 |
FOOTNOTES:
[84] George Whitefield, the friend of Wesley.
THE "FORTY-FIVE."
A. PRINCE CHARLES LANDS IN SCOTLAND (JULY 1745).
Source.—Culloden Papers: comprising an Extensive and Interesting Correspondence from the Year 1625 to 1748 ... the Whole published from the Originals in the Possession of Duncan George Forbes, of Culloden, Esq., p. 203. (London: 1815.)
The Lord President to Mr. Pelham.
2^nd Aug^t, 1745. DEAR SIR,
In a state of profound tranquillity, we have been alarmed with advices, which are said to have been received at London, of intended invasions; and particularly of a visit which the Pretender's eldest son is about to make to us, if he has not already made it. These informations, particularly as to the visit just mentioned, I must confess, have not hitherto gain'd my belief. This young gentleman's game seems at present to be very desperate in this country; and, so far as I can learn, there is not the least apparatus for his reception, even amongst the few highlanders who are suspected to be in his interest. However, as, when so much is at stake, no advice, how improbable soever, is to be neglected, I have (our session being now over) resolved to make my accustomed journey northwards a little earlier than usual; to the end that, though my fighting days are over, I may give some countenance to the friends of the government, and prevent the seduction of the unwary, if there should be any truth in what is reported.
Mr. Normand MacLeod to the Lord President.
MY DEAREST LORD,
To my no small surprise, it is certain that the Pretended Prince of Wales is come on the coast of South Uist and Barra, and has since been hovering on parts of the coast of the main land that lies between the point of Airdnamurchan and Glenelg; he has but one ship, of which he is aboard; she mounts about 16 or 18 guns. He has about thirty Irish or French officers with him, and one Sheridan, who is called his Governor. The Duke of Athol's brother is the only man of any sort of note (that once belonged to this country) that I can hear of that's alongst with him. His view, I need not tell you, was, to raise all the Highlands to assist him, etc. Sir Alex. Macdonald and I, not only gave no sort of countenance to these people, but we used all the interest we had with our neighbours to follow the same prudent method; and I am persuaded we have done it with that success, that not one man of any consequence benorth the Grampians will give any sort of assistance to this mad rebellious attempt. How far you think we acted properly, I shall long to know; but this is certain, we did it as our duty and for the best; for in the present situation of affairs in Europe, I should have been sorry to see any thing like disaffection to the Government appear, tho' ever so trivial; or that there was occasion to march a single company to quell it, which now I hope and dare say there is not....
I ever am, most faithfully, Yours, NORMAND MACLEOD. DUNVEGAN, 3^rd Aug^t, 1745.
B. RAISING THE PRINCE'S STANDARD (AUGUST).
Source.—Memorials of John Murray of Broughton, sometime Secretary to Prince Charles Edward, 1740-1747, p. 168. Edited by Robert Fitzroy Bell. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1898.)
The Chevalier was now preparing to come to the rendezvous at Glenphinan the 18 of Agust, and accordingly arrived there the 17th in the evening with only three companys of Clanronalds followers. The next day Locheil joined him with seven hundred and fifty men besides double officers, and M^cdonald of Keppoch arrived in the afternoon with his regiment consisting of about three hundred. In less than an hour after the whole were drawn up, and the Royal Standart display'd by the D. of A[thole] when the Chevalier made them a short but very pathetick speech. Importing that it would be no purpose to declaim upon the justice of his father's title to the throne to people who, had they not been convinced of it, would not have appeared in his behalf, but that he esteemed it as much his duty to endeavour to procure their welfare and happiness as they did to assert his right, that it was chiefly with that view that he had landed in a part of the Island where he knew he should find a number of brave gentlemen fired with the "noble example of their predecessors, and jealous of their own and their country's honour, to join with him in so glorious an enterprise, with whose assistance and the protection of a just God who never fails to avenge the cause of the injured, he did not doubt of bringing the affair to a happy issue...."
Everything now being prepared for the Chevalier's departure, upon the 21st he moved from the place of rendezvous to the head of Locheil, about nine miles from Fort William, and as the difficulty of finding horses and the badness of the roads in this country were equally unsurmountable, of twenty large swevel guns he made twelve be buried in a bog about a mile from the place where he first erected his standard. He had no sooner arrived at the above mentioned place than he received intelligence of G[eneral] C[ope] having moved north ward and at the same time had a copy of the proclamation sent which had been ishued by order of the Lords Justices, affixing thirty thousand pound upon his head....
Upon seeing it he was heard to say that tho it was true that a reward had been likewise set upon his father's head in the year 1715, that yet he imagined that in proportion as the world grew in politeness they had done so in humanity, that it were unjust to call the ancients rude and savage etc., when no example could be given of their taking so mean and unmanly a way to get rid of their enemy. That he should have been far from ever thinking of such a device to exterminate the E[lector]s family did his success depend upon it, but at the same time he could not in justice to him self get[85] by offering the same reward in his turn. Tho if he could allow himself to think that any of his friends could be so abandoned as to be guilty of so execrable a deed for the sum proposed, that he would alter the sum to thirty pound instead of thirty thousand, and then ordered a proclamation of the same nature to be drawn, which was signed and published two days after.
FOOTNOTES:
[85] = avoid.
C. THE CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH (SEPTEMBER).
Source.—The History of the Rebellion in the year 1745, p. 86, by John Home, Esq. (London: 1802.)
The night between the 15^th and 16^th of September passed without disturbance. Six or seven hundred men, consisting of the Trained Bands, the Edinburgh volunteers, and some volunteers who came in from the towns of Musselburgh and Dalkeith, were upon guard at the different gates of the city. On Monday the 16^th the rebels advanced slowly towards Edinburgh, giving time for the terror of their approach to operate upon the minds of unwarlike citizens, in a divided city. Between ten and eleven o'clock in the forenoon, a message was delivered from the young Pretender to the people of Edinburgh, acquainting them that if they would admit him peaceably into the city, they should be civilly dealt with, if not they must lay their account with military execution.
Instantly the clamour rose, and crowds of people ran about the streets crying out, that it was madness to think of resistance, since the dragoons were fled; and some of them meeting Provost Stuart, as he returned from the West Port (where he had gone to give orders after the retreat of the dragoons), followed him to the Parliament Square, beseeching him not to persist in defending the town, for if he did they should all be murdered. The Provost reprimanded them; and went to the Goldsmiths' Hall, where the Magistrates and Town Council were assembled, with a good many of the inhabitants. A deputation was sent to the Justice Clerk, the Advocate, and the Solicitor, to entreat that they would come and assist the Council with their advice. The deputies returned, and reported that all these gentlemen had left the town. Provost Stuart then sent for the captains of the volunteers, and the Trained Bands, and desired to have their opinion concerning the defence of the town. The officers said very little, and seemed to be at a loss what opinion to give; other people in the meeting made speeches for and against the defence of the town, not without reproach and abuse on both sides. The crowd encreased to such a degree, that it became necessary to adjourn to a larger place, and the meeting adjourned to the New Church Aisle, which was immediately filled with people, the most part of whom called to give up the town; that it was impossible to defend it. Those who attempted to speak against the general opinion, were borne down with noise and clamour....
About ten o'clock at night the deputies[86] returned, and brought a letter in answer to the message sent by them.
"His Royal Highness the Prince Regent thinks his Manifesto, and the King his father's declaration already published, a sufficient capitulation for all His Majesty's subjects to accept of with joy. His present demands are to be received into the city, as the son and representative of the King his father, and obeyed as such when there, His Royal Highness supposes, that since the receipt of his letter to the Provost, no arms or ammunition have been suffered to be carried off or concealed, and will expect a particular account of all things of that nature. Lastly, he expects a positive answer, before two o'clock in the morning, otherwise he will think himself obliged to take measures conform.
"At Gray's Mill, 16^th September, 1745. By his Highness's command.
"(Signed) J. Murray."
When this letter was read, Provost Stuart said, there was one condition in it, which he would die rather than submit to, which was receiving the son of the Pretender as Prince Regent; for he was bound by oath to another master. After long deliberation it was determined to send out deputies once more, to beg a suspension of hostilities till nine o'clock in the morning, that the Magistrates might have an opportunity of conversing with the citizens, most of whom were gone to bed. The deputies were also instructed to receive an explanation of what was meant by receiving Charles as Prince Regent.
About two o'clock in the morning the deputies set out in a hackney coach for Gray's Mill; when they arrived there they prevailed upon Lord George Murray to second their application for a delay; but Charles refused to grant it; and the deputies were ordered in his name to get them gone.
The coach brought them back to Edinburgh, set them down in the High-Street, and then drove towards the Canongate. When the Nether Bow port was opened to let out the coach, 800 Highlanders, led by Cameron of Locheil, rushed in and took possession of the city.
It was about five o'clock in the morning when the rebels entered Edinburgh. They immediately sent parties to all the other gates, and to the town guard, who making the soldiers upon duty prisoners, occupied their posts as quietly as one guard relieves another. When the inhabitants of Edinburgh awakened in the morning, they found that the Highlanders were masters of the city.
FOOTNOTES:
[86] Who had been sent to parley with the rebels.
D. PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD (SEPTEMBER).
Source.—The History of the Rebellion in the year 1745, p. 99, by John Home, Esq. (London: 1802.)
About ten o'clock[87] the main body of the rebels marching by Duddingston (to avoid being fired upon by the Castle) entered the King's Park, and halted in the hollow between the hills, under the peak called Arthur's seat. By and by Charles came down to the Duke's Walk, accompanied by the Highland Chiefs, and other commanders of his army.
The Park was full of people (amongst whom was the author of this history,) all of them impatient to see this extraordinary person. The figure and presence of Charles Stuart were not ill suited to his lofty pretensions. He was in the prime of youth, tall and handsome, of a fair complexion; he had a light coloured periwig with his own hair combed over the front: he wore the Highland dress, that is a tartan short coat without the plaid, a blue bonnet on his head, and on his breast the star of the order of St. Andrew. Charles stood some time in the park to show himself to the people; and then, though he was very near the palace, mounted his horse, either to render himself more conspicuous, or because he rode well, and looked graceful on horseback.
The Jacobites were charmed with his appearance: they compared him to Robert the Bruce, whom he resembled (they said) in his figure as in his fortune. The Whigs looked upon him with other eyes. They acknowledged that he was a goodly person; but they observed, that even in that triumphant hour, when he was about to enter the palace of his fathers, the air of his countenance was languid and melancholy: that he looked like a gentleman and man of fashion, but not like a hero or conqueror. Hence they formed their conclusions that the enterprize was above the pitch of his mind; and that his heart was not great enough for the sphere in which he moved. When Charles came to the palace, he dismounted, and walked along the piazza, towards the apartment of the Duke of Hamilton. When he was near the door, which stood open to receive him, a gentleman stepped out of the crowd, drew his sword, and raising his arm aloft, walked up stairs before Charles. The person who enlisted himself in this manner, was James Hepburn of Keith, whose name will be mentioned again more than once....
The Highlanders, when they entered the town in the morning, had secured the Heralds and Pursuivants: at midday they surrounded the Cross with a body of armed men, and obliged the Heralds to proclaim King James, to read the Commission of Regency, and the Declaration, dated at Rome, in December 1743, with a Manifesto in the name of Charles Prince Regent, dated at Paris, 16th of May, 1745. An immense multitude witnessed this ceremony, which was performed at noon. The populace of a great city, who huzza for any thing that brings them together, huzzaed; and a number of ladies in the windows strained their voices with acclamation, and their arms with waving white handkerchiefs in honour of the day. These demonstrations of joy, amongst people of condition, were chiefly confined to one sex; few gentlemen were to be seen on the streets, or in the windows; and even amongst the inferior people, many shewed their dislike by a stubborn silence.
FOOTNOTES:
[87] On September 17.
E. THE BATTLE OF PRESTONPANS (SEPTEMBER).
Source.—Memorials of John Murray of Broughton, sometime Secretary to Prince Charles Edward, 1740-1747, p. 198. Edited by Robert Fitzroy Bell. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1898.)
On thursday the 19th, in the evening, the Chevalier had certain intelligence that G^ll Cope had marched that morning from Dunbar, and was to encamp that night at Haddingtown, upon which he immediately gave orders for the guards of the City to retire early next morning, and he went himself that night to Duddingston....
In obedience to the orders given on the morning of the twentieth the guards retired from the City and joined the army at Duddingston, and brought alongst with them some surgeons, with whom the army was then very ill provided, and some coaches and chaises were likewise ordered for the conveniency of the wounded, so certain was the prospect of a battle, and even a successful one. Thus all things being prepared about nine in the morning, after receiving an exact account of the number of the enemy taken at Haddington, the Chevalier put himself at the head of his small army, drawing his sword, said with a very determined countenance, Gentlemen, I have flung away the scabbard, with God's assistance I don't doubt of making you a free and happy people, Mr. Cope shall not escape us as he did in the Highlands, and then began his march, ordering the few horse, he then had, not above fifty in number, to advance at some small distance in front, and to detach a few to discover the enemy's march. In this manner, with the Camerons in front, he marched in good order, crossing Musselburgh bridge by Pinky park wall. By this time the party of horse sent intelligence that G^ll Cope was nigh to Tranent, from which the Chevalier conjectured that he would engage him on the muir to the west ward of that village, and therefore quickened his march to prevent his gaining the brow of Carberry hill before him, but before he had near reached the top of the hill he was told that Sir John had marched to the left, and posted himself in a low ground betwixt Preston and Seaton. This naturally led him to imagine that he intended to avoid coming to action; and made him determine, if possible, to attack him the same day. With this view he advanced to the hill and drew up his army opposite to G^ll Cope, who was formed in the low ground before mentioned in two lines, with the two regiments of Dragoons on his wings. So soon as the Chevalier had taken a view of the enemy he judged it impossible to attack them in the post they was then in, having a deep ditch in their front which runs along the high road, where he must have sustained great loss before he could pass it; but being determined that at no rate the enemy should give him the slip a second time, he ordered a detachment to take possession of the Church yard which commanded their camp on the left, and as that seemed the only side where it was possible to come at them, he enquired if there was none in the army acquainted with the country to know if the ground would allow him to attack them on the left. There happened to be a gentleman in the army of that county, who told him that there was only one pass on the left whereby not guarded he could come to them, upon which he ordered it to be reconnoitred, and finding it neglected he ordered a detachment of 500 men to be posted upon the high road to the west of Preston to prevent the enemys retiring by that road to Edinburgh, and recalling the detachment from the Church yard he marched his army eastward by the town of Tranent, and drew up in one line opposite to the flank of the enemy, who upon that motion made a half wheel to face him, expecting, as it was imagined, that he then designed to attack them, and which L. G. M—y[88] proposed, as the Highlanders were then full of spirits, and above all things desirous to engage; but the night being then far advanced, the Chevalier thought it better to delay coming to an engagement till next morning, not knowing what might be the consequence of a rencounter in the night should the enemy, if beat, rally and come upon him while in confusion and not able to get his people together, knowing how difficult it was to keep irregular troops together in a body after an action, so resolved to delay it till early next morning, and ordered his army to halt upon the ground about three or four hundred yards from the enemy, and to continue under arms to be ready to march upon a minutes warning.
They accordingly lay close in order of battle the whole night without the least whisper or noise to be heard, while G^ll Cope made some fires in his camp and threw a few shells, which did no hurt. Having continued in this position for some time, he was informed that the detachment of five hundred Atholl men which he had posted upon the west side of the village of Preston had rejoined the army; this made him very uneasy least the enemy had filed off during the night by that road and had taken possession of the City of Edin^r, to prevent which and to intercept the runaways had enduced him to make that disposition. He at first seemed resolved to make them return, but when he reflected that their march, if discovered by the enemy, might induce them to believe it was the whole army, and occasion them to alter their disposition or occasion any confusion or distrust amongst his own people, he judged it safer and better to put up with the disappointment and continue the rest of his plan, tho he could not help complaining that his orders had been neglected in so material a point.
Notwithstanding this faux pas, he kept in very high spirits the rest of the night, laying on the ground without any covering but his plaid, and in the morning, about an hour before daylight, made his army, guided by the gentleman above mentioned, march from the left in three columns, making the left of the first line the right of the army for the attack, which motion, tho perhaps irregular, was yet necessary, and executed with so much order and silence that the small body of horse posted in the rear knew nothing of their march; the officer on duty, either through forgetfulness or that he thought they could be of no service, neglected to give them orders to march. In this order he marched to the enemy, passing a deep bog with out the least observation. The right, composed of the M^cdon^ds of Glengarry and Clanronald, was commanded by the D. of P.,[89] and the left, commanded by L.G.M.,[90] which had made the right the preceding day, consisted of the Camerons and Steuarts of Appin. The third column, which was made up of the Atholl men, was commanded by My L[ord] N[airn]. So soon as the two first columns had passed the bog, they formed and marched straight to the enemy, who by this time had formed and presented themselves in the same order of battle they had appeared the day before. By this time the third column had likewise passed and formed themselves about four score yards in the rear of the first line; rather too near, if the ground would have allowed of a more regular disposition. The left, when pretty near the enemy, finding themselves outwinged, made a motion to front the artillery, which occasioned a gap in the centre, but marching up briskly, they received one fire of the cannon, which did little hurt, and then receiving a fire from the foot, they gave a loud huzza, returning the fire, upon which Gairdner's dragoons run off, and the Highlanders, throwing away their muskets, attacked the foot with incredible impetuosity, who immediately gave ground. Upon the left of the enemy the resistance, if such behaviour merits the name, was much less, for before the D. of P. was within three score yards of them, Hamilton's dragoons began to reel and run off before they could receive his fire; the foot likewise fired too soon, and almost all turned their backs before the Highlanders could engage them with their swords. In a few minutes the rout was total; the dragoons on the right run off by the high road through the town of Preston, and those on the left by the shore towards the east; the few of the foot that saved themselves escaped by Preston Park, the wall of which had been broke down the day before by G^ll Cope's orders. All the baggage of the army was placed in a yard upon the left of their army, guarded by two companies of L. Lowdon's regiment, where so soon as the action was over, Cap^t Bazil Cochran of Coll. Lees[91] was sent by L.G.M. to tell them that if they would immediately surrender as prisoners of war they should be used as such, if not, they would be immediately attacked and no quarter given, upon which they readily gave up their arms.
FOOTNOTES:
[88] Lord George Murray.
[89] Duke of Perth.
[90] Lord George Murray.
[91] Lee's Regiment, the 44th, now the Essex Regiment.
F. "JOHNNIE COPE."[92]
Source.—The Jacobite Songs and Ballads of Scotland from 1688 to 1746, p. 181. Edited by Charles Mackay, LL.D. [London and Glasgow: 1861.]
SIR JOHN COPE trode the north right far, Yet ne'er a rebel he cam naur, Until he landed at Dunbar, Right early in the morning. Hey, Johnnie Cope, are ye wauking yet? Or are ye sleeping, I would wit? O haste ye, get up, for the drums do beat: O fye, Cope, rise in the morning!
He wrote a challenge from Dunbar, "Come fight me, Charlie, an ye daur; If it be not by the chance of war, I'll give you a merry morning." Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
When Charlie look'd the letter upon, He drew his sword the scabbard from, "So heaven restore me to my own, I'll meet you, Cope, in the morning." Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
Cope swore with many a bloody word, That he would fight them gun and sword; But he fled frae his nest like a weel-scar'd bird, And Johnnie he took wing in the morning. Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
It was upon an afternoon, Sir John march'd into Preston town, He says, "My lads, come lean you down, And we'll fight the boys in the morning." Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
But when he saw the Highland lads Wi' tartan trews and white cockades, Wi' swords and guns, and rungs[93] and gauds,[94] O Johnnie took wing in the morning. Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
On the morrow when he did rise, He look'd between him and the skies; He saw them wi' their naked thighs, Which fear'd him in the morning. Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
O then he fled into Dunbar, Crying for a man of war; He thought to have pass'd for a rustic tar, And gotten awa in the morning. Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
Sir John then into Berwick rade, Just as the deil had been his guide; Gi'en him the world, he wadna staid T' have foughten the boys in the morning. Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
Said the Berwickers unto Sir John, "O what's become of all your men?" "In faith," says he, "I dinna ken; I left them a' this morning." Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
Says Lord Mark Kerr, "Ye are na blate,[95] To bring us the news o your ain[96] defeat, I think you deserve the back o' the gate; Get out o' my sight this morning." Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.
FOOTNOTES:
[92] Written after the Battle of Prestonpans.
[93] Cudgels.
[94] Rods.
[95] Bashful.
[96] Own.
G. INVASION OF ENGLAND (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).
Source.—Memorial: Lochgary to Glengary, printed as a postscript to W. B. Blaikie's Itinerary of Prince Charles Edward Stuart from his Landing in Scotland, July, 1745, to his Departure in September, 1746, p. 116. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1897.)
About the beginning of Nov^r the Prince called a council o' war, wherein H.R.H. determined to march into England with the forces he then had, and not to wait those who were coming up, but ordered them to follow.
We marched on without halt till we came to Brampton, near Carlile, where the Prince rested with part o' the army, and order'd the siege of Carlile, which surrender'd after four days' siege. The next day after the surrender, the Prince enter'd the town with his whole army, where H.R.H. remain'd some days. From thence he march'd straight with his whole army till he arrived at Darby, where he rested two days; and H.R.H. called a council o' war, and finding most of the private people of the army's opinion to be rather to retreat than goe forward (tho' at the same time H.R.H.'s opinion and inclination was to goe forward), he agreed to a retreat. Consequently, we began our retreat next day.[97] Lord George Murray, who always had the rear, chose our regiment for the rearguard, tho' it was not our turn. When we came to Kendal, we had accounts of the enemy's being close in our rear; and our regiment's having the rearguard, and likewise the charge of the artillery. The Prince marched on with the army till they arrived at Penrith, and the weather very terrible, the rear could not reach Chap[98] that night, which is halfway twixt Penrith and Kendal. Lord George took up our quarters in a little villiage, where we rested that night on our arms, without thro'ing a stitch of cloaths,[99] as we were sure the enemy was very near us. Next day we marched by daylight, and for want of proper horses the artillery was very fashious,[100] and a last load with cannon shot happening to break on the road, upon Lord George's giving a hearty dram to the men, they carried, some one, some two, some three of the shot, with all their arms and acuterments. All this day some of the enemy's horse were in our rear, but made no attack. This night we came to Chap, and after placing our guards and sentinelles, Lord George, the other gentlemen, and I, took up our quarters about 8 o'clock at night.... By the break o' day Lord George order'd to beat to arms, and order'd the artillery on before. We marched on, expecting every minut the enemy wou'd be up with us, having none with us but your regiment and about one hundred and twenty of Roy Stuart's regiment. About halfway to Penrith, we saw at some distance, to the number of about 5 or 600 horse, whom we took to be part of our own army; but upon coming near us they made a form to attack us. These were militia sent to intercept our march; but by a detachment we sent to attack them giving them a smart fire, which kill'd two or three of them, they were routed, and fled, so we march'd on untill we came to Clifton, within two short miles of Penrith, where the Prince and his army lay. Here Lord George got account that some of the enemy were come to the house of Lowtherhall, about a mile's distance on our left. He desired me to ask the men (as he knew they were fatigued) if they were willing to attack that house. They answer'd me that they were most willing. Upon which we marched and surrounded the house, and only found in it one officer, with a footman of the Duke of Cumberland's, whom he had sent before to take up quarters for him. Upon our return to Clifton, we perceived the enemy to the number of about 3000 horse, advanced by this time within 1/4 of a mile of Clifton. Cluny and his M^cPhersons, to about the number of three hundred men, happened to be at this village. Lord George ordered them on one post on the side of the road, and our regiment on another on the other side. It was then about nightset, when the enemy, being all horse, dismounted—I can't condescend on their number, being then dark—and attack'd the M^cPhersons, who received them, and after a close fire for some time on both sides, the enemy were repulsed. Upon this they sent a stronger body to attack us both, which came directly up to us, and it being then quite dark, they coming very close to us, we only heard the noise of their boots, and could plainly discern their yellow belts. We first received their full fire, which did us little damage. We immediately gave them ours, and then attacked them sword in hand, and oblidged them to retreat with a considerable loss.
Lord George then marched with us and the M^cPhersons into the town, where we found the whole army ready to march for Carlisle, so that we had neither time to refresh ourselves, or men. So you may judge our condition, having marched t[w]o days without resting from Kendal to Penrith, which is long 20 miles, and, without halt, 16 more on to Carlisle, all without any sleep and very little provision; yet we brot all the artillery safe, and lost very few men at the attack at Clifton. I received a small wound there myself in the knee, and no other gentleman touched. We stay'd two days at Carlisle. The third day in the morning by break o' day we marched, expecting surely to meet Cumberland that day to give him battle; but perceiving no enemy, march'd forward, and that night crossed the Esk. H.R.H. continued on his march without any remarkable occurencies till he arrived safe with his army at Glasgow.
FOOTNOTES:
[97] December 6, "Black Friday."
[98] Shap.
[99] I.e., without undressing.
[100] Troublesome.
H. THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK (JANUARY, 1746).
Source.—The Lockhart Papers: containing ... also Journals and Memoirs of the Young Pretender's Expedition in 1745, by Highland Officers in his Army, vol. ii., p. 499. (London: 1817.)
On the sixth of January we marched from Glasgow to Cumbernauld and from thence to Falkirk. Next day orders were sent to the army at Perth to join us and with the artillery to invest Stirling Castle. After staying about a week, four of our six Highland regiments which were in England were ordered to march to Linlithgow under night, both to levy the publick money and carry off the provisions which had been ordered to be provided for the English army now convened about Edinburgh under the command of General Hawley who was advancing towards us.... The Duke of Perth commanded the siege of Stirling Castle, the Prince's headquarters being at Bannockburn near Falkirk....
General Hawley (who had been joined by the Argyleshire Highlanders to the number of about twelve hundred under General Campbell) with the Government's troops encamped a little northwest from the toun of Falkirk. The P. finding General Hawley did not move from his camp at Falkirk to attack him, held a council of war, January the seventeenth, about midday, wherein it was resolved to march and attack Hawley. Accordingly we set out in two columns, and under the cover of the Tor wood passed the water of Carron at Dunipace; moving on very quickly to gain the hill above and lying on the south west of Falkirk our two columns kept at an equal distance of about two hundred paces till we came in sight of the enemy about a mile and a half distant from us. At the same time that we began our march Lord John Drummond with most of the horse had gone to reconnoitre the enemy, and made a movement as if he intended to march by the high way through the Tor wood close up to them, and this might occasion what some accounts tell us of General Hawley's perceiving a body of the Highlanders in the Tor wood, took this appearance to be our whole army, and finding they did not advance, allowed his troops to dine in their camp.
But to return to our main body; whilst we were making up towards the hill above Falkirk (as was said) the enemy at last perceived us and immediately their three regiments of dragoons were ordered up to gain the ground upon us and hinder our forming till their foot should form and their cannon be brought up the hill to support them. The P. seeing the intention of the enemy, ordered 1500 or 2000 of his Highlanders, led on by Lord George Murray and Lochiel, to advance and drive the dragoons from the eminence they had possessed, till the main body of our men should come up, and to form the right of our army. This attack upon the dragoons was very quick and regular; as we came within pistolshot the dragoons made up to us at a full trot, thinking to bear us down by their weight, and break us at once, and indeed being well mounted and accoutred they made a glorious show, sufficient to have struck other hearts than ours with a pannick. We received them, however, with a very smart fire, upon which they reeled and broke into several divisions, some falling back upon their own foot on the left, others flying out of the field, whilst one body of them fled off to the right betwixt the front lines of both armies, which by this time were formed.... As the enemy's dragoons rode off to their right betwixt the lines, our men ran eagerly in pursuit of them, but were much surprised to find themselves stopped by our generals and officers, who with difficulty restrained them with their drawn swords and cocked pistols, conjuring them to return to their ground or they would be undone. As the dragoons in their flight betwixt the lines passed by our left wing they could not forbear giving them part of their fire likewise. Our left had not been fully formed when the attack begun on the right; a considerable body of the enemy's horse came up also to attack them, but receiving part of the fire of our left they broke and run off; their infantry coming in upon that side were opposed by some of our battalions, who receiving the enemy's fire went in amongst them sword in hand and drove them down the hill with great impetuosity and slaughter, but not being in sight of our right (by reason of the unevenness of the ground) they made a halt till such time as the two wings should join in the centre and the second line come up. His R. H., whose attention was turned to all quarters observing that our left wing was outlined by the enemy, sent Brigadier Stapleton with the pickets of the Irish Brigade and some other battalions from the second line, which extended our first line and recovered the disorder we were like to be put into. Then our whole army marched down towards the enemy, who were retreating on all sides in great disorder, but by reason of the unevenness of the ground and night coming on with a storm of wind and rain they could not overtake them, as they were positively ordered to keep their ranks. The enemy, finding they could neither possess nor save their camp, set fire to their tents and retreated with great precipitation towards Linlithgow, and were just got to the east end of the toun of Falkirk when Lord John Drummond entered it on that side, Lord George Murray in the middle, and Lochiel in the west end of the toun. We took most of their cannon, ammunition, and baggage which they had not themselves destroyed. We reckoned about seven hundred of the enemy taken prisoners and about six hundred men and between thirty or forty officers killed. We had not above forty men killed on our side, amongst whom were two or three captains and some subaltern officers.
I. RETREAT TO THE NORTH (FEBRUARY TO APRIL, 1746).
Source.—The Lyon in Mourning: or, a Collection of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the Affairs of Prince Charles Edward Stuart, vol. i., p. 83, by the Rev. Robert Forbes, A.M., Bishop of Ross and Caithness, 1746-1775. Edited from his manuscript, with a preface by Henry Paton, M.A. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1895.)
Journal by MR. JOHN CAMERON, Presbyterian Preacher and Chaplain at Fort-William.
The retreat from Stirling was made with the utmost hurry and confusion. The evening before, Mr. O'Sullivan wrote from Bannockburn to Lord John Drummond ordering him to leave Stirling and cross the Forth by break of day, which order his lordship obeyed, and by 5 in the morning marched. This surprized the Highlanders, to whose officers it appears these orders were not communicate, and made them believe the enemy was near them, which occasioned such an universal consternation that they went from Stirling as everyone was ready, and left most of their baggage, all the cloaths they brought from Glasgow, and some of their arms.
Lochiel, who had been wounded at Falkirk, not being able to ride or walk, went in a chaise with Mrs. Murray, and was driving through St. Ninian's when the church blew up. Some of the stones came very near them. The horses startled and threw Mrs. Murray on the street, where she lay speechless till she was taken up by some of the men. Had there been any intention to blow up the church, doubtless Lochiel, one of their principal officers, and the Secretary's lady had been apprized of it and put on their guard to avoid danger.
When the Prince join'd the body of the army a Council of War was held, in which it was debated whether the army should march in a body to Inverness by Aberdeen or take the Highland road, by which the chiefs could, with the greater ease, get such of their men to rejoin them as had gone home with plunder after the battle of Falkirk, which would considerably increase their army. The low-country men were of the former opinion, the Highlanders of the latter. It was put to the vote, and the latter carried it by a great majority. However, the Prince was positive for the Aberdeen road, with which Lochiel complied. But Cluny, going out, met Mr. Murray, and told him it was surprizing the Prince should be so positive in a thing contrary to reason and his own instinct, especially when a great majority of the Council of War were of another opinion. His expressing himself with a little warmth made Mr. Murray speak to Sir Thomas Sheridan, who went to the Prince and prevailed upon him to agree with what had been the opinion of the Council of War. He marched with the Highlanders the Highland road by Ruthven in Badenoch, to Inverness, where it was resolved to attack Fort Augustus and Fort William. Of either I can give no distinct account, but that the first was taken, and the siege of the other deserted.
Earl Cromertie and others were sent to different countries to cover the rising of some and prevent that of others. This weakened the army, and tho' many joined the day before the battle of Culloden, a great number did not. Earl of Cromertie, tho' many expresses were sent to order his returning to Inverness, in place of doing as commanded, was surprized and taken prisoner; and these that did join were much fatigued. None had got pay after they left Tay bridge in their march north, and they were straightened in provisions for some days before the battle. Cumberland's army was not opposed in passing the Spey, tho' a considerable force had been sent there for that end.[101] The Prince was in danger of being taken at MacIntosh's house, and his safety was chiefly owing to a mistake of Earl of Loudon's men.
FOOTNOTES:
[101] This is incorrect.
J. THE EVE OF CULLODEN (APRIL, 1746).
Source.—Memoirs of Sir Robert Strange, Knight, and of his Brother-in-Law, Andrew Lumisden, Private Secretary to the Stuart Princes, vol. i., p. 54, by James Dennistoun, of Dennistoun. (London: 1855.)
Such was the position of my undertaking[102] when, all of a sudden, news was brought to Inverness that the Duke of Cumberland, with his army, had passed the Spey on the 13th of April. The town was in a general alarm, and even in confusion. Nothing was heard but the noise of bagpipes, the beating of drums, and the clash of arms. The field of Culloden was the following day to be the general rendezvous, and every individual betook himself to his corps.
The army was now mustering upon the field, it being the 14th; but unfortunately we had not been joined by a considerable number of our men, who were actually upon their march from different parts of the country, and would have been up in the course of a few days. The whole of the Macphersons, a considerable body of the Frasers, some few of the Macintoshes, in general all the Mackenzies, and several other bodies of men who had been raised in the more northern counties, had all received repeated expresses, and were hastening to join the army. In this situation, divested as it were of part of our numbers, we hourly expected the Duke. He had come on to Nairn on the 14th, and was there halting. There was even no appearance of his moving, the 15th being his birthday. In the afternoon of that day, the Prince had summoned a council of war to be held upon the field, and had proposed a plan of a march under cloud of night, to attack the Duke's army by surprise, and to force his camp. This plan was worthy even of any of the greatest heroes of antiquity, and met with general approbation, particularly amongst the clans. The council remained long in deliberating in what manner it was to be conducted. Two essential things, secrecy and expedition, were the great objects to be observed. There was only one road to Nairn, which was the high road; and this being covered in many places with villages, it was essential to avoid it, to prevent any information being carried to the Duke's army. The next alternative, and indeed the only one, was to attempt a way along the foot of a ridge of mountains which fronted the sea, but had scarcely ever been trod by human foot, and was known by the name of the Moor-road. It would have brought us in upon that part of the enemy's camp from which they could apprehend no danger. It lengthened indeed the road, which, in the sequel, and from the shortness of the night, proved our misfortune.
Before the council broke up, every regiment as it were had his place assigned him in the order of the march. The van was commanded by Lord George Murray, who, with about one-third of the army, was to have passed the water of Nairn about two miles distant from the town, and who, unexpected by the enemy, was to have invested the Duke's quarters, and to have made him prisoner. The remaining two-thirds, commanded by the Duke of Perth and Lord John Drummond, were to have attacked them from the plain, which, in all probability, would have been carried sword in hand. It is to be remarked that the same army had been already surprised at Falkirk.
Night coming on—and not sooner could the army begin its march, to prevent the country people from being alarmed, or any intelligence being carried to the enemy,—part of our numbers, weak as we were, was under a necessity of being left on the field, in order to save appearances, and light up fires, as had been done the preceding evening, and to prevent stragglers, if any there were, forming unnecessary conjectures. The night was favourable to our wishes, but alas! such a road was never travelled; the men in general were frequently up to the ankles, and the horses in many places extricated themselves with difficulty. In this manner were we retarded almost the whole of the night; notwithstanding of which, an uncommon spirit supported itself throughout the army.
It was now the 16th of April, when day began to break about four in the morning. It was indeed a dreadful knell to us, being as yet above four long miles from Nairn; nor did we know what sort of road we had yet to encounter. Appearances became serious, each was whispering to his neighbour, and, so far as countenances could be descried, disappointment was evidently marked. During this critical moment of suspense, what was to be done? A halt took place; a council was called as soon as the general officers could be got together. The morning was fine, and the day was ushering in apace; it required but little time to deliberate, and finding it impossible to attack the Duke by surprise, it was judged expedient, for the safety of the army, to give up the enterprise, and return to the field of Culloden. Thus were our hopes disappointed. We saw, as it were before us, the glorious prize; but we durst not encounter it, for there is almost a moral certainty that we should have been cut off to a man. The enemy was early in motion, must have seen us at a considerable distance, and received us upon the points of their bayonets.
FOOTNOTES:
[102] Strange, an expert engraver, was printing Jacobite bank-notes.
K. THE BATTLE.
Source.—Idem., p. 60.
Let us for an instant review the situation of this army.[103] They had, for many weeks before the battle, been reduced to a short allowance of bread; when I say bread, I mean oatmeal, for they had no other. Must not this have enfeebled their bodies? Their treasury-chest had been nearly exhausted: they had received but little money: of course considerable arrears were owing them. They had passed the 14th and following night under arms upon the field of battle, every instant expecting the Duke. Upon the night of the 15th, which was the eve of the battle, they had performed the march I have described. Judge, then, what was to be expected from such an army, worn out with fatigue, and at this moment short of the common necessaries of life, and outnumbered upwards of two to one by their enemies; for the Duke's army consisted of at least eleven thousand men; that of the Prince did not exceed six, of which we shall find at least a thousand during the action were asleep in Culloden parks. What, then, can justify the deliberate folly and madness of fighting under such circumstances? But our time was come. We were at variance within ourselves: Irish intriguers and French politics were too predominant in our councils. These gentlemen, forsooth, considered themselves as to be but prisoners of war, whilst every other individual were fighting with halters round their necks. General appearances upon the field of battle were much against us. No line was as yet formed; the men were standing in clusters; and stragglers in small numbers were coming up from all quarters. Overpowered with fatigue, they had stopped everywhere on the road, and were now joining the army.
It being determined to give battle to the Duke, no time was now lost in forming the lines, and in making every proper disposition. The right of the army, commanded by Lord George Murray, was composed of his own regiment of Athol, the Camerons, Stuarts of Appin, one battalion of the Frasers, and the Macintoshes. The left wing, commanded by the Duke of Perth, consisted of the MacDonalds of Glengarry, Keppoch, and Clanronald, two companies of MacLeans, two of MacLeods, and the Farquharsons. The second line, commanded by Lord John Drummond and Major-general Stapleton, consisted of the Irish pickets, the regiments of Lord Ogilvy, Lord Lewis Gordon, Duke of Perth, and Lord John Drummond. On the right wing, behind the second line, was a troop of Fitz-James' horse, and on the left part of the horse-guards, Perthshire squadron, and hussars. The regiment of Kilmarnock's foot-guards, and Colonel John Roy Stuart, with such of the men as had no guns, formed a sort of reserve. The Prince, attended by his aides-de-camp, and Lord Elcho's guards, placed himself towards the centre, behind the first line. We had six pieces of cannon; two placed on the right, two on the left, and two in the centre of the front line.
The Duke of Cumberland drew up his army in three lines. The first, commanded by Lieutenant-general the Earl of Albemarle, consisted of the regiments of Burrel, Monro, Scot's Fusiliers, Price, Cholmondley and St. Clair. The second, commanded by Major-general Huske, consisted of the regiments of Wolfe, Ligonier, Sempill, Bligh, and Fleming. The third line, commanded by Brigadier Mordaunt, consisted of the regiments of Blackney, Battereau, Pultney, and Howard. On the right wing were placed Cobham's dragoons, and the half of Kingston's horse; and on the left Ker's dragoons, and the other half of Kingston's horse, with the Campbells of Argyle. Ten pieces of cannon were placed in the first line, two between each regiment, and six pieces in the second line.
The enemy formed at a considerable distance, and marched on in order of battle, outlining us both on the right and on the left. About one o'clock the cannonading began; and the Duke's artillery, being well served, could not fail of doing execution. One of the Prince's grooms, who led a sumpter horse, was killed upon the spot; some of the guards were wounded, as were several of the horse. One Austin, a very worthy, pleasant fellow, stood on my left; he rode a fine mare, which he was accustomed to call his lady. He perceived her give a sudden shrink, and, on looking around him, called out, "Alas! I have lost my lady!" One of her hind legs was shot, and hanging by the skin. He that instant dismounted, and, endeavouring to push her out of the ranks, she came to the ground. He took his gun and pistols out of the holsters, stepped forward, joined the foot, but was never more heard of. The Prince, observing this disagreeable position, and without answering any end whatever, ordered us down to a covered way, which was a little towards our right, and where we were less annoyed with the Duke's cannon; he himself, with his aides-de-camp, rode along the line towards the right, animating the soldiers. The guards had scarce been a minute or two in this position, when the small arms began from the Duke's army, and kept up a constant fire; that instant, as it were, one of the aides-de-camp returned, and desired us to join the Prince. We met him in endeavouring to rally the soldiers, who, annoyed with the enemy's fire, were beginning to quit the field. The right of our army, commanded by Lord George Murray, had made a furious attack, cut their way through Burrel's and Monro's regiments, and had taken possession of two pieces of cannon; but a reinforcement of Wolfe's[104] regiment, etc., coming up from the Duke's second line, our right wing was obliged to give way, being at the same time flanked with some pieces of artillery, which did great execution. Towards the left the attack had been less vigorous than on the right, and of course had made but little impression on the Duke's army; nor was it indeed general, for the centre, which had been much galled by the enemy's artillery, almost instantly quitted the field.
The scene of confusion was now great; nor can the imagination figure it. The men in general were betaking themselves precipitately to flight; nor was there any possibility of their being rallied. Horror and dismay was painted in every countenance. It now became time to provide for the Prince's safety: his person had been abundantly exposed. He was got off the field, and very narrowly escaped falling in with a body of horse, which had been detached from the Duke's left, were advancing with an incredible rapidity, picking up the stragglers, and, as they gave no quarter, were levelling them with the ground. The greater numbers of the army were already out of danger, the flight having been so precipitate. We got upon a rising ground, where we turned round and made a general halt. The scene was, indeed, tremendous. Never was so total a rout—a more thorough discomfiture of an army. The adjacent country was in a manner covered with its ruins. The whole was over in about twenty-five minutes. The Duke's artillery kept still playing, though not a soul upon the field. His army was kept together, all but the horse. The great pursuit was upon the road towards Inverness. Of towards six thousand men, which the Prince's army at this period consisted of, about one thousand were asleep in Culloden parks, who knew nothing of the action till awaked by the noise of the cannon. These in general endeavoured to save themselves by taking the road towards Inverness; and most of them fell a sacrifice to the victors, for this road was in general strewed with dead bodies. The Prince at this moment had his cheeks bedewed with tears; what must not his feeling heart have suffered?
FOOTNOTES:
[103] The Jacobite one.
[104] The hero of Quebec.
L. THE PRINCE A FUGITIVE (APRIL-MAY 1746).
Source.—The Lyon in Mourning: or, a Collection of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the Affairs of Prince Charles Edward Stuart, vol. i., p. 367, by the Rev. Robert Forbes, A.M., Bishop of Ross and Caithness, 1746-1775. Edited from his manuscript, with a preface by Henry Paton, M.A. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1895.)
Copy of CAPTAIN O'NEILLE'S Journal, taken from an attested copy by his name subscribed with his own hand.
That night[105] the Prince retir'd six miles from the field of battle and went next day as far, and in three days more arrived at Fort Augustus, where he remained a whole day in expectation his troops would have join'd him. But seeing no appearance of it, he went to the house of Invergary and ordered me to remain there to direct such as pass'd that way the road he took. I remained there two days and announc'd the Prince's orders to such as I met, but to no effect, every one taking his own road.
I then followed the Prince, who was so far from making a precipitate retreat [as has been maliciously reported] that he retired by six and six miles and arrived the 28th of April O.S. at Knoidart, where I join'd him next day and gave him an account of the little or no appearance there was of assembling his troops, upon which he wrote circular letters to all the chieftains, enjoining them, by the obedience they owed him, to join him immediately with such of their clans as they could gather; at the same time representing to them the imminent danger they were in if they neglected it. After remaining some days there in hopes his orders would have been obeyed, and seeing not one person repair to him, the extreme danger his person was in, being within seven miles of Lord Loudon, Sir Alexander MacDonald and the MacLeods, it was proposed to evade it by retreating to one of the islands near the continent. After repeated instances of the like nature he reluctantly assented, leaving Mr. John Hay behind to transmit him the answers of his letters, with an account of what should pass, and parted for the Isles in an open fishing boat at eight at night, attended by Colonel O'Sullivan and me only. About an hour after we parted a violent hurricane arose, which drove us ninety miles[106] from our designed port; and next day running for shelter into the Island of North Uist,[107] we struck upon a rock and staved to pieces, and with great difficulty saved our lives. At our landing we were in the most melancholy situation, knowing nobody and wanting the common necessaries of life. After much search we found a little hut uninhabited, and took shelter there, and with a great deal of pains made a fire to dry our cloaths. Here the Prince remained two days, having no other provisions but a few biskets we had saved out of the boat, which were entirely spoiled with the salt water.
As this island belonged to Sir Alexander MacDonald, and not judging ourselves safe, we determined going elsewhere, and by the greatest good fortune, one of our boatmen discovered a boat stranded on the coast, and having with great difficulty launched it into the water, we embarked for the Harris. In our passage we unfortunately met with another storm which obliged us to put into an island near Stornoway.... And meeting with three ships of war we were constrained to put into a desert island where we remained eight days in the greatest misery, having no sustenance but some dried fish that Providence threw in our way in this island. When the ships disappeared we put to sea again, and next morning met with another ship of war just coming out of one of the lochs, who pursued us for near an hour; but the wind rising we made our escape. In the afternoon we arrived at the Island of Benbecula.... Here we remained some days longer, till the Duke of Cumberland having intelligence that the Prince was concealed in the Long Isle, ordered the militia of the Isle of Sky and the Independent Companies to go in search of him. As soon as we had notice of their landing we retreated to an island about twelve miles distance, called Ouya, where we remained till we found they had followed us, and then we went for Loch Boisdale, and stayed there eight days, when Captain Carolina Scott landed within a mile of us, which obliged us to separate, the Prince taking me to the mountains, and O'Sullivan remaining with the boatmen.
FOOTNOTES:
[105] April 16.
[106] A vast exaggeration.
[107] Should be Benbecula.
M. FLORA MACDONALD (JUNE, 1746).
Source.—The Lyon in Mourning: or, a Collection of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the Affairs of Prince Charles Edward Stuart, vol. i., p, 296, by the Rev. Robert Forbes, A.M., Bishop of Ross and Caithness, 1746-1775. Edited from his manuscript, with a preface by Henry Paton, M.A. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1895.)
Journal taken from the mouth of MISS FLORA MACDONALD by DR. BURTON of York, when in Edinburgh.
Miss MacDonald had gone from Sky to Milton in South Uist in order to visit her brother-german, who had about that time taken up house. She had not been long there till Captain O'Neil (by some lucky accident or other) had become acquainted with her. When the Prince was surrounded with difficulties on all hands, and knew not well what to do for his future safety, Captain O'Neil brought Miss MacDonald to the place where the Prince was, and there they concerted the plan. At that time Miss returned to Milton. After Miss MacDonald had (with some difficulty) agreed to undertake the dangerous enterprize, she set out for Clanranald's house, Saturday, June 21st, and at one of the fords was taken prisoner by a party of militia, she not having a passport. She demanded to whom they belonged? And finding by the answer that her step-father was then commander, she refused to give any answers till she should see their captain. So she and her servant, Neil MacKechan, were prisoners all that night.
Her stepfather, coming next day, being Sunday, she told him what she was about, upon which he granted a passport for herself, a manservant (Neil MacKechan), and another woman, Bettie Burk, a good spinster, and whom he recommended as such in a letter to his wife at Armadale in Sky, as she had much lint to spin. If her stepfather (Hugh MacDonald of Armadale) had not granted Miss a passport, she could not have undertaken her journey and voyage. Armadale set his stepdaughter at liberty, who immediately made the best of her way to Clanranald's house and acquainted the Lady Clanranald with the scheme, who supplied the Prince with apparel sufficient for his disguise, viz. a flower'd linen gown, a white apron, etc., and sent some provisions along with him.
During Miss MacDonald's stay at Clanranald's house, which was till the Friday, June 27th, O'Neil went several times betwixt the Prince and Miss, in which interval another scheme was proposed, that the Prince should go under the care of a gentleman to the north ward, but that failing them, they behoved to have recourse to that agreed upon before; and accordingly Lady Clanranald, one Mrs. MacDonald, O'Neil, Miss Flora MacDonald, and her servant, Neil MacKechan, went to the place where the Prince was, being about eight Scotch miles. He was then in a very little house or hut, assisting in the roasting of his dinner, which consisted of the heart, liver, kidneys, etc., of a bullock or sheep, upon a wooden spit. O'Neil introduced his young preserver and the company, and she sat on the Prince's right hand and Lady Clanranald on his left. Here all dined very heartily....
When all were gone who were not to accompany the Prince in his voyage to the Isle of Sky, Miss MacDonald desired him to dress himself in his new attire, which was soon done, and at a proper time they removed their quarters and went near the water with their boat afloat, nigh at hand for readiness to embark in case of an alarm from the shore. Here they arrived, very wet and wearied, and made a fire upon a rock to keep them somewhat warm till night. They were soon greatly alarmed by seeing four wherries full of armed men making towards shore, which made them extinguish their fire quickly, and to conceal themselves among the heath....
At eight o'clock, June 28th, Saturday, 1746, the Prince, Miss Flora MacDonald, Neil MacKechan, etc., set sail in a very clear evening from Benbecula to the Isle of Sky. It is worth observing here that Benbecula is commonly reckoned a part of South Uist, they being divided from one another by the sea only at high water, which then makes a short ferry betwixt the two; but at low water people walk over upon the sand from the one to the other.
They had not rowed from the shore above a league till the sea became rough, and at last tempestuous, and to entertain the company the Prince sung several songs and seemed to be in good spirits.
In the passage Miss MacDonald fell asleep, and then the Prince carefully guarded her, lest in the darkness any of the men should chance to step upon her. She awaked in a surprise with some little bustle in the boat, and wondered what was the matter, etc....
From hence they rowed on and landed at Kilbride, in Troternish, in the Isle of Sky, about twelve miles north from the above-mentioned point. There were also several parties of militia in the neighbourhood of Kilbride. Miss left the Prince in the boat and went with her servant, Neil MacKechan, to Mougstot, Sir Alexander MacDonald's house, and desired one of the servants to let Lady Margaret MacDonald know she was come to see her ladyship in her way to her mother's house. Lady Margaret knew her errand well enough by one Mrs. MacDonald, who had gone a little before to apprize her of it.
As Mr. Alexander MacDonald of Kingsburgh was accidentally there, Lady Margaret desired him to conduct the Prince to his house; for it is to be remarked that Lady Margaret did not see the Prince in any shape. Kingsburgh sent a boy down to the boat with instructions whither to conduct the Prince about a mile, and he (Kingsburgh) would be there ready to conduct him. Then Kingsburgh took some wine, etc., to refresh the Prince with, and set forwards for the place of rendezvous, leaving Miss MacDonald with Lady Margaret at Mougstot, where the commanding officer of the parties in search of the Prince was, and who asked Miss whence she came, whither she was going, what news? etc., all which Miss answered as she thought most proper, and so as to prevent any discovery of what she had been engaged in.
Lady MacDonald pressed Miss very much in presence of the officer to stay, telling her that she had promised to make some stay the first time she should happen to come there. But Miss desired to be excused at that time, because she wanted to see her mother, and to be at home in these troublesome times. Lady Margaret at last let her go, and she and Mrs. MacDonald above mentioned set forwards with Neil MacKechan and said Mrs. MacDonald's maid and her man-servant. They overtook the Prince and Kingsburgh. Mrs. MacDonald was very desirous to see the Prince's countenance; but as he went along he always turned away his face from Mrs. MacDonald to the opposite side whenever he perceived her endeavouring to stare him in the countenance. But yet she got several opportunities of seeing his face, though in disguise, which the maid could not help taking notice of, and said she had never seen such an impudent-looked woman, and durst say she was either an Irish woman or else a man in a woman's dress. Miss MacDonald replied she was an Irish woman, for she had seen her before. The maid also took notice of the Prince's awkward way of managing the petticoats, and what long strides he took in walking along, etc., which obliged Miss MacDonald to desire Mrs. MacDonald (they being both on horseback), to step a little faster and leave those on foot, because, as there were many parties of militia in the great roads, it was necessary for the Prince to cross the country, and it was not proper to let Mrs. MacDonald's man or maid servant see it. So on they went, and the Prince and Kingsburgh went over the hills and travelled south-south-east till they arrived at Kingsburgh's house, which was about twelve o'clock at night, and they were very wet....
The day was far advanced before he[108] set out, and when he arrived at a wood side (as the affair had been concerted), not far from Kingsburgh, he changed his apparel once more and put on the Highland dress Kingsburgh had furnished him with. Then Kingsburgh sent a guide with him to Portree, thro' all byways, while Miss MacDonald went thither on horseback by another road, thereby the better to gain intelligence and at the same time to prevent a discovery. They were very wet, it having rained very much. Here he only dried his clothes, took some little refreshment, and staid about two hours.
Hither Kingsburgh had sent to prepare a boat, and to have it ready to convey the Prince to the place where he wanted to be at, not allowing the people about Portree in the meantime to know anything about the person's being the Prince whom they were to receive and to take care of. Young MacLeod of Raaza came with Malcolm MacLeod to conduct the Prince over to the Island of Raaza. The Prince was very uneasy he had not a MacDonald to conduct him still. He left Portree on Tuesday, the 1st of July, and landed that very same day at a place called Glam in Raaza.
Miss MacDonald took leave of the Prince at Portree, and from thence went to her mother, after a fatiguing journey cross the country. She never told her mother, or indeed anybody else, what she had done.
FOOTNOTES:
[108] The Prince.
N. CHARLES AT CLUNY'S "CAGE" (SEPTEMBER, 1746).
Source.—The History of the Rebellion in the year 1745, Appendix No. xlvi., p. 377, by John Home, Esq. (London: 1802.)
Cluny's account of Locheil and himself after the Battle of Culloden: of their meeting with Charles; and the extraordinary habitation called the Cage, where Charles lived with them, till he received notice that two French frigates were arrived at Lochnanuagh.
After the fatal catastrophe of the Highland army at Culloden, upon the 16th of April, 1746, they meant to make head again about Cluchnicarry, till, upon Lord Loudon's approach with an army, the few that had got together were made to disperse. Locheil being then bad of his wounds, was obliged to shift from his own country to the Braes of Rannoch, near which, about the 20th of June, in a hill called Benouchk, Cluny Macpherson met him, and Sir Stuart Threipland, physician, who attended him for the cure of his wounds. Cluny brought them from thence to Benalder, a hill of great circumference in that part of Badenoch next to Rannoch, and his own ordinary grassings;[109] where they remained together, without ever getting any certain notice of what had become of the Prince for near three months, when they received the agreeable news of his being safe at Locharkaik....
The Prince lay the first night at Corineuir, after his coming to Badenoch, from which he was conducted next day to Mellanauir, a shealing of very narrow compass, where Locheil, with Macpherson of Breakachie, Allan Cameron, his principal servant, and two servants of Cluny were at the time. It cannot but be remarked, that, when Locheil saw five men approaching under arms, being the Prince, Lochgary, Dr. Cameron, and two servants, taking the five men to be of the army or militia, which lay encamped not above four or five miles from them, and were probably in search of them; as it was in vain to think of flying, Locheil at the time being quite lame, and not in any condition to travel, much less to run away; it was resolved that the enemy, as they judged them to be, should be received with a general discharge of all the arms; in number twelve firelocks and some pistols.... But the auspicious hand of Almighty God ... prevented those within from firing at the Prince with his four attendants; for they came at last so near that they were known by those within.... Locheil then ushered him into his habitation, which was indeed but a very poor one. The Prince was gay, and in better spirits than it was possible to think he could have been, considering the many disasters, disappointments, fatigues and difficulties, he had undergone. His Royal Highness, with his retinue, went into the hut; and there was more meat and drink provided for him than he expected. There was plenty of mutton, an anker of whisky, containing twenty Scots pints, some good beef sausages made the year before, with plenty of butter and cheese, besides a large well cured bacon ham. Upon his entry, the Prince took a hearty dram, which he sometimes called for thereafter, to drink the healths of his friends. When some minced collops were dressed with butter, in a large sauce-pan, which Locheil and Cluny always carried about with them, being the only fire vessel they had, His Royal Highness eat heartily, and said with a very cheerful countenance: "Now, gentlemen, I live like a Prince:" though at the same time he was no otherwise entertained than eating his collops out of the pan, with a silver spoon....
The day after Clunie arrived, he thought it time to remove from Mellanauir, and took the Prince about two miles further into Benalder, to a little sheil called Uiskchibra, where the hut or bothie was superlatively bad and smoky; yet His Royal Highness put up with everything. Here he remained for two or three nights; and then removed to a very romantic habitation, made for him by Clunie, two miles further into Benalder, called the Cage; which was a great curiosity, and can scarcely be described to perfection. It was situated in the face of a very rough, high and rocky mountain, called Letternilichk, still a part of Benalder, full of great stones and crevices, and some scattered wood interspersed. The habitation called the Cage, in the face of that mountain, was within a small thick bush of wood. There were first some rows of trees laid down, in order to level a floor for the habitation; and as the place was steep, this raised the lower side to an equal height with the other; and these trees, in the way of joists or planks, were levelled with earth and gravel. There were betwixt the trees, growing naturally on their own roots, some stakes fixed in the earth, which, with the trees, were interwoven with ropes, made of heath and birch twigs, up to the top of the Cage, it being of a round or rather oval shape; and the whole thatched and covered over with fog.[110] This whole fabric hung, as it were, by a large tree, which reclined from the one end, all along the roof to the other, and which gave it the name of the Cage, and by chance there happened to be two stones at a small distance from one another, in the side next the precipice, resembling the pillars of a chimney where the fire was placed. The smoke had its vent out here, all along the face of the rock, which was so much of the same colour, that one could discover no difference in the clearest day. The Cage was no larger than to contain six or seven persons; four of whom were frequently employed playing at cards, one idle looking on, one baking, and another firing bread and cooking. Here His Royal Highness remained till the 13th of September, when he was informed that the vessels for receiving and carrying him to France were arrived at Lochnanuagh. The Prince set out immediately; and travelling only by night, arrived at Borodale, near Lochnanuagh, on the 19th of September, and embarked there on the 20th.
FOOTNOTES:
[109] Grazings.
[110] Moss.
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