, I have no doubt of its proving the Congo, knowing all the rivers between Cape Palmas and Cape Lopes to be inadequate to the purpose; nor need the immense course of such a river surprise us, when we know that the river St. Lawrence, contemptible in size when compared with the Congo, encompasses the whole of North America, issuing through a chain of lakes. But instead of seven or eight lakes, the Congo may be supposed to pass through seventeen or eighteen; which will solve any difficulty as to the floods of the Niger not immediately affecting the Congo. I believe that our information of the Niger losing itself in the Desert rests wholly upon the authority of the Romans, a people whose pursuits never led them to trace the course of rivers with a view to traffic or civilization. If we may credit the accounts of travellers in crossing the deserts, we find that, where-ever they get water for refreshment, there are invariably verdure and palm trees; and these spots in the desert of Lybia were termed by the ancients Oases, or Islands. Now, if such small springs could produce such permanent effects, we may reasonably suppose, that the immense stream of the Niger increased to three times the size from where Mr. Park left it, would long before this have made the desert as green as any water meadow and found its way gradually to the ocean, or inundated the whole country."
"I can with much truth say this of the river Congo, that by comparing it with other rivers, according to the best writers, it must rank as the third or fourth in magnitude. Considering the force of the current it produces in the sea, carrying out floating islands sixty or seventy leagues from the coast, the Amazon or Plata only can cope with it. Many traders, whom I met with at Embomma, (a settlement on the banks of the Congo distant thirty leagues from its mouth,) had come one month's journey down the river, which, reckoned at twenty miles each day (and they count them by the moon, Gonda), would make six hundred miles; and they spoke of it as equally large where they came from, and that it went by the name of Enzaddi, as it does among all the natives upon the coast. Should the shallow water, as laid down opposite Saenda, detract from the assumed size of the Congo, let it be remembered, that the river there is spread out ten miles in width, the middle channel of which has never been accurately sounded. It has long been my opinion that Leyland's or Molyneux Island at Embomma (either of which might be rendered as impregnable as Gibraltar at a very small expense) would be a choice station for establishing an extensive commerce with the interior of Africa. Indeed, if the idea of the Congo being the outlet of the Niger prove so upon trial, we may consider it as an opening designed by providence for exploring those vast regions, and civilizing the rude inhabitants."
[Footnote: A chart of the Congo by Mr. Maxwell was published many years since by Laurie and Whittle, Fleet street.]
Besides this account given by Mr. Maxwell, there are other testimonies to the magnitude of the Congo, shewing it to be a river of the first class, and larger probably than the Nile. In a journal (which the editor has seen) of an intelligent and respectable naval officer, Captain Scobell, who visited the coast of Africa in the year 1813, in H.M. sloop of war the Thais, the Congo is described as "an immense river from which issues a continued stream at the rate of four or five knots in the dry, and six or seven in the rainy season." In a subsequent passage he says, "In crossing this stream, I met several floating islands, or broken masses from the banks of that noble river, which, with the trees still erect, and the whole wafting to the motion of the sea, rushed far into the ocean, and formed a novel prospect even to persons accustomed to the phenomena of the waters." He adds, that there are soundings to the distance of from thirty or forty miles from the coast, arising probably from the vast quantity of alluvial matter brought down by the force of the stream.
Other accounts state, that the waters of the Congo may be distinguished at sea more than thirty leagues from the coast, and that the water is fresh at the distance of thirty miles.
[Footnote: Lopez, Merulla, and Dapper, referred to in Phillips's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 236.]
These, perhaps, are exaggerations; but they may be received, in confirmation of the preceding testimonies, as sufficient proofs of a general opinion among navigators with regard to the size and force of this prodigious river. It is mentioned by Major Rennell in his very interesting account of the Ganges, that the sea in the bay of Bengal ceases to be affected by the waters of that river, and recovers its transparency, only at the distance of about twenty leagues from the coast. (Phil. Transactions, vol. lxxi.) But the Ganges being obstructed by its Delta, and passing through eight channels into the sea, is probably much less rapid and impetuous than the Congo.
To this it must be added, that all the accounts concur in representing, that the stream of the Congo is of a more uniform height, and subject to much less variation from the dry and rainy seasons, than any tropical river which is known; and that on a comparison with such rivers, it may be considered to be in a perpetual state of flood. The average rising of the Ganges in the rainy season is stated by Major Rennell to be 31 feet, being about the same with that of the Nile; whereas, the difference between the highest point of the Congo about February, and the lowest in September, is only about nine feet; and the river, at the latter period, has all the appearance to a stranger of being in full flood.
[Footnote: MS. Letter of Mr. Maxwell to Mr. Park, Oct. 12, 1804.]
It is this remarkable peculiarity, which distinguishes the Congo from other great rivers of a similar description, and which leads to important conclusions with regard to its origin and course.
In support, then, of the hypothesis which identifies the Congo with the Niger, the following arguments, deduced from the preceding facts and observations, may be alleged:—1. The great magnitude of the Congo. 2. The probability that this river is derived from very remote sources, perhaps considerably north of the equator. 3. The fact, that there exists a great river north of the equator, (the Niger,) of which the termination is unknown, and which may, perhaps, form the principal branch of the Congo. These, in truth, are the only grounds upon which the present supposition can be fairly said to rest. Arguments founded upon etymological conjectures, supposed resemblances of names, or affinity of languages, &c. &c., are, for the most part, too arbitrary and fanciful, and liable to too much uncertainty to be entitled to any place in disquisitions of this nature. The same remark is applicable to the narratives and descriptions given by native travellers and merchants, and, in general, to all African evidence whatever, except when supported by collateral proof from other less exceptionable sources.
Such being the evidence in favour of the hypothesis respecting the Congo, the objections against this theory must be admitted to be weighty and formidable. The principal of these are, 1. That it supposes the course of the Niger to lie through the vast chain of the Kong Mountains (anciently Montes Lunae), the great central belt of Africa. Of the existence of these mountains there appears to be no doubt; and from their situation in the midst of a great continent, they may reasonably be supposed to be of vast size and extent; in which case it is difficult to understand, how the Niger could penetrate this barrier, and force a passage southwards. 2. The course of the Niger, estimated from its source in the mountains of Senegal (supposing it to be the same river with the Congo, and to flow by Wangara and Cashna through the centre of Africa into the Atlantic), would be considerably more than 4000 miles. But the course of the Amazon, the greatest river in the old or new world with which we are acquainted, is only about 3500 miles; and, although the existence of a river considerably greater than any yet known, may be within the limits of physical possibility; yet, so improbable a supposition ought not to be adopted upon slight or conjectural reasoning, or upon any thing much short of distinct and positive proof. To give such a vast extension to the Congo upon the grounds stated by Mr. Maxwell, might justly be considered as one of those exaggerations, to which, according to a remark of D'Anville, geographical writers upon Africa have always been remarkably prone, 'en abusant, pour ainsi dire, du vaste carriere que l'interieur de l'Afrique y laissoit prendre.' (Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, Tom. xxvi p. 61.)
[Footnote: The following scale (taken from Major Rennell's Memoir of a Map of Hindostan, p. 337,) shewing the proportional length of some of the most considerable rivers already known, may be useful to the reader on the present occasion.
EUROPE. Thames 1 Rhine 5-1/4 Danube 7 Wolga 9-1/2
ASIA. Indus 6-3/4 Euphrates 8-1/2 Ganges 9-1/2 Burrampooter 9-1/2 Ava 9-1/2 Jennisca 10
ASIA CONTINUED. Oby 10-1/2 Amoor 11 Lena 11-1/2 Hoanho (China) 13-1/2 Kian Keu 15-1/2
AFRICA. Nile l2-1/2
AMERICA. Mississipi 8 Amazon 15-3/4
It must be observed, however, that the magnitude of a river depends much less upon the length of its course than upon the number of auxiliary streams which fall into it. It is this latter circumstance, which occasions the vast size of the Ganges, compared, for example, with the Nile; although the course of the latter is so much longer. Rivers not fed by auxiliary streams, may even become smaller in consequence of the length of their course. The editor is indebted for these observations to Major Rennell.]
Before the editor finally dismisses the subject of the Congo, he may be allowed to express a hope that this distinguished river, which hitherto has been only known as one of the greatest marts of the Slave Trade, may at length be rendered conducive to objects of civilization and science; and that some use will now be made of this great inlet into Africa, for the purpose of exploring a part of that continent which as yet is entirely unknown; or, at least, of obtaining more complete and authentic information relative to the Congo itself, which must unquestionably be considered as a very curious and interesting subject of enquiry. Such an enterprise, according to the opinion of Mr. Maxwell, would not be attended with much difficulty. In a letter to Mr. Park, dated Oct. 12, 1804, alluding to the subject of the Congo, he speaks of an intention which he had formed some time prior to Park's discoveries, of exploring that river. His scheme was to carry out with him from England six supernumerary boats, well adapted for rowing and sailing; each being of such a size as to be easily carried by thirty people, and transported across several cataracts, with which the course of the river is known to be impeded. On his arrival at the coast, he meant to hire about thirty or forty black rowers, and to sail up the Congo with proper arms, provisions, and merchandize, in the month of May (the dry season south of the equator) calculating upon an absence from the coast of about ten weeks. Mr. Maxwell considered this scheme as perfectly practicable, and likely to be attended with no very great expense; but he was prevented from executing his intention by the war of 1793, which made it inconvenient and unsafe for him to encumber the deck of his vessel with supernumerary boats.
IV. The fourth and last opinion respecting the termination of the Niger, is that of a German geographer, M. Reichard, which was published in the 'Ephemerides Geographiques,' at Weimar, in August, 1808, and is referred to in a respectable French work, entitled, 'Precis de la Geographie Universelle, par M. Malte-brun.' The fourth volume of this work, which appeared at Paris in the year 1813, (p. 635) represents M. Reichard's hypothesis to be, that the Niger, after reaching Wangara, takes a direction towards the south, and being joined by other rivers from that part of Africa, makes a great turn from thence towards the south-west, and pursues its course till it approaches the north eastern extremity of the gulph of Guinea, when it divides and discharges itself by different channels into the Atlantic; after having formed a great Delta, of which the Rio del Rey constitutes the eastern, and the Rio Formoso, or Benin River, the western branch.
Without entering into the details of M. Reichard's reasoning in support of this hypothesis, which is often somewhat hazardous and uncertain, it may be sufficient for the present purpose to observe, that his principal argument is founded on a consideration of the peculiar character belonging to the tract of country situated between the two rivers, which consists of a vast tract of low, level land, projecting considerably into the sea, and intersected by an infinity of small branches from the principal rivers. In these and other respects, it appears to bear a considerable resemblance, according to the best descriptions of that coast which we possess, to the Deltas at the mouths of the Nile, the Ganges, and such other great rivers, as by depositing large quantities of alluvial matter previous to their discharge into the sea, form gradual additions to the coast. For it may be proper in this place to remark, that the formation of Deltas, even by rivers of the first magnitude, is by no means universal; some of the greatest that are known being without them. Of this the Amazon, Plata, and Oronoko are mentioned by Major Rennell as distinguished instances; to which may now be added, the Congo. The difference appears to be owing to the depth of the sea at the mouth of the rivers, and perhaps to other circumstances, which are not quite understood.
[Footnote: See Reunell's Geogr. System of Herodotus, 4to. p. 483.]
Both of the two rivers, enclosing the great alluvial tract which has been described (the Rio del Rey and the Formoso), are stated to be of considerable size, being each of them seven or eight miles broad at the mouth; and the supposed Delta, estimated by the line of coast, is much larger than that of the Ganges: consequently, the two streams, if united, must form a river of prodigious magnitude. But neither of the rivers has ever yet been explored; nor has the interior of the country, to any distance from the coast, been accurately described by any European traveller. Hence, the question whether the two rivers are ever really united, and whether the tract in question is a complete Delta or not, still remains to be ascertained. With regard also to the course, or even the existence, of the great river to which this Delta is said to belong, and which M. Reichard supposes to come from the northeast of Africa, there is no tradition nor any vestige among travellers or geographical writers; the whole is purely conjectural. But the supposition, so far at least as relates to the alluvial origin of the tract in question and the junction of the two rivers, has great appearance of probability.
On comparing Mr. Maxwell's hypothesis respecting the Niger with that of M. Reichard, which we are now considering, the latter may be said to have gained something in point of probability, by diminishing the distance which the Niger has to flow in order to reach the Atlantic. But the length of its course, even when thus reduced, is still a considerable difficulty, and a great incumbrance on the hypothesis. The objection arising from the Niger's being conceived to penetrate the Kong Mountains, seems to be nearly of equal weight in both cases, on the supposition that this vast chain of mountains is of the extent generally imagined; which there appears to be no reason to doubt.
It may be mentioned as an objection to both of these hypotheses, that no traces whatever of the Mahometan doctrines or institutions are now to be found on either of the coasts where the Niger is supposed to terminate. In no part of the world has the spirit of enterprise and proselytism, which properly belongs to the Mahometan character, been more strikingly displayed than in the extensive regions of North Africa. Its effects are every where conspicuous, not only in the religious belief of the greater part of the inhabitants; but even where Mahometism is not actually established, in their manners, and customs, and in the predominance of the Arabic language, which is almost every where grafted upon the native African dialects. These circumstances, however, are peculiar to North Africa; nothing of a similar kind having been remarked on the coast of Guinea, and still less on that of Congo and Angola. Mr. Maxwell also states in a letter to Mr. Park, that he had made enquiries of a great number of negroes who had come down the Congo from great distances; but that he could never hear of any Mahometan priests having visited the countries on the banks of that river. Supposing the Niger really to flow through the centre of Africa, and to discharge itself any where into the Atlantic, it is reasonable to believe that some of the Mahometan colonists must long since have established themselves on the banks of that river, and penetrated to the shores of the ocean.
APPENDIX. No. V.
The botanical specimens, mentioned in Park's letter, arrived safe in England, and were received by Sir Joseph Banks, by whose kind information the editor is enabled to add the following particulars concerning them.
1. Fang Jani, or self-burning tree. The specimens received under this name, were branches of a species of Pandanus, which, for want of the parts of fructification, could not be ascertained. The shoots and bases of the leaves were black and withered, resembling in appearance leaves and branches that had been subjected to the action of fire. The leaves, however, above their bases, were green, although dry. On a closer examination, those parts which appeared like charcoal, were found to differ entirely from that substance, as they would not give a black colour to paper when rubbed upon it. Besides, it was wholly incredible that the young shoots and bases of the leaves should break out into a blaze, while the tops of the leaves, far less succulent than the young shoots, remained quite free from fire, not being even singed in the smallest degree.
On a more careful examination, the black colour appeared to be occasioned by a disease in the plant, of the nature of the mildew or rust of corn, arising from a parasitic fungus, probably of the nature of the Puccinia of Europe; the species of which could not be ascertained on account of the advanced state of growth of the specimen. This explanation accords very ill with the declarations of the negroes, who affirm, that they have often seen fires in the woods, occasioned by the spontaneous burning of these shrubs; but it is mentioned in Mr. Park's letter, 'that few of the natives had seen it actually burning.'
2. Kino. The origin of this drug, long ago admitted into the Pharmacopoeias of Europe, was unknown, till Mr. Park sent a specimen of the plant from which the negroes collect it, which proves to be a species of Pterocarpus not yet described by any botanical writer.
3. Tribo. As no part of the plant was sent except the root, nothing can be said concerning its species. It appeared to be a moderately good dye, but had no marked superiority over those already known, sufficient to induce Sir Joseph Banks to cause experiments to be made with it. Indeed, the quantity was not sufficient for any experiments, except on a very confined scale.
APPENDIX. No. VI.
The following particulars, tending to shew the increase which has taken place in the commerce between Great Britain and Africa since the Abolition of the Slave Trade, have been communicated to the editor by an intelligent friend, who has great knowledge and experience in the African trade, and upon whose accuracy and means of information he has the most perfect reliance.
It appeared from Custom-house returns, officially laid before Parliament, that the average annual value of all imports from Africa into Great Britain for twenty years prior to 1787, fell short of L72,000; and even this small sum included the imports, not only from the whole Western coast of Africa between Cape Negro in latitude 16 deg South and the straits of Gibraltar, but also from some parts bordering on the Mediterranean. The average annual value of these imports, during the last five years of that period, viz. 1783, 4, 5, 6 and 7, appears, from the same official returns, to have been about L90,500. If from this amount be deducted the value of the articles appearing to have been imported from Morocco and other adjoining countries, there will be left somewhat less than L70,000 for the value of all our imports from the Western Coast of Africa; that is, from the country lying between Cape Blanco, latitude 21 deg north, and Cape Negro, latitude 16 deg south, being an extent of 4500 miles of coast. The average annual exports from Great Britain to the Western coast of Africa during the same period (exclusive of the exports connected with the Slave Trade) may be estimated at a sum not materially exceeding L50,000.
The compiler of the present statement possesses no documents or means of information, which enable him to shew what was the extent of the commerce of Great Britain with Africa (unconnected with the Slave Trade) during the period from 1788 to 1807, the year in which the Slave Trade was abolished; but there is good reason to believe that it had not materially increased within that time.
It might be impracticable at present, from the loss of the Custom-house books, to obtain any authentic account of exports and imports during the last seven years. But this defect of official information is in some degree supplied by an authentic statement, made out on a particular occasion by a Committee of the African Company, from accounts with which they were furnished from the Custom-house, through the intervention of Government. The object of the Company in obtaining these accounts was to procure authentic data relative to some public measure which was in agitation, connected with the African trade. The following statement was extracted from the books of the Company.
Imports from Africa into Great Britain.
1808. L374,306 1809. 383,926 1810. 535,577
[Sidenote: exclusive of gold dust, which is not subject to any custom-house entry]
Exports from Great Britain to Africa.
1808. L820,194 1809. 976,872 1810. 693,911
The great difference between the value of the exports and imports in this case was accounted for by an experienced officer of the African Company by supposing that a large proportion (from one third to a half) of the goods exported, was captured by the enemy. If this be the true explanation, the account must have been balanced by the exports of gold dust, and the bills of exchange drawn from the British settlements on the African coast. Another supposition (and perhaps a more probable one) is that a considerable part of the exports found their way into the hands of the contraband slave traders, and was employed in carrying on their illegal speculations.
But, even if we consider the imports alone, the increase in the commerce of Africa during the before mentioned period is altogether astonishing; so much so, as almost to induce a suspicion that there is some fallacy in the statement, although there does not appear to be any specific ground for questioning its correctness. For if to the amount of the imports as above stated, we add the value of the gold dust imported, we shall find that this additional commerce nearly fills up the chasm occasioned by the Abolition of the slave trade, extensively as that trade was carried on by this country.
But considering this statement only as a general proof of a great increase of the African trade, (without attempting to assign the proportion of increase) let us take another view of the same subject.
The Gold Coast is about 250 miles in extent, little more than a twentieth part of the whole coast extending from Cape Blanco to Cape Negro. Previously to the Abolition of the slave trade, the imports into Great Britain from this space of coast used to consist of
about 20 tons of ivory valued at —- L7500 and about 1000 ounces of gold dust —- 4000 —- L11500
Since the Abolition of the slave trade the imports from this tract of coast have greatly increased; and it may be stated upon the undoubted authority of intelligent persons, perfectly acquainted with the facts, that the importations have amounted, during the last five or six years, to the annual value of from L120,000. to L180,000. The annual import of gold alone is stated to be about 30,000 ounces.
Thus it appears that the importation from the Gold Coast alone, (a space of 250 miles) into Great Britain since the Abolition of the slave trade, has been double the amount of the importation from the whole slave coast of Africa (an extent of 4500 miles) prior to that event.
A farther example may be taken from the colony of Sierra Leone, where a custom house was first established in May 1812; from whence accounts have been furnished of the imports and exports into and from that colony during the two years ending in May 1814.—The amount of the imports during that period, on which duties were actually paid, was L105,080. 15s. 3d. being the alleged prime cost of the goods, even without the cost of packages. In order to obtain the invoice price of the goods, one third at least must be added to the prime cost for necessary charges. The amount will then be about L140,000., or, on an average, L70,000. annually.
The exports from Sierra Leone during the same period have amounted to L91,539. 17s. 6d. being on an average L45,000. annually. The remainder of imports may be accounted for by the bills of exchange drawn upon this country for the expenses of the civil establishment and commissariat. Hence it appears that from the single river of Sierra Leone the imports into Great Britain were nearly, and the exports to the same river fully, equal to the imports and exports (exclusive of the slave trade) of the whole extent of the Western Coast of Africa prior to the Abolition.
The facts here stated relative to the extent of our innocent and legitimate commerce with the western coast of Africa, must be considered as highly interesting and important; both as shewing how extremely small that commerce was prior to the Abolition of the slave trade, and how much it has increased during the very few years which have since elapsed. This increase has certainly been much more considerable than there was any good reason for expecting, under the actual circumstances of the case.
If we were told of a country, whose staple article of export trade consisted of its own inhabitants, its men, women and children, who were procured (as must necessarily happen in the case of large and continued exports) by treachery and violence—where the whole population was either living in continual apprehension of captivity and eternal banishment from their native soil, or employed contriving the means of inflicting those evils upon others—we should at once conclude that the very insecurity of person and property, which such a state of society implied, would of itself extinguish all the motives to regular industry, and limit the culture of the soil very nearly to what was required for supplying the immediate wants of nature.
Such in fact were the circumstances of Africa prior to the year 1808; at which time the slave trade carried on by Great Britain, and the United States of North America having been abolished by those respective governments, and the slave trade of France and Holland being virtually abolished by the war, a considerable mitigation of the prevailing evils took place. A farther improvement was effected about three years afterwards, by means of the article in the treaty of amity with Portugal, which bound Portuguese subjects to confine their trading in slaves to places in Africa actually under the possession of that Government. By this arrangement the whole coast of Africa from Cape Blanco to the eastern extremity of the Gold Coast (with the exception of the Portuguese settlement of Bissao) were in a considerable degree liberated from the operation of the slave trade.
The Spaniards indeed claimed a right of trading within those limits; but it was a right which, in its exercise, did not prove so prejudicial as might have been expected. The slave trade carried on under the Spanish flag, has been found in most instances not to be a bona fide Spanish trade, but a British or American slave trade in disguise; and latterly the Portuguese, being excluded by treaty from the whole to the windward coast except Bissao, have begun to avail themselves of the same disguise. Many slave vessels under these circumstances, bearing the Spanish flag, have been captured by the British cruizers: and the condemnations which have taken place, have tended greatly to abridge the extent of this trade. Still however the course of improvement in this part of Africa, has been extremely retarded by the right which Portugal has hitherto retained of carrying on the slave trade from Bissao, and by the trade carried on either by real Spanish ships or by counterfeit Spaniards so well disguised as to escape detection.
Besides the trade thus carried on, cargoes of slaves have frequently been smuggled by English and American traders, availing themselves of the facilities which the creeks and rivers of Africa afford for such transactions, and taking their chance of escaping the cruizers on the coast. A contraband trade of this kind appears to have been carried on to some extent; by means of which various cargoes of slaves have been transported to the Brazils and the Island of Cuba.
These facts are mentioned for the purpose of shewing that considerable obstacles to improvement, arising from the partial continuance of the slave trade, are still experienced, even in that part of Africa which has enjoyed the greatest privileges and exemptions. Under such circumstances it would be most unreasonable to look for that progress in the arts of agriculture and peace-commerce which we should have been entitled to expect, in case the suppression of the slave trade had been complete and universal.
But even under much more favourable circumstances than we have reason at present to expect, it would by no means follow that the mere removal of that great obstacle to regular industry and commerce, would in any very short space of time produce considerable or extensive improvements. The ignorance, the profligacy, the improvidence and the various other moral evils, which necessarily accompany the slave trade, will, it is to be feared, long survive the extinction of that traffic which produced and fostered them. The whole history of mankind shews that the progress of civilization is always extremely slow during its earliest stages; and that the first steps in the career of improvement are constantly the most painful and difficult. Hence, we may be justified in drawing the most favourable conclusions from the comparatively great increase which has already taken place in the commerce of Africa during a very short period, in consequence of a partial removal of those evils, which previously had almost excluded the very possibility of improvement.
The following African Words occurring frequently in the course of the ensuing Journal, it is thought proper to prefix an explanation of them.
* * * * *
Bentang, a sort of stage erected in every town, answering the purpose of a town hall.
Slatees, free black merchants, often traders in slaves.
Caffle, a caravan of slaves or of people travelling with any kind of merchandize.
Dooty, the chief magistrate of a town or province.
Palaver, A court of justice, or public meeting; some times a parly or negociation.
Bar, nominal money; a single bar is equal in value to about two shillings sterling.
Kowries, small shells which pass for money in the Interior of Africa.
Barraloolo, a fowling—piece.
Arrangoes, a large kind of bead.
Baft, blue cloth of East Indian manufacture, much used in the African Trade.
Pagne, a kind of cloth, also much used in the same trade.
JOURNAL &c.
Chapter I
Departure from Kayee—Arrival at Pisania—Preparations there, and departure into the Interior—Samee—Payment to Mumbo Jumbo—Reach Jindey; process of dying cottons at that place—Departure from Jindey—Cross the Wallia Creek—Kootakunda—Madina—Tabajang—Kingdom of Jamberoo—Visit from the King's son—Tatticonda—Visit from the son of the former King of Woolli—Reach Madina, the capital of Woolli—Audience of the King; his unfriendly conduct—Presents made to him and his courtiers—Barraconda —Bambakoo—Kanipe; inhospitable conduct of its inhabitants—Kussai —Nitta—trees; restrictions relating to them—Enter the Simbani Woods; precautions thereon, and sacrifice and prayers for success—Banks of the Gambia—Crocodiles and hippopotami—Reach Faraba-Loss of one of the soldiers—Rivers Neaulico and Nerico—Astronomical observations.
CHAPTER I.
April 27th, 1805.—At ten o'clock in the morning took our departure from Kayee. The Crescent, the Washington and Mr. Ainsley's vessel did us the honour to fire a salute at our departure. The day proved remarkably hot; and some of the asses being unaccustomed to carry loads, made our march very fatiguing and troublesome. Three of them stuck fast in a muddy rice field about two miles east of Kayee; and while we were employed in getting them out, our guide and the people in front had gone on so far, that we lost sight of them. In a short time we overtook about a dozen soldiers and their asses, who had likewise fallen behind, and being afraid of losing their way, had halted till we came up. We in the rear took the road to Jonkakonda, which place we reached at one o'clock; but not finding Lieutenant Martyn nor any of the men who were in front, concluded they had gone by New Jermy, &c., therefore hired a guide and continued our march. Halted a few minutes under a large tree at the village of Lamain-Cotto, to allow the soldiers to cool themselves; and then proceeded towards Lamain, at which place we arrived at four o'clock. The people were extremely fatigued, having travelled all day under a vertical sun, and without a breath of wind. Lieutenant Martyn and the rest of our party arrived at half past five, having taken the road by New Jermy.
On our arrival at Lamain we unloaded the asses under a large Bentang tree on the east side of the town. The Slatee (or master of that district of the kingdom of Kataba, called Lamain) came to pay his respects to me, and requested that I would order the bundles and asses to be removed to some other tree; assuring me that if we slept under it, we should all be dead before morning. I was for some time at a loss to comprehend his meaning; when he took me by the hand, and leading me to one of the large notches in the root of the tree, shewed me three spear-heads which appeared to have been tinged with blood, lying with their points amongst bone-ashes, and surrounded with a rope half burnt. I now ordered the bundles to be removed to another tree, presented the Slatee with a keg of liquor, and received in return a small bullock. Here we were forced to purchase water, the wells of the town being nearly dry. Slept very comfortably under the tree, and at day-break,
April 28th, set out for Pisania. We passed two small Foulah towns and the village of Collin, and reached the banks of the Gambia at half past eleven o'clock. Halted and gave our cattle water and grass: we likewise cooked our dinners, and rested till three o'clock, when we set forward and arrived at Pisania at sun-set. Here we were accommodated at Mr. Ainsley's house; and as his schooner had not yet arrived with our baggage, I purchased some corn for our cattle, and spoke for a bullock for the soldiers.
April 29th.—Went and paid my respects to Seniora Camilla, who was much surprised to see me again attempting a journey into the interior of the country.
[Footnote: See Park's Travels, p. 31, 357.]
April 30th.—Mr. Ainsley's schooner arrived, and we immediately began to land the baggage and rice.
April 31st.—Gave out the ass saddles to be stuffed with grass, and set about weighing the bundles. Found that after all reductions, our asses could not possibly carry our baggage. Purchased five more with Mr. Ainsley's assistance.
May 1st.—Tying up the bundles and marking them.
May 2d.—Purchased three asses, and a bullock for the people.
May 3d.—Finished packing the loads, and got every thing ready for our journey.
May 4th.—Left Pisania at half past nine o'clock. The mode of marching was adjusted as follows. The asses and loads being all marked and numbered with red paint, a certain number of each was allotted to each of the six messes, into which the soldiers were divided; and the asses were further subdivided amongst the individuals of each mess, so that every man could tell at first sight the ass and load which belonged to him. The asses were also numbered with large figures, to prevent the natives from stealing them, as they could neither wash nor clip it off without being discovered. Mr. George Scott and one of Isaaco's people generally went in front, Lieutenant Martyn in the centre, and Mr. Anderson and myself in the rear. We were forced to leave at Pisania about five cwt. of rice, not having a sufficient number of asses to carry it. We were escorted till we passed Tendicunda by Mr. Ainsley, and the good old Seniora Camilla, and most of the respectable natives in the vicinity. Our march was most fatiguing. Many of the asses being rather overloaded, lay down on the road; others kicked off their bundles; so that, after using every exertion to get forward, we with difficulty reached Samee, a distance of about eight miles. We unloaded our asses under a large Tabba tree at some distance from the town, and in the evening I went with Isaaco to pay my respects to the Slatee of Samee.
The Slatee of Samee, as well as the Slatees of Lamain and Kutijar, is subject to the King of Kataba; but their subjection is not easily defined. If a slave runs away from one to another, he cannot be reclaimed unless the other chooses to give him up. The Slatee was very drunk, and when I told him that I was come to pay my respects to him and would give him one jug of rum, he told me he would not allow me to pass unless I gave him ten jugs; and after a good deal of insignificant palaver, I was obliged to give him two jugs.
May 5th.—Paid six bars of amber to the Mumbo Jumbo boys, and set out for Jindey early in the morning. Found this day's travelling very difficult; many of the asses refused to go on; and we were forced to put their loads on the horses. We reached Jindey about noon. Purchased a bullock, and halted the 6th; fearing, if we attempted to proceed, we should be forced to leave some of our loads in the woods.
[Footnote: For a description of Mumbo Jumbo, see Park's Travels, p. 39.]
At Jindey they dye very fine blues with the indigo leaves. I readily embraced the opportunity, during our halt, to make myself acquainted with the process, which I saw in all its different stages.
Mode of dying Cotton of a fine blue colour with the leaves of the Indigo Plant.
A large quantity of wood-ashes is collected (the woods preferred for the purpose are the mimosa nitta, and mimosa pulverulenta,) and put into an unglazed earthen vessel which has a hole in its bottom; over which is put some straw. Upon these ashes water is poured, which, filtrating through the hole in the bottom of the vessel, carries with it the potass contained in the ashes, and forms a very strong lye of the colour of strong beer: this lye they call sai-gee, ash-water.
Another pot is filled not quite quarter full of the leaves of the indigo plant, either fresh or dried in the sun (those used at this time were dried), and as much of the sai-gee poured on it as will fill the pot about half full. It is allowed to remain in this state for four days, during which it is stirred once or twice each day.
The pot is then filled nearly full of sai-gee and stirred frequently for four days more, during which it ferments and throws up a copper-coloured scum. It is then allowed to remain at rest for one day, and on the tenth day from the commencement of the process the cloth is put into it. No mordant whatever is used; the cloth is simply wetted with cold water, and wrung hard before it is put into the pot, where it is allowed to remain about two hours. It is then taken out and exposed to the sun, by laying it (without spreading it) over a stick, till the liquor ceases to drop from it. After this it is washed in cold water, and is often beat with a flat stick to clear away any leaves or dirt which may adhere to it. The cloth being again wrung hard, is returned into the pot; and this dipping is repeated four times every day for the first four days; at the end of which period it has in common acquired a blue colour equal to the finest India baft.
The Negro women, who practise dying, have generally twelve or fourteen indigo jars, so that one of them is always ready for dipping. If the process misgives, which it very seldom does with women who practise it extensively, it generally happens during the second four days or the fermenting period. The indigo is then said to be dead, and the whole is thrown out.
In Kajaaga and Kasson they spread the cloth in the sun, and dry it after every dip: they then beat it with a stick, so as to make the indigo leaves fly off it like dust. Both practices have for their object the clearing of the cloth, so as to admit the indigo equally to all parts of it. The process abridged is,
Four days indigo and a small quantity of sai-gee.
Four days fermenting in a large quantity of sai-gee.
One day at rest.
Four days dipping the cloth, four dips per day.
Thirteen in all.
To return to the narrative. Lamina Foffono, one of my fellow travellers in my former journey from Mandingo to Gambia, hearing that I was come to Jindey, came from Wallia to see me. He told me that Karfa was in health, but had not received the musket I sent him by Captain Brand.
At five o'clock had a strong puff of wind from the south-east, which raised the dust and had exactly the appearance of a tornado.
May 7th.—Left Jindey, but so much were our asses fatigued, that I was obliged to hire three more, and four drivers to assist in getting forward the baggage. One of the St. Jago asses fell down convulsed when the load was put upon him; and a Mandingo ass, No. 11, refused to carry his load. I was under the necessity of sending him back to Jindey, and hiring another in his place.
We travelled on the north side of the Wallia Creek till noon, when we crossed it near Kootakunda. Swam the asses over; and the soldiers, with the assistance of the Negroes, waded over with the bundles on their heads. Halted on the south side of the creek, and cooked our dinners.
At four o'clock set forwards, passed Kootakunda, and called at the village of Madina to pay my respects to Slatee Bree. Gave him a note on Mr. Ainsley for one jug of liquor. Halted at Tabajang, a village almost deserted; having been plundered in the course of the season by the King of Jamberoo, in conjunction with the King of Woolli. Our guide's mother lives here; and as I found that we could not possibly proceed in our present state, I determined either to purchase more asses, or abandon some of the rice.
May 8th.—Purchased two asses for ten bars of amber and ten of coral each. Covered the India bafts with skins, to prevent them from being damaged by the rain. Two of the soldiers afflicted with the dysentery.
May 9th.—The King of Jamberoo's son came to pay his respects to me. Jamberoo lies along the north side of the Wallia Creek, and extends a long way to the northward. The people are Jaloffs, but most of them speak Mandingo. Presented him with some amber. Bought five asses and covered all the gunpowder with skins, except what was for our use on the road.
May 10th.—Having paid all the people who had assisted in driving the asses, I found that the expense was greater than any benefit we were likely to derive from them. I therefore trusted the asses this day entirely to the soldiers. We left Tabajang at sun-rise, and made a short and easy march to Tatticonda, where the son of my friend, the former King of Woolli, came to meet me. From him I could easily learn that our journey was viewed with great jealousy by the Slatees and Sierra-Woollis residing about Madina.
May 11th.—About noon arrived at Madina, the capital of the kingdom of Woolli. We unloaded our asses under a tree without the gates of the town, and waited till five o'clock before we could have an audience from his majesty. I took to the King a pair of silver mounted pistols, ten dollars, ten bars of amber, ten of coral. But, when he had looked at the present with great indifference for some time, he told me that he could not accept it; alleging, as an excuse for his avarice, that I had given a much handsomer present to the King of Kataba. It was in vain that I assured him of the contrary; he positively refused to accept it, and I was under the necessity of adding fifteen dollars, ten bars coral, ten amber, before his majesty would accept it. After all, he begged me to give him a blanket to wrap himself in during the rains, which I readily sent him.
The other presents must all be proportionally great, and the sum of the whole presents at Woolli is as follows:
To the King,
A pair of pistols. Bars. Dollars 25 Amber 20 Coral 20 White baft 5 —- 70 bars.
To Montamba the King's own son,
Amber, 5 Coral 5
To Slatee Deena,
Amber 1 Coral 5
To Sadoo, Jatta's son,
Amber 5 Coral 5
To Samboo, Jatta's second son,
Coral 5
To Whulliri, the Prime Minister,
Dollars 2 Coral 5
To Dama, Whulliri's younger brother,
Coral 5
To Soliman, the King's chief slave, Bars.
Amber 4 Coral 4
To Dimba Serra,
Coral 6
To different people,
Coral 10 — 71
To the King, 70 —- Total 140 bars.
[Footnote: There is some mistake here; what Mr. Park calls 71, appears to be no more than 67; and even according to him, the total ought to be 141. The true amount is 67+70=137.]
May 12th.—Had all the asses loaded by day-break, and at sun-rise, having obtained the King's permission, we departed from Woolli. Shortly after, we passed the town of Barraconda, where I stopped a few minutes to pay my respects to Jemaffoo Mamadoo, a very eminent Slatee.
[Footnote: Mentioned in Park's Travels, p. 31.]
We reached the village of Bambakoo at half past ten o'clock. Bought two asses, and likewise a bullock for the soldiers.
May 13th.—Departed from Bambakoo at sun-rise, and reached Kanipe, an irregular built village, about ten o'clock. The people of the village had heard that we were under the necessity of purchasing water at Madina; and to make sure of a similar market, the women had drawn all the water from the wells, and were standing in crowds, drawing up the water as fast as it collected. It was in vain that the soldiers attempted to come in for their share: the camp kettles were by no means so well adapted for drawing water as the women's calabashes. The soldiers therefore returned without water, having the laugh very much against them.
I received information that there was a pool of water about two miles south of the town; and in order to make the women desist, I mounted a man on each of the horses, and sent them away to the pool, to bring as much water as would boil our rice, and in the afternoon sent all the asses to be watered at the same place. In the evening some of the soldiers made another attempt to procure water from the large well near the town, and succeeded by the following stratagem. One of them having dropped his canteen into the well, as if by accident, his companions fastened a rope round him, and lowered him down to the bottom of the well, where he stood and filled all the camp kettles, to the great mortification of the women, who had been labouring and carrying water for the last twenty-four hours, in hopes of having their necks and heads decked with small amber and beads by the sale of it. Bought two goats for the soldiers.
May 14th.—Halted at Kussai, about four miles east of Kanipe. This is the same village as Seesekunda, but the inhabitants have changed its name. Here one of the soldiers, having collected some of the fruit of the Nitta trees, was eating them, when the chief man of the village came out in a great rage, and attempted to take them from him; but finding that impracticable, he drew his knife, and told us to put on our loads, and get away from the village. Finding that we only laughed at him, he became more quiet; and when I told him that we were unacquainted with so strange a restriction, but should be careful not to eat any of them in future; he said that the thing itself was not of great importance, if it had not been done in sight of the women. For, says he, this place has been frequently visited with famine from want of rain, and in these distressing times the fruit of the Nitta is all we have to trust to, and it may then be opened without harm; but in order to prevent the women and children from wasting this supply, a toong is put upon the Nittas, until famine makes its appearance. The word toong is used to express any thing sealed up by magic.
Bought two asses. As we entered the Simbani woods from this town, Isaaco was very apprehensive that we might be attacked by some of the Bondou people, there being at this time a hot war between two brothers about the succession: and as the report had spread that a coffle of white men were going to the interior, every person immediately concluded that we were loaded with the richest merchandize to purchase slaves; and that whichever of the parties should gain possession of our wealth, he would likewise gain the ascendency over his opponent. On this account, gave orders to the men not to fire at any deer or game they might see in the woods; that every man must have his piece loaded and primed, and that the report of a musket, but more particularly of three or four, should be the signal to leave every thing and run towards the place.
May 15th.—Departed from Kussai. At the entrance of the woods, Isaaco laid a black ram across the road and cut its throat, having first said a long prayer over it. This he considered as very essential towards our success. The flesh of the animal was given to the slaves at Kussai, that they might pray in their hearts for our success.
The first five miles of our route was through a woody country; we then reached a level plain nearly destitute of wood. On this plain we observed some hundreds of a species of antelope of a dark colour with a white mouth; they are called by the natives Da qui, and are nearly as large as a bullock. At half past ten o'clock we arrived on the banks of the Gambia, and halted during the heat of the day under a large tree called Teelee Corra, the same under which I formerly stopped in my return from the interior.
[Footnote: Probably the tree mentioned in Park's Travels, p. 854.]
The Gambia here is about 100 yards across, and, contrary to what I expected, has a regular tide, rising four inches by the shore. It was low water this day at one o'clock. The river swarms with crocodiles. I counted at one time thirteen of them ranged along shore, and three hippopotami. The latter feed only during the night, and seldom leave the water during the day; they walk on the bottom of the river, and seldom shew more of themselves above water than their heads.
At half past three o'clock in the afternoon, we again set forward, and about a mile to the eastward ascended a hill, where we had a most enchanting prospect of the country to the westward; in point of distance it is the richest I ever saw. The course of the Gambia was easily distinguished by a range of dark green trees, which grew on its banks. The course from Teelee Corra is represented in the following sketch.
A mile and a half east of Prospect hill, is another on the north side of the road, from the top of which we had a charming view to the south. The course of the river is from the E.S.E.; no hills on the south side of it, the whole country being quite level. About ten miles E.S.E.; the river passes near an elevated table land, which looks, like an old fortification. At sun-set reached a watering place called Faraba, but found no water.
While we were unloading the asses, John Walters, one of the soldiers, fell down in an epileptic fit, and expired in about an hour after. The Negroes belonging to our guide set about digging a well, having first lighted a fire to keep off the bees, which were swarming about the place in search of water. In a little time they found water in sufficient quantity to cook our suppers, and even supply the horses and asses in the course of the night.
Being apprehensive of an attack from the Bondou people, placed double sentries, and made every man sleep with his loaded musket under his head. Latitude by mer. alt. of the moon, 14 deg. 38' 46" N.
About three o'clock buried John Walters, and in remembrance of him wish this place to be called Walters's Well.
May 16th.—Departed from the well as soon as day dawned, and reached the Neaulico at half past eight o'clock. This stream is nearly dry at this season, and only affords water in certain hollow places which abound in fish. Saw Isaaco's Negroes take several with their hands, and with wisps of grass used as a net to frighten the fish into a narrow space. One of the fish was a new genus.
Saw in the bed of the river some Negroes roasting a great quantity of flesh on temporary wooden stages erected for the purpose, as represented in the following sketch.
This half roasting and smoaking makes the meat keep much longer than it would do without it. The flesh was part of a Da qui which they found on the road; a lion had killed it during the night, and eat one leg of it.
At four o'clock P.M. departed from the Neaulico. At five, passed the ruins of Mangelli, where I formerly slept, and at six o'clock halted for the night at Manjalli Tabba Cotta, the ruins of a village so called. The wood during this day's march is in general small, and the road is much interrupted with dry bamboos. Plenty of water at the resting place. After dark took out the telescope in order to observe an immersion of Jupiter's first satellite—
H. M. S. The satellite immerged by watch 14 10 35 Rate + from London 0 5 48 Too slow by eclipse at Kayee 0 0 5 ———— Mean time by watch 14 16 28
Time by Nautical Almanack 14 16 51 Equation 0 3 58 ———— Mean time at Greenwich 14 12 53 14 12 53 ———— Watch too fast 0 3 35
Longitude by three sets of sights taken next morning in order to find the apparent time at the place 13 deg. 9' 45" W.
It is difficult to account for such a difference in the rate of going of the watch in the course of one month; but the excessive heat and the motion of riding may perhaps have contributed to it; for I think my observation of the immersion was correct.
May 17th.—Left Manjalli Tabba Cotta, and after a fatiguing march of twelve miles, reached Bray, a watering place. Endeavoured to take the meridional altitude of the sun, by the back observation with Troughton's pocket sextant; and after carefully examining his rise and fall, with the intervals betwixt each observation, I was convinced that it can be done with great accuracy, requiring only a steady hand and proper attention. This was a great relief to me; I had been plagued watching the passage of the fixed stars, and often fell asleep when they were in the meridian.
We left Bray at three o'clock, P.M. and carried with us as much water as we possibly could, intending to rest at Nillindingcorro till the moon rose; but there being no water, our guide continued our march to the river Nerico, which we reached at eight o'clock, all the people and asses very much fatigued. Face of the country during this day an open and level plain with bushes and Cibi trees, making the prospect rich, though not grand. Saw plenty of lions' excrement in the wood: they deposit it only in certain places, and like the cats, claw up the ground in order to cover it.
May 18th.—People employed all the morning in transporting the baggage and asses across the river; and as both men and asses were very much fatigued, I thought it best to halt on the east side of the river till the afternoon, as it would afford the soldiers an opportunity of washing their clothes.
o ' " Observed Mer. Alt. Sun 168 35 0 Diameter 0 32 0 ————- 1/2 169 7 0 ————- 84 33 30 Correct for refraction and parallax 4 ————- 84 33 26 ————- Zenith Distance 5 26 34 Declination 19 31 25 ————- Latitude 14 4 51
The breadth of the stream of the river Nerico is about sixty feet, the depth of water four feet, its velocity is two miles an hour. The heat of the stream at two o'clock 94 deg. Fahrenheit.
Chapter II.
Arrival at Jallacotta—Maheena—Tambico—Bady; hostile conduct of the Faranba, or Chief, and its consequences—Reach Jeningalla —Iron-furnaces.—Mansafara—Attacked by wolves—Enter the Tenda Wilderness—Ruins and Plain of Doofroo—Attacked by a swarm of bees—Astronomical Observations—Arrival at Sibikillin—Shea trees—Badoo; presents made to the King—Tambacunda—Ba Deema River—Tabba Gee—Mambari—Julifunda; unfriendly conduct of its Chief; and presents sent to him and the King—Visit from the latter—Reach Eercella—Baniserile—Celebrate His Majesty's birthday—Mode of fluxing iron—Madina—Falema river—Satadoo—Sickness and death of the Carpenter—Arrival at Shrondo; commencement of the rainy season; and alarming sickness amongst the soldiers—Gold mines; process for procuring the gold—Dindikoo; gold pits—Cultivation—Arrival at Fankia.
CHAPTER II.
May 18th.—We left the Nerico about half past three o'clock, and arrived at Jallacotta, the first town of Tenda, at sun-set. From this place to Simbuni in Bondou, is two days travel.
May 19th.—Halted at Jallacotta in order to purchase corn and recruit the asses. Bought plenty of onions, which made our rice eat much better. Town's people fishing in the woods, where the pools being nearly dry, the fish are easily taken.
May 20.—Left Jallacotta, and about two miles to the east, passed the village of Maheena, close to which are the ruins of another village of the same name. It would appear from the number of ruins, that the population of Tenda is much diminished. We reached Tendico or Tambico, about eight o'clock: we could not procure a bullock, the inhabitants having very few cattle. This village belongs to Jallacotta; and the Farbana of Jallacotta is subject to the King of Woolli. About half a mile from Tambico is a pretty large town called Bady, the chief of which takes the title of Faranba, and is in a manner independent. He exacts very high duties from the coffles, to the extent of ten bars of gunpowder for each ass-load.
We sent a messenger from Tambico to inform the Faranba of our arrival, and he sent his son in the evening with twenty-six men armed with musquets, and a great crowd of people, to receive what we had to give him. Sent him ten bars of amber by our guide; but as he refused to take it, went myself with five bars of coral, which he likewise refused. Indeed I could easily perceive from the number of armed men, and the haughty manner in which they conducted themselves, that there was little prospect of settling matters in an amicable manner. I therefore tore a leaf from my pocket-book, and had written a note to Lieutenant Martyn to have the soldiers in readiness; when Mr. Anderson, hearing such a hubbub in the village, came to see what was the matter. I explained my doubts to him, and desired that the soldiers might have on their pouches and bayonets, and be ready for action at a moment's notice. I desired Isaaco to inform him that we had as yet found no difficulty in our journey; we had readily obtained the permission of the kings of Kataba and Woolli to pass through their kingdoms, and that if he would not allow us to pass, we had then only to return to Jallacotta, and endeavour to find another road; and with this (after a good many angry words had passed between the Faranba's people and our guide) the palaver ended.
Matters were in this state, Faranba's son had gone over to Bady with the amber and coral, and we were preparing to return to Jallacotta early next morning, when about half past six o'clock some of Faranba's people seized our guide's horse, as the boy was watering it at the well, and carried it away. Isaaco went over to Bady to enquire the reason of this conduct; but instead of satisfying him on this point, they seized him, took his double barrelled gun and sword from him, tied him to a tree and flogged him; and having put his boy in irons, sent some people back to Tambico for another horse belonging to an old man that was travelling with us to Dentila. I now told two of Isaaco's Negroes, that if they would go with me into the village, and point out the Faranba's people (it being quite dark) who had come to take the old man's horse, I would make the soldiers seize them, and retain them as hostages for Isaaco. They went and told this to the two chief men in the village, but they would not permit it. They were able, they said, to defend their own rights, and would not allow the horse to be taken: so after an immense hubbub and wrangling, the business at last came to blows, and the Faranba's people were fairly kicked out of the village.
I was now a little puzzled how to act; Isaaco's wife and child sat crying with us under the tree, his Negroes were very much dejected, and seemed to consider the matter as quite hopeless. We could have gone in the night and burnt the town. By this we should have killed a great many innocent people, and most probably should not have recovered our guide. I therefore thought it most advisable (having consulted with Mr. Anderson and Lieutenant Martyn) to wait till morning; and then, if they persisted in detaining our guide, to attack them in open day; a measure which would be more decisive, and more likely to be attended with success than any night skirmishes. We accordingly placed double sentries during the night, and made every man sleep with his loaded musquet at hand. We likewise sent two people back to Jallacotta, to inform the Dooty of the treatment we had received from Faranba, though at one of the towns belonging to the King of Woolli.
May 21st.—Early in the morning our guide was liberated, and sent back to us; and about ten o'clock a number of Faranba's people came and told me that Faranba did not wish to quarrel with me, but could not think of allowing a coffle to pass without paying the customary tribute; but as I had refused to do that the evening before, if I would now carry over to Bady such articles as I meant to give him, every thing would be amicably settled. I told them that, after the treatment my guide had experienced, they could not expect that I would go to Bady alone; that if I went I would take twenty or thirty of my people with me. This seemed not so agreeable; and it was at last determined that the horse, &c. should be brought half way between the two villages, and delivered on receipt of the goods. I accordingly paid at different times goods to the amount of one hundred and six bars, being not quite one-third of what a coffle of Negroes would have paid. Faranba's people still kept our guide's gun and sword; alleging, that they were sent away in the night to Bisra, a town in the neighbourhood, but would be sent after us as soon as the person returned who had gone in quest of them. We accordingly departed from Tambico about three o'clock, and halted for the night at Jeningalla near Bufra, or Kabatenda, where I formerly slept; my former landlord brought me a large calabash of milk.
o ' " Mer. Alt. Tambico 166 56 0 Diam. 0 32 0 ———— 1/2 167 28 0 ———— 83 44 0 ———— Zenith Distance 6 16 0 Decl. 20 9 0 ———— Latitude 13 53 0 ========
May 22d.—Halted at Jeningalla to purchase corn for our asses. Went and saw some iron-furnaces; they are smaller at the top than those of Manding, thus:
The distance being very great between this place and the next water, we resolved to travel it by moonlight, and accordingly we left Jeningalla.
May 23d, at two o'clock in the morning, and at eight o'clock reached Nealo Koba. At the same place where I formerly crossed, the river is not flowing, but stands in pools, some of which are deep and swarming with fish. Oysters large, but of a greenish colour; did not eat any of them. About two o'clock resumed our journey, and at sun-set reached a small Foula village; all very much fatigued, having travelled twenty-eight miles.
May 24th.—Halted at Mansafara, which is only four miles east of the Foula village. This consists of three towns, quite contiguous to each other; and near them is a large pool of water. From this town to the village of Nittakorra on the north bank of the Gambia is only eight miles due south. Bought corn for the asses in crossing the Samakara woods, and a bullock for the people. Much lightning to the south-east, and thunder. Got all the bundles covered with grass, &c. During the night the wolves killed one of our best asses within twenty yards of the place where Mr. Anderson and I slept.
May 25th.—Left Mansafara, and entered the Tenda or Samakara wilderness. About four miles to the east passed the ruins of Koba, where I formerly slept. The town was destroyed by the Bondou people about two years ago, and the Bentang tree burnt down. At ten passed a stream like the Neaulico, running to the Gambia; and shortly after came in sight of the first range of hills, running from S. S. W. to N. N. E., we came near them; and at half past eleven halted at Sooteetabba, a watering place within a mile of the hills.
[Footnote: Called Koba Tenda in Park's Travels, p. 353.]
' " Obser. Merid. Alt. 164 45 0 ————- 82 22 30 0 16 0 ————- 82 38 30 Diff. par. and ref. 0 0 7 ————- 82 38 23
' " Zenith Distance 7 21 37 Decl. 20 65 10 Latitude 13 33 33
Departing from Sooteetabba as soon as the heat of the day was over, we crossed the first range of hills. Mr. Anderson and I ascended the top of one of the hills, which from the amazing fine prospect all round, I have named Panorama Hill; it has a sugar-loaf looking top, with a number of wolf-holes in it. The route across the hill, though very difficult for the asses, was extremely beautiful. In the evening we descended into a romantic valley, where we found plenty of water, being one of the remote branches of Nealo Koba. There was plenty of fish in the pools; but they were too deep to catch them with the hands. Close to the stream are the ruins of the village of Doofroo, destroyed by the Dentila people some time ago. This is considered as an excellent place for shooting elephants; we saw the fresh dung and feet marks of many of them near the stream. Watched for an eclipse of Jupiter's first satellite, but the planet became clouded.
May 26th.—At day-break ascended from the plain of Doofroo, and travelled over a rugged country, till ten o'clock, when we met a coffle (at a watering place called Sootinimma) bound for Gambia to redeem a person who had been caught for a debt, and was to be sold for a slave, if not ransomed in a few months. There being no water here, we did not halt; but continued our march, two of the soldiers being unable to keep up. The main body of the coffle still kept going on, and at half past twelve reached Bee Creek; from whence we sent back an ass and two Negroes to bring up the two fatigued soldiers.
We had no sooner unloaded the asses at the Creek, than some of Isaaco's people, being in search of honey, unfortunately disturbed a large swarm of bees near where the coffle had halted. The bees came out in immense numbers, and attacked men and beasts at the same time. Luckily most of the asses were loose, and gallopped up the valley; but the horses and people were very much stung, and obliged to scamper in all directions. The fire which had been kindled for cooking being deserted, spread, and set fire to the bamboos; and our baggage had like to have been burnt. In fact, for half an hour the bees seemed to have completely put an end to our journey.
In the evening, when the bees became less troublesome, and we could venture to collect our cattle, we found that many of them were very much stung and swelled about the head. Three asses were missing; one died in the evening, and one next morning, and we were forced to leave one at Sibikillin; in all six: besides which, our guide lost his horse, and many of the people were very much stung about the face and hands.
During the night got the telescope ready in order to set the watch to Greenwich time by observing an emersion of the second satellite of Jupiter. Mr. Anderson took the time, and I was seated at the telescope half an hour before it happened, in order to be sure of observing it. The satellite emerged by
' " Watch 11 49 16 Greenwich 11 46 30 ————- Watch too fast 0 2 46 ————- Emersion by Nautical Almanack 11 49 51 Equation 0 3 21 ————- Mean time at Greenwich 11 46 30
Observations of the sun taken with artificial horizon and the watch the same evening, to determine the apparent time.
H. M. S. ' 5 57 15 30 24 0 58 0 30 14 0 58 42 29 43
H. M. S. ' 6 4 15 27 11 0 5 0 26 51 0 5 35 26 36
H. M. S. ' 6 6 54 25 56 0 7 34 25 38 0 8 13 25 20
Observed the meridian altitude of the sun within a mile of Bee Creek the same day;
' " Altitude 164 21 0 ————— 82 10 30 0 16 0 ————— 82 26 30 ————— Z.D. 7 33 23 D. 21 6 8 ————— Latitude 13 32 45
Longitude 43 min. 56 sec. of time, or 10 59' West.
May 27th.—Early in the morning we set forwards, and after travelling four miles arrived at Sibikillin. Here the water which supplies the town, is collected in a deep rocky hollow. There are plenty of fish in the pool, but the natives will not eat any of them, nor allow them to be taken, imagining that the water would immediately dry up. Cautioned the soldiers against catching any of them. At night one of the town's-people found our guide's horse in the woods, and brought it to the town. Gave him fifteen bars of amber, and a Barraloolo, &c.
[Footnote: Shea, or vegetable Butter-tree. See Park's Travels, p. 203, 352.]
May 28th.—At day-break set forwards, and about three miles east of Sibikillin descended into a valley, where I saw the first Shea trees, some of them loaded with fruit, but not ripe. About eleven o'clock arrived at Badoo, a small town consisting of about three hundred huts. A little north of this is another town, called likewise Badoo; but they distinguish them by the names of Sansanding and Sansanba. The Slatee or governor of each of these towns exacts customs to a great amount from all coffles, and if refused, they join together and plunder them. Judging it best to settle matters amicably, if possible, I gave him during the day the following articles; viz.
To Amar, the king's younger brother, Bars. Amber No. 2. 10 Coral 5
To the King of Sansanding, Amber 10 Coral 5 Scarlet 5 Barraloolo 5 Two mirrors 2 Scarlet 5 Amber 6
To the King of Sansanba, Amber 10 Coral 5 Scarlet 5
Bars. Barraloolo 5 To different people, Grandees 20 —— 97 —— [Footnote: Here is a mistake of Mr. Park. The total is really 98.]
Bought a bullock for 12 And a sheep for 5
' " Mer. Alt. 163 17 0 —————— 81 38 30 0 16 0 —————— 81 54 30 —————— Z.D. 8 5 30 D. 21 37 30 —————— Latitude 13 32 0
May 29th.—In the forenoon had an opportunity of sending two letters home to England, via Gambia.
In the evening left Badoo, and went to Tambacunda, about four miles east of Badoo. The river Gambia is only four miles distant, South of Badoo. Mr. Anderson and Mr. Scott went up a hill near the town, and had a fine view of it. The course is from the South-East, till it reaches the hills near Badoo; it then turns towards the South. It is called Ba Deema, or the river which is always a river, i.e. it never dries. The distance between Badoo and Laby in Foota Jalla is five days travel.
Purchased two asses.
May 30th.—Left Tambacunda, and entered the woods. Travelled very expeditiously till eleven o'clock, when we reached a watering place called Fatifing, where we found some green dirty water, so bad that nothing but necessity would have made us drink it. Halted here till half past two o'clock, when we again set forward and reached Tabba Gee just at dark: found no water. During the afternoon the country to the South hilly and beautiful. A little before we reached the halting place some drops of rain fell.
May 31st.—Left Tabba Gee at day break, and a few miles to the east passed a round lump of quartz, called by the natives Ta Kooro, or the traveller's stone; all travellers lift up this stone and turn it round. The stone is worn quite smooth, and the iron rock on which it rests is worn hollow by this constant motion. Halted during the heat of the day at Mambari, where there is a small village built this season; the former one having been destroyed by war many years ago. Passed in the course of the forenoon two streams running towards Gambia.
' " Obser. Mer. Alt. - - 162 43 0 1/2 81 21 30 0 16 0 81 37 30 Z.D. - 8 23 30 D. - 21 46 10 Latitude - - - 13 22 40
Muianta, a hill resembling a castle, bearing by compass S. by E. is distant sixteen miles; Sambankalla bearing S., the hills of Foota Jalla bearing by compass SW. by W. SW. and SW. by S.—The town of Laby is immediately beyond those hills, which are three days travel from this place. The river Gambia comes down the opening SSW. between Muianta and the hills of Foota Jalla. The latter have nearly the appearance of Madeira when seen from the sea, but the hills are not so sharp-pointed as those of Madeira.
In the afternoon again set forwards, and four miles to the East passed the dry bed of a torrent course towards Gambia; road rocky; plenty of white quartz in detached lumps and small pieces. Travelled till quite dark, when we were forced to halt for the night at a place where there was no water; and of course we all slept supperless.
June 1st.—At day break set forwards, and at ten o'clock arrived at Julifunda, a considerable town founded by people who formerly received goods in advance from the European traders on the Gambia, Rio Nunez, and Kajaaga; the road to Bambara from these places frequently leading through this place when the other routes were stopped by war. These people, who trade on credit, are called Juli in distinction from the Slatee who trades with his own capital. Julifunda was formerly inhabited entirely by Soninkees; but the King of Foota Jalla made war on them, and obliged them, as a condition of peace, to embrace the Mahomedan religion. The town contains, I suppose, about two thousand people, including the suburbs.
In the evening sent our guide to the chief man, who is termed Mansa Kussan, and is reckoned one of the most avaricious chiefs in the whole of the road. Sent him some amber and scarlet as a present, and told him that I intended to remain one day at Julifunda in order to purchase rice.
June 2d.—Bought some corn and two ass loads of rice; presented Mansa Kussan with some amber, coral, and scarlet, with which he appeared to be perfectly satisfied, and sent a bullock in return; he even prayed for my safety, and told me that he would do his utmost to get us forwards. Bought an ass for twenty bars of amber. At four o'clock put on the loads and departed for Baniserile.
The whole of the asses were gone, and only Mr. Anderson and myself remained, having sent our guide to inform Mansa Kussan of our departure. Our guide returned, and told us that Mansa Kussan had said that, unless I gave him ten bars of all the different sorts of merchandise, he would not allow us to pass farther up the country; and if we attempted to pass without his consent, he would do his utmost to plunder us in the woods.
Recalled the people and asses, and endeavoured to settle matters in a friendly manner. Suspecting that he would not have used such language unless he had received assurances from some other towns that they would join him in attacking us, sent him some more scarlet and amber by our guide; being unwilling to go singly into the town, having received information that it was the intention of the king to detain me, with a view to make me pay handsomely for my release.
Mansa Kussan seized the money which I paid for the ass in the seller's hands, and what evinced his hostile intentions still more, he seized the ass till such time as the palaver should be settled. I shall here give a list of the different articles of trade paid by me at different times, to Mansa Kussan at Julifunda.
Sent at first,
Bars. Amber 16 Scarlet 10 Barraloolo 10
Sent afterwards,
Amber 4 Barraloolo 5 Amber No. 1. 10
To Kussan's brothers
Amber 2 Scarlet 2
Took with me when I went to pay my respects to him,
Amber 23 Beads 5 Looking-glass 1 [table ends]
Sent after the asses turned back,
Amber 23 Coral 10 Beads 10 Swords 15
Sent on the morning of the 3d of June,
A pair of pistols 20 Scarlet 10 Barraloolo 15 —- Bars 200 —-
[Footnote 1: Here too there is some mistake in Park's MS. the true total being 191.] |
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