FOOTNOTES:

[30] Written on the accession of King George I.

[31] Literally, vegetable garden.

[32] Trenching.

[33] Colewort.

[34] Outside.

[35] Shabby clothes.

[36] Grabs.

[37] Abundance.

[38] Planted.

[39] Lacerate.

[40] Unmashed cabbage.

[41] Mouth.

[42] Northland.

[43] War.

[44] Geld.

[45] Incompetent.

[46] Loose straw rubbish.

[47] Chafing.

[48] Buttocks.

[49] Suchlike.



THE RISING OF 1715.

A. GATHERING OF THE CLANS (SEPTEMBER).

Source.—The History of the Rebellion rais'd against His Majesty King George I. by the Friends of the Popish Pretender, p. 187, by the Reverend Mr. Peter Rae. Second edition. (London: 1746.)

The Earl of Mar, then at London, not finding how to form his own interest at court, had resolved on those wicked and traitorous measures he afterwards followed; and in order to raise and carry on the rebellion, had, by some means or other, received from abroad, no less than the sum of one hundred thousand pounds sterling, together with letters and instructions under the Pretender's own hand, and a commission appointing him Lieutenant-General and Commander in Chief of his forces, as he called them, in Scotland: And fearing lest his traitorous designs against his lawful sovereign prince,[50] to whom he had so early and solemnly promised fidelity, might possibly be discovered, and he himself secured by the government, he resolved to make a sudden tour into Scotland, as the likeliest mean to prevent this fate, and in order to make some speedy advances in this his pernicious and bloody undertaking. Wherefore on the 2nd of August, or as some say, the 1st, in the evening, his lordship, in the dress of a private person, embark'd with Major-General Hamilton, Colonel Hay, and two servants on board of a collier in the Thames, and arriving in two or three days at Newcastle, hired there a vessel belonging to one Spence, which set him and his company on shore in the Ely, from whence he got over to Creil[51] in the shire of Fife. Soon after his landing he was attended by Sir Alexander Areskine, Lord Lyon, and others of his friends in Fife, to whom he made known the design of his coming, and then went forward to Kinoul, where he staid on Wednesday the 17th, and on the 18th he passed the river Tay, about two miles from Perth, with 40 horse on his way to the north. Next day he sent letters to all the Jacobites round the country, inviting them to meet him in haste at Brae-Mar, where he arrived on Saturday the 20th of August.

There is no room to doubt, that he had before-hand concerted measures with them; and that they were previously advised of his coming, before he arrived in Scotland: For, on Saturday the 6th of August, their friends at Edinburgh were apprized of it; and early next morning Captain John Dalziel, a half-pay officer, who, in view of this rebellion had thrown up his commission to the Earl of Orkney, was sent out to give the alarm to his brother, the Earl of Carnwath, then at Elliock, where he arrived that night; and, early next morning, expresses were sent to the Earl of Nithsdale, the Viscount of Kenmure, and others of their friends in those parts; the Earl himself went down that same day to meet them, in order to forward their measures; and after some time spent in preparing others, whose inclinations they knew, to embark with them in that bloody project, they repaired to Lothian; and 'twas then given out, that they were gone to a hunting in the north. This was indeed a plausible pretence for their getting to the Highlands, and the more that the Earl of Mar, to cover his design, too black to be owned at the first, in calling the chiefs of the clans together, had proposed a hunting in his own country. Accordingly, in a few days after he arrived at Brae-Mar, he was there attended by a great number of gentlemen, of the best quality and interest of all his party: And particularly at their Great Council, which was held about August 26, there appeared the Marquis of Huntley, eldest son to the Duke of Gordon; the Marquis of Tullibardine, eldest son to the Duke of Athol; the Earls of Nithsdale, Marischal, Traquair, Errol, Southesk, Carnwath, Seaforth, Linlithgow, and several others; the Viscounts of Kilsith, Kenmure, Kingston and Stormount; the Lords Rollo, Duffus, Drummond, Strathallan, Ogilvie and Nairn, with a good many gentlemen of interest in the Highlands, amongst whom were the two Generals, Hamilton and Gordon, Glenderule, Auldbair, Auchterhouse, Glengary, and others from the clans....

... Moreover, we are told, that he shew'd them the letters he had received from Lorraine, under the Pretender's own hand, promising to come over to them in person, and put himself upon the valour and fidelity of his Scots subjects; and that in the mean time, they should be sure of ships, with arms, ammunition, and all military stores, with officers, engineers, and volunteers, as soon as they could give him an account to what port they would direct them to be sent: As also, that he shew'd them his commission under the Pretender's own hand, appointing him Lieutenant-General, Commander in Chief, and Director of the War; and assur'd them, that he was furnish'd with money, and would, from time to time, be supplied with sufficient sums to levy men, and to pay the troops regularly that should be raised; so as no gentlemen should be at any expence to subsist their men, but that both they, and the country should be eased of all such burthens.

With these and other such arguments, which he proposed unto them with a popular air, he at length prevailed upon them to embrace his project; and some say, they engaged by oath to stand by him, and one another, and to bring over their friends and dependants to do the like. However, the noblemen and gentlemen did not immediately after this meeting draw together their men, but went every man back to his own estate, to take their measures for appearing in arms, when they should hear again from the Earl of Mar, who remain'd, in the mean time, in his own country, with some few attendants only. These noblemen and gentlemen being returned home, began to draw together their servants and dependants, in all the places where they had interest, making several pretences for doing so, but did not discover the real design till things were in readiness to break out. And indeed it was but a few days after, that the Earl of Mar summon'd them all, at least such as were near at hand, to a general meeting at Aboyne in Aberdeenshire, on the third of September, in order to concert farther measures for their appearing in arms: And having there directed the drawing together their forces without any loss of time, he returned to Brae-Mar, and continued some days gathering the people, till their number was increased considerably; but the accounts being so various, while some say there were then two thousand men, most of them horse, and others but sixty, I shall not condescend on the particular number: However, with those he had got together, he set up the Pretender's Standard at Brae-Mar, on the sixth of September, 1715, and there proclaim'd him King of Scotland, England, France, and Ireland, etc. 'Tis reported, that when this standard was first erected, the ball on the top of it fell off, which the superstitious Highlanders were very much concern'd at, taking it as an omen of the bad success of the cause for which they were then appearing, and indeed, the event has proven that it was no less. Thereafter they went to a small town named Kirkmichael, where having proclaim'd the Pretender, and summon'd the people to attend his standard, they staid some few days, and then proceeded to Moulin, another small town in the shire of Perth, where they likewise proclaim'd him, and rested some short time, gathering their forces; and where by the coming in of others of their party, their number was considerably increased.

FOOTNOTES:

[50] George I.

[51] Crail.



B. DEFENCE OF EDINBURGH (OCTOBER).

Source.—Memoirs of the Life of Sir John Clerk of Penicuik, Bart.: extracted by himself from his own Journals, 1676-1755, p. 89. Edited by John M. Gray. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1892.)

In the mean time it must be confessed that their courage and conduct in Scotland far exceeded what was expected, for the Earl of Mar had so much address as to bring to the town of Perth, the center of all the enterprise, at least 10,000 men, some have carried the number to 12,000, which I am inclined to believe, provided the 1600 men be included that past the Frith of Forth near the Island of May, of which hereafter.

During these convulsions in my native country, I was obliged to change my course of living and turn a military man, for being appointed one of the Lieutenants of the Shire of Edin., I was obliged to act my part in bringing the militia together. These consisted of a few men, horse and foot, who never continued 3 days together, and signified nothing in the military way, the lowland men being a great deal more unfit for warlike expeditions than the Highlanders who had joined the Earl of Mar. However, with these militia troops we sometimes made a show, and perhaps they served to intimidate those who knew nothing about them. They were particularly useful and active when the Highlanders above mentioned past the Forth and were marching to take possession of Edin., for being drawn up on the high way a mile east of Edin., where these Highlanders were to march in order to take possession of the town, they found themselves obliged to turn to the right and take possession of the citadel of Lieth, the ——[52] of October, 1715.

That same night, to the joy of the inhabitants of Edin., who expected to be plundered by the Highlanders, the Duke of Argyll arrived from Stirling with 200 chosen foot and 300 dragoons, the foot mounted on country horses for more expedition. Next morning the Deputy Lieutenants and all the well affected to the Government of K. George waited on him, and immediately he ordered all his troops to march down with him to the attaque of the Citadel of Lieth.

I waited on his Grace, and we never halted till we were within 300 paces of that place. Here all our men were drawn up in 2 lines for the attaque. The foot in the center, and the horse on the wings, our number was as follows. 300 Dragoons, 200 Regular foot, about 200 of the Town Guards of Edin., and about 500 volunteers, with a regiment of militia. These amounting in all to about 1500 men, were drawn up on the crofts to the westward of the citadel. There were likeways two regiments of militia from the shires of Merse and Teviotdale, who were drawn up on the Links on the south side of the town to prevent the Highlanders from escaping.

The Duke called a Council of War, consisting of the principal officers present, in sight of the enemy, here it was debated in what manner to attaque the citadel, for the duke had never seen it, and the issue was that in regard we had neither cannon, bombs, nor granads, it was impossible to do anything to purpose, for that our men would be destroied by the fire of the enemy before they came near the ramparts, for altho' these ramparts and bastions were ruined ever since the days of Oliver Cromwell, who about the years 1654 and 1655 ordered them to be repaired out of the old fortifications of Lieth, yet they were sufficient against such a body of men as we were who came there to attaque them. On these considerations we were obliged to return to the town in a very disconsolet manner.

The Duke might have been informed of the condition of that place before he marched there, but he thought nothing in Scotland, except castles, impregnable to his troops, and we who knew the citadel never doubted but dismounted Dragoons cou'd force the place sword in hand. The next thing to be done was to provide artillery from the Castle of Edin., in order to attaque the citadel next day, but that night the Highlanders, who were under the command of one Brigadier Macintosh, marched off to Seaton House, where they staid 3 or 4 days. Here several detachments were sent out of Edin. to attaque them, but being without cannon we cou'd do nothing.

FOOTNOTES:

[52] 14th.



C. THE BATTLE OF SHERIFFMUIR (NOVEMBER).

Source.—A Fragment of a Memoir of Field-Marshal James Keith: written by himself, 1714-1734, p. 16. (Edinburgh: Spalding Club, 1843.)

All our troops being now assembled, the Earl of Mar resolved to march towards the enemy, and on the eighth of November arrived at Denain,[53] with fourteen battalions of foot and eight squadrons of horse, having left three battalions in Perth for the defence of the place; the ninth the army lay at Auchterarder, where he reviewed the troops, who consisted of about 6000 foot and eight hundred horse. Here we lay two days, waiting for two battalions from Fife; but finding these did not come up so soon as we expected, the twelfth we continued our march, the advanced guard lay near Dumblain, and the rest of the troops were quarter'd about a mile behind them, the want of tents and the coldness of the weather rendering it impossible for us to encamp. We had as yet no perfect account of the motions of the enemy, and concluded from the inferiority of their number (they being not above 3000 foot and twelve hundred horse), that they would fight us at the passage of the river, but we had hardly got the troops marched to their different quarters, when we received orders to join with all haste our advanced guard, the Duke of Argile having passed the Forth, and encamped about the toun of Dumblain, within cannon shot of them. Both armies lay all night on their arms, and next morning by day break we discover'd a body of the enemies on a rising ground near our left. Before eight in the morning, our army was formed in order of battle, in two lines, without any body of reserve. The Earl of Mar call'd all the general officers and heads of clans to a council of war, which was held at the head of the line, and there asked their advice whither we should attack the enemy, or return to Perth and wait the arrival of King James, who was every day expected, as also for accounts what success our friends in England might have; but it was carried almost unanimously to attack, none daring openly to oppose the current; the Marquis of Huntly only made some insinuations that it would not be fit to remain in unaction till the King's arrival.

The resolution being now taken to attack the enemy, the Earl of Mar commanded the Earl Marischal, with Sir Donald M'Donald's regiment of foot, and his own squadron of horse, to take possession of the rising ground on which a body of the enemies horse still remain'd, and to cover the march of the army on the left (our right being cover'd by a river) to the toun of Dumblain, where we imagined the enemy still to be. On our approach, the enemies horse retired; and we had no sooner gained the top of the hill than we discover'd their whole body, marching without beat of drum, about two musket shot from us. It was now too late to retreat; we therfor form'd on the top of the hill, and the Earl Marischal sent an aid-de-camp to advertise the Earl of Mar that he was fallen in with the enemies army, that it was impossible for him to bring off the foot, and therfor desired he would march up to his assistance as quick as possible,—which he did even in too much haste; for the army, which marched in four columns, arrived in such confusion that it was impossible to form them according to the line of battle projected, every one posted himself as he found ground, and one column of foot enclining to the right and another to the left of the Earl Marischal's squadron of horse, that regiment which should have been on the right, found itself in the center, separated from the rest of the horse, and opposed to the enemies foot; our foot formed all in one line, except on the left, where a bog hinder'd them from extending themselves, and encreased the confusion.

The Duke of Argile was no less embarrassed on his side. His army was not yet entirely formed; the rear, which was to have formed his left wing, was yet on their march, and showed us their flanck, which being observed by Lieutenant General Gordon, he order'd our troops immediately to charge, which they did with so much vigour that in less than ten minutes they entirely defeated six regiments of foot and five squadrons of dragoons, which composed more than the half of the Duke's army, while the rest having taken the same advantage of our left, which had neither time nor ground to fire, entirely routed them. Both parties pursued the troops they had broken, not knowing what had happen'd on the other side, till at length the Earl of Mar, having had the fatal news of the loss we had receiv'd, order'd the troops to give over the pursuit, and having rallied them, returned to the field of battle, from whence we discover'd the enemy posted at the foot of the hill amongst mud walls, on the same ground where we had layen the night before.

The Earl of Mar sent immediately an officer to reconnoitre them, and at the same time assembled the General officers and heads of clans, to consult whether he should attack them again; but the officer having reported that their numbers were equal to ours, and the Highlanders, who were extreamly fatigued, and had eat nothing in two days, being averse to it, it was resolved to keep the field of battle, and to let the enemy retire unmolested, which they had already began to do under cover of the earth walls, as well as of the night which was now approaching, leaving us about fifty prisoners of ours, most of them wounded, whom they had not time to carry along with them. We continued on the field of battle till dark night, and then marched back to the same villages which had been marked for our quarters the night before.

The enemy had about seven hundred men killed or wounded, amongst whom was the Earl of Forfar killed, and the Earl of Islay wounded, and two hundred and twenty-three taken prisoners, and we had about 150 killed or wounded, and eighty-two taken; but among those killed we had three persons of note, the Earl of Strathmore, his unkle Auchterhouse, and Clanronald, and the Earl of Panmure very much wounded. The loss of colours was almost equal on both sides; but the enemy got five piece of our cannon, which we could not carry off, those belonging to the train having run away with the horses when they saw our left broke; and thus ended the affair of Dumblain, in which neither side gained much honour, but which was the entire ruin of our party.

Some unlucky mistakes which happened that day, must here take place; first, an order to the whole horse on the left to march to the right, which so discouraged the foot of that wing to see themselves abandoned, that to it may be attributed their shameful behaviour that day; nor were these horse of any advantage to us where they were posted, for the ground was so bad that they could never be brought to engage. Another, of no less consequence, was the mistake of the officer who was sent to reconnoitre the Duke of Argile's army in the afternoon, for he having taken his remarks more by the number of colours than the space of ground they occupied, made his report that the enemy was betwixt two and three thousand foot strong, when in reality there was no more than three battalions, not making in all above one thousand foot, the other colours being what the Duke had just taken on our left, and being almost the same with his own, he now used them to disguise the weakness of his troops by making a show of four battalions more than he had, the ground and mud walls by which he was cover'd not allowing to see that he had formed only two ranks deep; this mistake hinder'd us from attacking him in the evening, which it's probable we might have done with better success than we had in the morning.

Next morning the Duke of Mar, finding most of our left had run quite away and was not yet returned, retired towards Perth, as the enemy had already done into Stirling.

FOOTNOTES:

[53] Dunning, in Perthshire.



D. THE OLD PRETENDER (DECEMBER).

Source.—Memoirs of the Insurrection in Scotland in 1715, by John, Master of Sinclair, p. 333. Edited from the original manuscript by Sir Walter Scott, Bart. (Edinburgh: Abbotsford Club, 1848.)

Before these had come to Huntlie,[54] the King was already landed at Peterhead, the twenty-seventh day of September[55] [December], and was in his road to Fetteresso, where he halted. We were not long of hearing from those who came from the South that a young gentleman had passed Aberdeen with Captain Allan Cameron; that they had gone straight to Fetteresso, and it was thought that young man was the King; Cameron was gone on post to Perth, and the other was left at Fetteresso privately. This made Huntlie send a gentleman to Aberdeen with orders to go on till he got the certain account. By the time he got there, he was certainly informed the King was arrived, and that Mar was already at Fetteresso. To do Huntlie justice, being present when he received the news, he said, "Now ther's no help for it, we must all ruin with him: would to God he had comed sooner." There seem'd still some faint hopes to remain, which were, that since his Majestie had stopt at Fetteresso, and keept himself incognito there for two days, till Captain Cameron had informed Mar of his arrival, his reason for it could only be that he wanted to know the state of his affairs before he'd go forward to Perth; for what other reason could have hinder'd him to [have] declared himself at Aberdeen, or from going straight to Perth? And by all that could be learned since, we found we judged right; for it's said, that if his affairs were on a bad foot, he was resolved to return without loss of time, and leave his poor subjects the freedom of making terms for themselves; a very just and reasonable thought. Whatever was in it, as his declaring himself at Fetteresso, and afterwards going up to Perth, put a stop to all thoughts of terms on our side, so it's not to be doubted that the Government, however inclinable they might [have] been before, could ever entertain or allow of any such proposals from those inclined to mercy, or the moderate people of their own side....

My Lord Mar, who, as we first supposed, would [have] met his Majesty privately, spread the news at Perth of the King's happy landing, and brought a numerous train with him to Fetteresso, out of a view, I believe, to put it out of his Majesty's power to go back, having already published his being there; and to confirm him of the certainty of his affairs succeeding, by the approbation of those villainous, weak, miserable, deluded dependers of his Lordship, who he brought along with him.

... Thus that unhappy Prince, entirely a stranger to his own affairs, as much as he had dropt out of another world, or from the clouds, as things stood, was brought in eminent danger of his life, without its being possible that it could have any other effect but that of the certain ruin of his friends, and driving the nail to the head, and riveting the misery of those who had so generously sacrificed all to serve him. It's certain that he was made believe that his affairs in general were on a good foot, at least, very retrievable; that there were twice as many in Perth as there really were; and that there was no more needful to be done but the taking of Inverness, which entirely depended on Huntlie; and when that was done, the King would have a great army from all places of the Highlands before the Duke of Argyle could attack Perth. As for powder, I suppose it was never spoke of, since there was no want of it at Fetteresso; that the news of his Majestie's arrival would no sooner spread but all would return, and great numbers who had joined them would come from different corners.... The King was carried triumphinglie up to Perth.

FOOTNOTES:

[54] The Marquis of Huntly.

[55] It should be the 22nd of December.



E. COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION (1716).

Source.—The History of the Rebellion rais'd against His Majesty King George I. by the Friends of the Popish Pretender, p. 365, by the Rev. Mr. Peter Rae. Second edition. (London: 1746.)

... His Grace[56] having received positive orders from Court, to march forthwith against the rebels, he resolved to surmount all difficulties, and to march as soon as the artillery, and some of the Dutch forces at Edinburgh, and the regiments of Newton and Stanhope, who were quartered at Glasgow, could come up to join him; which they did, two or three days after.... The news of these preparations and march were not grateful to His Majesty at Scone, spoiling the ceremony of his coronation, and meeting of his Parliament: Instead of which fine things, the only matter now under consideration was, how to provide for their own safety; and the grand question debated was, whether to maintain the place, and fight the Duke of Argyle, or retreat.... The Pretender, finding that time was not to be lost, retired that evening from Scone to Perth, where having supped at Provost Hay's, he rested some hours; and next morning[57] about ten o'clock, the rebels abandoned Perth, marching over the Tay upon the ice, and, leaving their cannon behind them, took their rout towards Dundee. About noon the Pretender himself, with the Earl of Mar, followed his flying adherents with tears in his eyes, complaining that instead of bringing him to a Crown, they had brought him to his grave....

The rebels having retired from Dundee to Montrose, his Grace, on the 3rd,[58] sent a detachment towards Aberbrothick[59] within eight miles of that place; and on the fourth, in the morning, ordered Major General Sabine, with 3 battalions, 500 detached foot, and 50 dragoons, to march to Aberbrothick. The same day his Grace detached Colonel Clayton with 300 foot and 50 dragoons, to march by the way of Brechin; giving orders to the one as well as the other to summon the country people to remove the snow on the roads, which, being then very deep, made their march very heavy and tedious. His Grace having divided the rest of his army into two bodies, for marching with the greater expedition; and the rebel army having marched in two columns, on the 5th, in the morning, General Cadogan with the infantry marched towards Aberbrothick, and at the same time the Duke himself, with all the cavalry, proceeded by the Upper Road towards Brechin; the whole army being to join the next day at Stonehive,[60] intending on Tuesday hereafter to be at Aberdeen, to which place they supposed the Pretender was gone.

But by this time the Pretender was out of their reach; for having received advice at Montrose, on the 4th of February, about four in the afternoon, that part of the King's army was advancing towards Aberbrothick, he ordered the clans who remained with him to be ready to march, about eight at night, towards Aberdeen, where he assured them a considerable force would soon come to them from France. At the hour appointed for their march, the Pretender ordered his horses to be brought before the door of the house in which he lodged, and the guard which usually attended him to mount, as if he designed to go on with the clans to Aberdeen; but at the same time he slipped privately out on foot, accompanied only by one of his domesticks, went to the Earl of Mar's lodgings, and from thence, by a byway to the water-side, where a boat waited and carried him and the Earl of Mar on board a French ship of 90 tuns, called the Maria Teresa of St. Malo. About a quarter of an hour after, two other boats carried the Earl of Melford and the Lord Drummond, with Lieutenant-General Sheldon and ten other gentlemen on board the same ship, and then they hoisted sail and put to sea; and notwithstanding of his Majesty's ships that were cruising on that coast, got safely off, and in seven days landed at Waldam, near Graveling,[61] between Dunkirk and Calais. The Earls Marischal, Southesk, the Lord Tinmouth, General Gordon, with many other gentlemen and officers of distinction, were left behind to shift for themselves, who kept with the army, and continued their march towards Aberdeen, the foot marching on before with General Gordon, and the Earl Marischal, with about 1000 horse, keeping the rear to prevent surprise....

The same day the King's forces advanced to Montrose, the remains of the rebel army arrived at Aberdeen, where General Gordon showed them a letter from the Pretender, in which he acquainted his friends that the disappointments he had met with, especially from abroad, had obliged him to leave that country; that he thanked them for their services, and desired them to advise with General Gordon, and consult their own security either by keeping in a body or separating, and encouraging them to expect to hear farther from him in a very short time.... And we are told, that upon reading of the letter, many of the people threw down their arms, crying out they were basely betrayed, they were all undone, they were left without king or general. On the seventh, in the morning, the van of the rebels marched from Aberdeen, as did their rear about two in the afternoon, and their main body lay at Old Meldrum that night; but about 200 of their horse, amongst whom were many of their chiefs, with Irish and other officers who came lately from France, went toward Peterhead in order to ship themselves off in ships which they knew were waiting for them there....

Their main body marched straight west, through Strath-Spey and Strath-Don to the hills of Badenoch, where they separated: The foot dispersed into the mountains on this side of Lochy, and the horse went Lochquhaher, agreeing, however, to meet again upon notice from the Pretender. And here being advised that two French frigates were come for their relief, and would lay in Pentland Firth till they should hear from them, the Lord Duffus, Sir George Sinclair, General Eckline and others, about 160 gentlemen in all, well mounted on horseback, made a sally from the hills, and crossing the shire of Murray,[62] came to the seaside near Burgh, where they got several large barks which carried them to the Orkneys, Arskerry,[63] and other of the islands, from whence most of them found means to get into the frigates which carried them safe to France. Other ships coming afterwards carried the rest to Gottenburg, in the Swedish dominions, where some of them took on in that king's service.... There were yet with the rebels in Scotland many of their chiefs, as the Marquis of Tullibardine, the Earls Marischal, Southesk, Linlithgow, and Seaforth, who having broke his submission, joined them again in their flight to the northward, the Lord Tinmouth, Sir Donald M'Donald, and several others of the heads of the clans, who sheltered themselves for some time in the mountains from his Majesty's troops who pursued them through the north; and from thence some made their escape to the Isle of Sky, the Lewis, and other of the north-western islands till ships came for their relief to carry them abroad; and some of them afterwards submitted to the Government, as we shall hear below....

The Duke of Argyle having thus gloriously finished the most laborious and hard campaign that ever was known, he left the command of his Majesty's troops to Lieutenant-General Cadogan and returned to Edinbourgh the 27th of February, and in a day or two after set out for London, where he arrived on the 6th of March.

FOOTNOTES:

[56] Of Argyle.

[57] January 30.

[58] Of February.

[59] Arbroath.

[60] Stonehaven.

[61] Gravelines.

[62] Moray.

[63] Eriska.



F. HARSHNESS OF THE GOVERNMENT (1716).

Source.—Culloden Papers: comprising an Extensive and Interesting Correspondence from the Year 1625 to 1678 ... the Whole published from the Originals in the Possession of Duncan George Forbes, of Culloden, Esq., p. 61. (London: 1815.)

No. LXXII.

An anonymous letter, written by Mr. Duncan Forbes to Sir Robert Walpole, most likely in August 1716—a copy is extant (from which the present is taken) in the President's handwriting.

Sir, ... When the late Rebellion was happily ended by the Pretender's flight, his deluded followers found themselves all in chains, or obliged to surrender and sue for mercy, or to fly their country with him. Every man concerned in that odious work certainly deserved death, and the punishment due by law; but humanity and prudence forbade it. It was not fit to dispeople a country; nor prudent to grieve the King's best friends, who mostly had some concern in those unfortunate men; or expedient to give too just grounds of clamour to the disaffected.

It will be agreed on all hands, that the proper rule in this case would have been, to have punished only as many as was necessary for terror, and for weakening the strength of the rebels for the future; and to extend mercy to as many as it could conveniently be indulged to with the security of the Government; and this maxim every thinking Whig had then in his mouth, however offended at the insolences of the rebels. In place of a course of this kind, the method followed was, 1st, to try all the criminals in England; 2dly, to detain in prison all those in custody in Scotland, except some who had interest with certain great men to obtain a previous pardon, to the manifest dishonour of the Government; 3dly, to attaint a vast number of Scots noblemen and gentlemen; 4thly, to put it out of his Majesty's power to grant any part of estates forfeited; and 5thly, to appoint a Commission for enquiry, and levying the rebels' goods and chattels. The necessary consequences of this procedure in general are two; first, it makes all those who had the misfortune to be seduced into the rebellion, with their children, relatives, and such as depend on them, forever desperate; and it's hard to tell what occasions may offer for venting their rage. We see that want and hard circumstances lead men daily into follies, without any other temptation; but when those circumstances are brought on by adherence to any principle, or opinion, it's certain the sufferers will not quit their attempts to better their condition, but with their lives. 2d, as there are none of the rebels who have not friends among the King's faithful subjects, it is not easy to guess how far a severity of this kind, unnecessarily pushed, may alienate the affections even of those from the Government. But in particular, as this case relates to Scotland, the difficulty will be insurmountable. I may venture to say, there are not 200 gentlemen in the whole kingdom who are not very nearly related to some one or other of the rebels. Is it possible that a man can see his daughter, his grandchildren, his nephews, or cousins, reduced to beggary and starving unnecessarily by a Government, without thinking very ill of it; and where this is the case of a whole nation, I tremble to think what dissatisfactions it will produce against a settlement so necessary for the happiness of Britain.

If all the rebels, with their wives, children, and immediate dependants, could be at once rooted out of the earth, the shock would be astonishing; but time would commit it to oblivion, and the danger would be less to the Constitution, than when thousands of innocents, punished with misery and want for the offences of their friends, are suffered to wander about the country, sighing out their complaints to Heaven, and drawing at once the compassion and moving the indignation of every human creature.



THE SCOTTISH CAPITAL.[64]

Source.—A Journey through Scotland, in Familiar Letters from a Gentleman here, to his Friend Abroad, p. 65, by J. Macky. Second edition. (London: 1729.)

The High-Street of Edinburgh, running by an easy ascent from the Netherbow to the Castle, a good half mile, is doubtless the stateliest street in the world, being broad enough for five coaches to drive up abreast; and the houses on each side are proportionately high to the broadness of the street; all of them six or seven story high, and those mostly of free stone, makes this street very august.

Half way up this street stands St. Giles's Church, the ancient cathedral of this city, in the form of a cross; but since the Reformation it is turned into four convenient churches, by partitions, called the High-Kirk, the Old-Kirk, the Tolbooth-Kirk, and Haddock's Hole. A-top of this church is erected a large open cupola, in the shape of an imperial crown, that is a great ornament to the city, and seen at a great distance. King David erected a copy after this over St. Nicholas's Church in Newcastle, but it does not near come up to it. Besides these four churches of St. Giles's, there is in the same street a little lower the Trone[65] Church, built after the model of Inigo Jones's St. Paul's Covent Garden; a very handsome church at the east end of the lake, called the Collegiate Church, built by Mary of Gelder,[66] Queen to James the Second; a church built by a Lady Yester, a handsome new church in the middle of the Canongate, and two good churches under the same roof at the Grey-Friars. There are also some chapels; but they are converted into halls for trades.

To the south of St. Giles's Church is a fine square, with an equestrian statue of King Charles the Second in the middle. In this square stands the Parliament-House, where their parliaments were kept: Also the Council and Treasury, and all other publick offices. It's a fine modern building of free-stone, finished by Charles the First in 1636. Underneath this building is kept the lawyer's library[67]; where there is a fine collection of books, of medals, and of ancient coins, the largest of English and Scots coins I ever saw. I could not perceive that the Scots bore the lion rampant in a tressor of Flower-de-Luces[68] on the coins, till the Stewarts.

Joining to this library is the Register, where are kept all the deeds and securities of the nation, as a common bank. Here is also a very good bank for money,[69] whose notes go current all over the nation. There is also a fine room in this square for the meeting of the royal boroughs, adorned with pictures.

In this great street are several stone fountains of water, brought in pipes at three miles distance, disposed at convenient distances to supply the whole city with water; and on each side of this street are lanes, or wynds as they are called here, that run down to the bottom.

This made an English gentleman, that was here with the Duke of York, merrily compare it to a double wooden comb, the great street the wood in the middle, and the teeth of each side the lanes.

These lanes lead you to a street below, called the Cowgate, which runs the whole length east and west of the other, but is neither half so broad or well built. The High Street is also the best paved street I ever saw. I will not except Florence. One would think the stones inlaid; they are not half a foot square; and notwithstanding the coaches and carts, there is not the least crack in it.

South from the Cowgate lies the High-School for Latin, and in its yard is kept a fine bagnio, in a handsome neat house, built for the Company of Surgeons; and in their hall is the picture of the late Duke Hamilton, Earl Finlater in his Chancellor's robes, and of all the eminent surgeons of the town, to the number of about forty, all originals, by Sir John Medina. There is also a pretty garden before and behind the house. Directly north from this, on the other side of the Cowgate, is the Physicians Hall and garden, where they have a noble museum, founded by Sir Andrew Balfour, physician. The learned and industrious Sir Robert Sebald has very much augmented it. It contains a treasure of curiosities of art and nature, foreign and domestick, as appears by Sir Robert's account, printed in four books in 1697.

A little further to the south of the Cowgate is the University, which consists only of one college: The Magistrates of Edinburgh are governors of it; it hath a principal or warden, and four philosophy regents or professors. There is also a professor of Divinity, of Civil Law, of History, Mathematicks, and Hebrew.

In studying four years at this college you commence Master of Arts: The scholars are not in commons, and kept to strict rules as in the colleges in England, nor wear gowns; they lodge and diet in the town, as at the colleges in Holland, and are required to attend at their several classes from eight in the morning till twelve, and from two to four. I wonder how a college in a town used to so much business and diversion to take off from the study of youth, should ever produce a good scholar.

This college consists of two lower courts, and one upper one, tolerably well built; the upper court, to which you ascend by steps of stairs, is larger than the other two. On the left of that court is the library, a long spacious room, and the books neatly kept, and cloistered with doors of wire, that none can open but the keeper, more commodious than the multitude of chains used in the English libraries. The several benefactions are kept in distinct apartments, with the donor's name over them in gold letters; and over these cases of books are pictures of most of the Kings of Scotland, and of all the reformers both at home and abroad....

Joining to the College is a neat hospital for girls, with a pretty garden, and bowling-green; and a little further is the churchyard of the Grey-Friars, the burial-place of all the eminent burghers of the city; for they don't affect so much as the English to be buried in churches; that they think smells too much of the Popish stamp....

To the westward of this church-yard stands the most celebrated Hospital of George Herriot, Jeweller to James the Sixth, for the bringing up of 130 poor boys, children of decayed merchants and tradesmen of this city. The building exceeds any thing of the kind in Europe. Sutton's Hospital, called the Charter-House at London, is a noble foundation; but the house neither of that, Christ-Church, nor anything of the kind at Rome or Venice, comes up to the magnificence of this building; which I suppose is owing to Dr. Balcanqual, his executor, who was a great architect, was Dean of Rochester, and helped King James the Sixth to write his Basilicon Doron, and was left in full power by Mr. Herriot to build this hospital, which he hath done more like a princely palace than a habitation for necessitous children....

To the north of Herriot's work, from whence its fine avenue ascends, and to the west of the Cowgate, is the Grass-Market, like Smithfield at London, where they sell their horses, corn and hay, and is as spacious as Smithfield is; and from it is the West Port or Gate, out of which is a large suburb, as it is at most of the others. The City of Edinburgh is a good English mile from the Palace to the Castle in a direct line; and taking in the suburbs called the West-Port, Bristol,[70] Paterrow,[71] Pleasants,[72] Canongate, and Calton, may be four miles in circumference.

This Grass-Market, or Smithfield, lies directly under the Castle, which is built on a high rock at the west end of the city, and over-looks and commands it. The rock on which this castle is built is inaccessible on all sides, except just the front from the town, which rises by an easy ascent on the ridge of the hill all the way from the Palace: However, this front is secured by a half-moon, at least 200 feet perpendicularly high, well stored with artillery, besides other lower works towards the gate, that make it impregnable. There is also a royal palace in this castle, finely built of free-stone, with very noble apartments; in one of which, King James the sixth of Scotland, and first of England, was born. You may imagine the prospect, very delicious and unbounded from such a height as this; for you not only see all Edinburgh under you, but the whole course of the firth from the Bass to Stirling; the coasts of Fife on the other side of the sea, and many score miles into the country.

FOOTNOTES:

[64] Edinburgh appeared much like this during the first half of the eighteenth century.

[65] Tron.

[66] Gueldres.

[67] Advocates' Library.

[68] Fleurs-de-lis.

[69] See p. 18.

[70] Bristo.

[71] Potterrow.

[72] Pleasance.



THE JACOBITE ATTEMPT OF 1719.

Source.—A Fragment of a Memoir of Field-Marshal James Keith, written by himself, 1714-1734, p. 35. (Edinburgh: Spalding Club, 1843.)

... To explain the reasons that now carried me to Spain, its necessary to go back to the month of August of this year,[73] when the English, without any previous declaration of war, or even any good ground for it, had attacked the King of Spain's fleet on the coast of Sicily, and entirely ruined it, which so exasperated the Cardinal Alberoni, who then governed Spain with the title of first Minister, that he resolv'd to assist King James, and so revenge himself on the Whigs, who had been the occasion of the breach of faith he complained of.... One difficulty still remain'd,—which was to get the chiefs of the King's friends, who were in France, advertised of this, which the Cardinal desired me to undertake. The Earl Marischal had brought with him from the Duke of Ormonde a little billet containing these words—"Pray have entire confidence in the bearer," and signed Ormond, to be given to him who should be sent; and with this and about 18,000 crowns, I set out from Madrid the 19 of February,[74] and three days after arrived at St. Sebastian, where I deliver'd 12,000 crowns to the Prince Campo Florido, for the equipment of the frigats destin'd for Scotland, and with the little money which remain'd entered France privately....

All things being now ready, we embark'd the 19th of March in a small barck of about 25 tunns, in the mouth of the Seine, and shaped our course to pass betwixt Dover and Calais, and so round the Orkneys to the Isle of Lewis, which was our place of rendezvous; but the wind continuing at east forced us the Friday after, March 24, to alter our course, and stand away for St. George's Channel, or the back of Ireland, as we should think best.... From thence we stood for Cape Clear and the west coast of Ireland, and after favourable but blowing weather, arrived the 4 of April, N.S. in the isle of Lewis, where we enquired if no ship had touched there lately from Spain, or if there was no particular news in the country; but finding them ignorant of any thing that could give us light into what we wanted to be informed of, we remain'd there some days, and at last had accounts that two frigats were come to an anchor on the other side of the island, on which I went with all haste there, not doubting but it was those we were longing for. I found them already sailed, but a gentleman of the country informed me that they were the same, and were gone some miles farther to Stornoway, the only toun or rather village on all the island. I went the same night there, and found them in the harbour at an anchor, and the men still aboard....

The Marquesses of Seafort and Tullibardine came and joined us next day, and in the evening held a council of war to resolve what was to be done. The Earl Marischal first asked to know what commissions each had, that the command might be regulated, and Lord Tullibardine not owning his late commissions, the command remain'd in him as eldest Major General. It was then disputed whether it was fit to go immediately to the main land of Scotland, or to continue in the island where we were till we had advice of the Duke of Ormonde's landing in England. This last party was much insisted on by Lord Tullibardine and Glenderuel, but all the rest being against it, because we might easily be block'd up in the isle by two or three of the enemies ships, it was resolved to follow the project which the Earl Marischal had proposed to the Cardinal, to land as soon as possible in Scotland, and with the Spaniards and Highlanders who should first join us, march straight to Inverness, in which there were not above 300 of the enemies foot, who would be in no condition to oppose us, and to remain there till we should be joined by such a body of horse and foot as should put us in a condition of marching to the more southern parts of the Kingdom. The council of war being at an end, the Spanish troops were order'd to debark that they might refraich themselves after a voyage of 42 days, and it was resolved to sail for the main land three days after....

We had no sooner debarked the troops and ammunition,[75] than the Earl Marischal and Brigadier Campbel proposed marching straight to Inverness with the Spaniards and 500 Highlanders, whom the Marquess of Seafort promised to give us, to surprise the enemies garison, who as yet had no accounts of us; but the same demon who had inspired them with the design of staying in the Lewis, hinder'd them from accepting this proposition. We were all in the dark what could be the meaning of these dilatory proceedings, which was discover'd to be the effects of the measures they had already taken, for before the Earl Marischal's arrival, they (not knowing but that he might have a commission superior to the Marquess of Tullibardine's) had wrote letters in a circular manner to most of their friends, acquainting them that it was the King's intentions that no body should take arms till the Spanish troops were landed in England; and therefore the Marquess declared that till then he would not stir from where he was, nor even allow any detachments to be made; and some days after, finding that we had still no accounts of the Duke of Ormonde, nor of any movement in England, he proposed that without further delay we should embark aboard the same vessels and return to Spain, from which with great difficulty he was dissuaded.

But the Earl Marischal, fearing that he might renew the same design in case the news we expected was long a coming, declared to him the day after that he was resolved to send the two fregats immediately back to Spain, they being no longer in safety where they were, for being already discover'd, it was natural to believe that the Government of England would immediately send ships to block them up, or to intercept them in their passage home, and in spight of all the arts they used to detain them, three days after they sailed; and indeed just in time, for not a week after their departure arrived three English men of war, much superior to ours both in force and equipage, who, finding we had put most of our ammunition and provisions into an old castel, situate on the shore, under the guard of a detachment of 45 Spaniards, immediately began to batter it from the three ships, and the same night obliged them to surrender prisoners of war.

Our ships were no sooner sailed than the Marquess of Tullibardine began to think of other measures. His retrait out of the island was now impracticable in the manner he had designed it, and now he resolved to draw what ships he could together, but it was too late; he had given the enemy time to draw troops not only from the remote parts of the Kingdom, but even from Holland. The regiments of Kapell, May, and Sturler, were already arrived, and his circular letters had given those who were not very willing an excellent excuse, he himself having already wrote to them that they should not take arms.

Our affairs were in this condition, when we received the news, of the entire dispersion of the Duke of Ormond's fleet; but at the same time our friends assured us that all diligence was using in Spain to put it in a condition to sail again that same spring. This left us still some hopes, and therefore we order'd the gentlemen who were nearest us to assemble their vassalls, but this last accident had disheartned them, that not above a thousand men appeared, and even those seemed not very fond of the enterprize.

The enemy was by this time within three days march of us, with four regiments of foot, and a detachment of a fifth, and 150 dragoons, and waited only for the provisions which was necessary to be carried along (into a country full of mountains and possessed by the enemy,) to march to attack us in our post which, by the situation, was strong enough had it been well defended; our right was cover'd by a rivulet which was difficult to pass, and our left by a ravine, and in the front the ground was so rugged and steep that it was almost impossible to come at us. However, the tenth of June the enemy appear'd at the foot of the mountain, and after having reconnoitred the ground he attacked a detachment we had posted on our right on the other side of the rivulet commanded by Lord George Murray, who not being succour'd as he ought, was obliged to retire, but without any loss. At the same time our center was attacked and forced with very little loss on either side; and after a skirmish of about three hours, in which not above a hundred men were killed or wounded on both sides, and of distinction only the Marquess of Seafort wounded, our troops were forced to retire to the top of the mountain, whose height hinder'd the enemies pursuit.[76] By this time it was night, which gave the chiefs of our party time to consult what was to be done in this urgency, and on considering that they had neither provisions nor ammunition, that the few troops they had had behaved in a manner not to give great encouragement to try a second action, it was resolved, that the Spaniards should surrender, and the Highlanders disperse. Don Nicolas Bolano, who commanded the detachment of the regiment of Galicia, offer'd to attack the enemy once more; but the general officers judging the attempt in vain, the first resolution was followed, and accordingly next morning the Spaniards surrender'd on condition their baggage should not be plunder'd, and every body else took the road he liked best. As I was then sick of a feavour, I was forced to lurck some months in the mountains, and in the beginning of September having got a ship, I embarcked at Peterhead, and 4 days after landed in Hollande at the Texel.

FOOTNOTES:

[73] 1718.

[74] 1719.

[75] On the mainland.

[76] This was the Battle of Glenshiel.



ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND CONTRASTED (1725[77]).

Source.—A Journey through Scotland, in familiar Letters from a Gentleman here, to his Friend Abroad, p. 269, by J. Macky. Second edition. (London: 1729.)

There is no nation where a man hath fairer play for his liberty, than in Scotland: Here are no Sheriffs Officers, and Marshal's men, that will whip you off the street at London, and run you into a spunging-house at once; but here if you owe money, you are summoned to show cause why you don't pay it; which if you don't do, you have six days allowed you before a caption comes out against your person; which is executed by these messengers only, who are all put in by the Lord Lion,[78] and wear a greyhound on a green ribbon, as a badge, when they are in the execution of their office.

The ladies dress as in England, with this difference, that when they go abroad, from the highest to the lowest, they wear a plaid, which covers half of the face, and all their body. In Spain, Flanders, and Holland, you know the women go all to church and market, with a black mantle over their heads and body: But these in Scotland are all striped with green, scarlet, and other colours, and most of them lined with silk; which in the middle of a church, on a Sunday, looks like a parterre de fleurs.

I have been at several consorts of musick, and must say, that I never saw in any nation an assembly of greater beauties, than those I have seen at Edinburgh. The ladies are particular in a stately firm way of walking, with their joints extended, and their toes out: But I cannot say, that the common people are near so clean or handsome as the English. The young ladies are all bred good housewives; and the servant-maids are always kept at some work here: The spinning-wheels, both for woollen and linnen, are always going in most houses; and a gentleman of a good estate is not ashamed to wear a suit of cloaths of his lady's and servants' spinning. They make a great deal of linnen all over the Kingdom, not only for their own use, but export it to England, and to the Plantations. In short, the women are all kept employed, from the highest to the lowest of them.

But the men here are not so usefully employed as in England: There the production of every county is improved by joint-stocks amongst the inhabitants of the several counties. Iron-works, lead-works, manufactories, and every thing else that may conduce to the common welfare of the nation, are set on foot, and carried on. But here, altho their rivers plentifully abound with salmon for exportation, their coasts with white fish and herrings, more than any other in Europe; yet the gentry, or landed men, never concern themselves about it, as a thing below them; and leave those improvements to burghers of towns, who, for want of a sufficient stock, are not able to carry it on.

Indeed, the nobility have of late run into parking, planting, and gardening, which are great improvements of their estates; but what is this to the bulk of a nation, which (if encouraged) hath as many natural commodities for exportation as any whatsoever, and more than South-Britain? But a finer education than what is necessary for trade, hath been, in imitation of the French, the misfortune of this kingdom; but perhaps the union with England may open their eyes to their own interest.

The language of the Low-Countries of Scotland is the same with that which is spoken all over England; only an Englishman will understand a Scotchman better by his writing than speaking; for the difference in the pronunciation of the vowels, which are the same in writing, makes a great alteration in speaking.

The Scots pronounce the five vowels, a, e, i, o, u, just as the French, Germans, and Italians do; and the English, according to that pronunciation, make them [oe], i, y, o, u. This difference of sound in the vowels, makes a great one in the pronunciation.

The Highlanders have a language of their own, which the Irish own to be the purest of that Irish which they spake in the province of Ulster in Ireland; which is also spoken in the greatest purity in the Western Islands that lie between Scotland and Ireland: They being an unmixed people, have preserved that language and the dress better than the Irish have done, who have been over-run with Danes, English, etc.

FOOTNOTES:

[77] About.

[78] The Lyon King-at-Arms.



THE MALT TAX (1725).

Source.—The Lockhart Papers: containing Memoirs and Commentaries upon the Affairs of Scotland from 1702 to 1715, by George Lockhart, Esq., of Carnwath. His Secret Correspondence with the Son of King James the Second from 1718 to 1728, and his other Political Writings, vol. ii., p. 134. (London: 1817.)

About the latter end of the year 1724 a resolution passed the House of Commons whereby, instead of the malt tax, six pence per barrel of ale was laid of additional duty on Scotland (and not extended to England) and the premiums on grain exported from thence was taken off. As this was a plain breach of the Union, in so far as it expressly stipulated that there shall be an equality of taxes and premiums on trade, every Scots man was highly enraged at it, for as it was evident that the want of the premiums would effectively stop the exportation of grain, which would thereby become a mere drug, no body could foresee to what height this precedent of taxing Scotland separately from England might afterwards be extended. Tis impossible to express the resentment of the nation at this measure, all parties seemed reconciled and to unite in opposing what was so pernicious to the country in general, and at the same time touched every particular man's copyhold. The King's friends laid hold upon this occasion, and privately, underhand, fomented the bad humour, it not being fit, as indeed there was no need of their distinguishing their zeal at this time. A meeting of the heritors of the shire of Edinburgh was called, where I presented an address to the House of Commons, which being heartily approved of, was signed and next day sent up by an express to London....

These warm addresses and instructions did not a little startle the Scots members of Parliament, and even the Ministry; and there were likewise many private letters written to them by their friends, assuring them of the highest resentment if they did not perform what was desired and expected of them. Had these members been endued with a public spirit and resolution, such applications would have been needless; but as they consisted of a parcel of people of low fortunes that could not subsist without their board-wages (which at ten guineas a week during each session was duly paid them) or mere tools and dependents, it was not to be expected they would act the part which became them for their country's service, and therefore these representations were judged necessary to spur them up to their duty and withal show the Ministry that the people would not behave so tamely as did their mean spirited mercenary representatives, who, perceiving they would lose all their interest and scarce dare venture to return home if they did not follow the instructions given them, made most humble applications to the Ministry, who on the other hand being apprehensive the resentment might be carried to some height, and unwilling, as matters stood in Europe, to embroil themselves, thought it expedient to drop the resolutions above mentioned, (which they at first preferred, because they judged it would be no easy matter to levy the malt tax in Scotland) and agreed with the Scots members to impose threepence per bushel on malt; being but the half of what was laid in England; and a bill was accordingly passed as fast as the forms could possibly allow of, least their constituents should have time to remonstrate against it....

Some little time before the 23rd of June (on which day the malt tax commenced) delegates were sent from most of the considerable touns, to meet and confer with the brewers at Edinburgh, where many proposals were made for eluding the law, to be, as occasions offered, put in practice: the first thing to be guarded against was the dutys of malt stock in hand; and to avoid the heavy penalty of not entering the same, it was resolved to obey the law in that respect, but at the same time not to make payment of the duty thereon, and if the Commissioners of excise sued them, to give over brewing and consequently sink the revenue of excise, which was indeed chiefly aimed at by those who bestirred themselves at this time in behalf of the country, that the Government might perceive they'd lose more of the excise than they could gain by the malt tax: but what alarmed people most was the unreasonable article of surcharge, to be levied proportionately off such as entered and paid the duty of what was malted after 23rd of June, in so far as the clear produce (after deducing the charges of collecting) fell short of 20,000l. sterling, whereby those who submitted to the Government and paid the malt tax ran the hazard of making up the deficiencie arising from those who did otherwise, which so startled all the considerable brewers, who generally speaking are also maltsters, that they found it absolutely necessary to malt none after the commencement of this duty.

On the 23rd of June, when the duty took place, the excise officers were obliged to fly out of most of the towns in the western shires, but in Glasgow the resentment ran higher. Daniell Campbell of Shawfeild, who represented that burgh in Parliament, having incurred the hatred of the inhabitants thereof, because he was believed, on too good grounds, to have had the chief hand in giving the Government such informations of the way and manner of trading there, as occasioned a few years ago an act of Parliament, that lay heavily on their tobacco trade, was likewise said and believed to have encouraged to hope there was no difficulty in raising the malt tax; and these joined together rendered him detestable over all the Kingdom, especially at Glasgow, where they threatened to pull down his new built house, whereof he sent notice to Wade at Edinburgh on 21st of June, who thereupon ordered a detachment of foot to march forthwith thither, where they arrived on the 24th at night, but the guard room being unprepared, they put off taking possession of it till next day, the soldiers being dismist to their several private quarters. During the night time a report went about that Daniell Campbell had brought these soldiers to enslave them, whereupon the mob got up and destroyed his house, and had he himself been in town, they had certainly dewitted him. Whilst this was in hand the commanding officer got his men together, took possession of the guard room and drew up before it, and tho he met with no insult but from some boys and women, who threw a few stones at his men, without having previously read the proclamation, as directed by the law on such occasions, he fired allongst the streets, which being full of innocent people that came out of curiosity to know what the matter was, and the windows at the same time crowded with spectators, about 20 men and women were killd dead and many more wounded, some whereof in the streets and others in their houses: the citizens being thereby enraged did ring the fire bell and brake up the magazine, from whence they armed about 400 men. In the mean time the magistrates advised the officer to march off his party, for they could not be protected within the city; on which he made the best of his way to Dumbarton, but not thinking himself safe in that town he retired into the castle. The Glasgow mob pursued him a few miles but could not overtake him.



GENERAL WADE'S ROADS (1726).

Source.—Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland to his Friend in London, vol. ii., p. 183, by Captain Burt. Fifth edition. (London: 1822.)

LETTER XXVI. CONCERNING THE NEW ROADS, ETC., 173-.

These new roads were begun in the year 1726, and have continued about eleven years in the prosecution; yet, long as it may be thought, if you were to pass over the whole work (for the borders of it would show you what it was), I make no doubt but that number of years would diminish in your imagination to a much shorter tract of time, by comparison with the difficulties that attended the execution.

But, before I proceed to any particular descriptions of them, I shall inform you how they lie, to the end that you may trace them out upon a map of Scotland; and first I shall take them as they are made, to enter the mountains, viz.—

One of them begins from Crief, which is about fourteen miles from Stirling: here the Romans left off their works, of which some parts are visible to this day, particularly the camp at Ardoch, where the vestiges of the fortifications are on a moor so barren, that its whole form has been safe from culture, or other alteration besides weather and time.

The other road enters the hills at Dimheld,[79] in Athol, which is about ten miles from Perth.

The first of them, according to my account, though the last in execution, proceeds through Glenalmond (which, for its narrowness, and the height of the mountains, I remember to have mentioned formerly), and thence it goes to Aberfaldy; there it crosses the river Tay by a bridge of free-stone, consisting of five spacious arches (by the way, this military bridge is the only passage over that wild and dangerous river), and from thence the road goes on to Dalnachardoch.

The other road from Dunkeld proceeds by the Blair of Athol to the said Dalnachardoch.

Here the two roads join in one, and, as a single road, it leads on to Dalwhinny, where it branches out again into two; of which one proceeds towards the north-west, through Garva Moor, and over the Coriarach mountain to Fort Augustus, at Killichumen, and the other branch goes due-north to the barrack of Ruthven, in Badenoch, and thence, by Delmagary, to Inverness. From thence it proceeds something to the southward of the west, across the island, to the aforesaid Fort-Augustus and so on to Fort-William, in Lochaber.

The length of all these roads put together is about two hundred and fifty miles....

In the summer seasons, five hundred of the soldiers from the barracks, and other quarters about the Highlands, were employed in those works in different stations, by detachments from the regiments and Highland companies.

The private men were allowed sixpence a day, over and above their pay as soldiers: a corporal had eight-pence, and a sergeant a shilling; but this extra pay was only for working-days, which were often interrupted by violent storms of wind and rain, from the heights and hollows of the mountains.

These parties of men were under the command and direction of proper officers, who were all subalterns, and received two shillings and sixpence per diem, to defray their extraordinary expence in building huts; making necessary provision for their tables from distant parts; unavoidable though unwelcome visits, and other incidents arising from their wild situation....

The standard breadth of these roads, as laid down at the first projection, is sixteen feet; but in some parts, where there were no very expensive difficulties, they are wider....

The old ways (for roads I shall not call them) consisted chiefly of stony moors, bogs, rugged, rapid fords, declivities of hills, entangling woods, and giddy precipices. You will say this is a dreadful catalogue to be read to him that is about to take a Highland journey. I have not mentioned the valleys, for they are few in number, far divided asunder, and generally the roads through them were easily made.

My purpose now is to give you some account of the nature of the particular parts above-mentioned, and the manner how this extraordinary work has been executed; and this I shall do in the order I have ranged them as above.

And first, the stony moors. These are mostly tracts of ground of several miles in length, and often very high, with frequent lesser risings and descents, and having for surface a mixture of stones and heath. The stones are fixed in the earth, being very large and unequal, and generally are as deep in the ground as they appear above it; and where there are any spaces between the stones, there is a loose spongy sward, perhaps not above five or six inches deep, and incapable to produce any thing but heath, and all beneath it is hard gravel or rock....

Here the workmen first made room to fix their instruments, and then, by strength, and the help of those two mechanic powers, the screw and the lever, they raised out of their ancient beds those massive bodies, and then filling up the cavities with gravel, set them up, mostly end-ways, along the sides of the road, as directions in time of deep snows, being some of them, as they now stand, eight or nine feet high. They serve, likewise, as memorials of the skill and labour requisite to the performance of so difficult a work....

Now that I have no further occasion for any distinction, I shall call every soft place a bog, except there be occasion sometimes to vary the phrase.

When one of these bogs has crossed the way on a stony moor, there the loose ground has been dug out down to the gravel, or rock, and the hollow filled up in the manner following, viz.—

First with a layer of large stones, then a smaller size, to fill up the gaps and raise the causeway higher; and, lastly, two, three, or more feet of gravel, to fill up the interstices of the small stones, and form a smooth and binding surface. This part of the road has a bank on each side, to separate it from a ditch, which is made without-side to receive the water from the bog, and, if the ground will allow it, to convey it by a trench to a slope, and thereby in some measure drain it....

The objections made to these new roads and bridges, by some in the several degrees of condition among the Highlanders, are in part as follow: viz.—

I. These chiefs and other gentlemen complain, that thereby an easy passage is opened into their country for strangers, who, in time, by their suggestions of liberty, will weaken that attachment of their vassals which it is so necessary for them to support and preserve. That their fastnesses being laid open, they are deprived of that security from invasion which they formerly enjoyed. That the bridges, in particular, will render the ordinary people effeminate, and less fit to pass the waters in other places where there are none. And there is a pecuniary reason concealed, relating to some foreign courts, which to you I need not explain.

II. The middling order say to them the roads are an inconvenience, instead of being useful, as they have turned them out of their old ways; for their horses being never shod, the gravel would soon whet away their hoofs, so as to render them unserviceable; whereas the rocks and moor-stones, though together they make a rough way, yet, considered separately, they are generally pretty smooth on the surface where they tread, and the heath is always easy to their feet....

III. The lowest class, who, many of them, at some times cannot compass a pair of shoes for themselves, they alledge, that the gravel is intolerable to their naked feet; and the complaint has extended to their thin brogues. It is true they do sometimes, for these reasons, go without the road, and ride or walk in very incommodious ways.

FOOTNOTES:

[79] Dunkeld.



SCOTTISH GARDENING (1735).

Source.—Letters of John Cockburn of Ormistoun to his Gardener, 1727-1744, p. 22. Edited by James Colville, M.A., D.Sc. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1904.)

3 June, 1735.

CHARLES.[80]—I have had none from you since my last. We have this day a great deal of soft rain, which if with you will do great service to forward both Grass and Corn and may secure many of the weak rooted trees planted last Winter and also make your lay'd trees strike root if well earthed.

This I design chiefly for some thoughts about improving of your father's Garden and land of which if you go right you'l turn a good deal off into Kitchen and Orchard Garden. In doing of which I still think you might have made more progress last Winter and by so doing you might have made a beginning in drawing the people towards a better taste in Garden stuff, which tho' you had made no other profit directly, yet that, if you had saved yourself only, as to the expence, would have been getting [profit], as it would have encreased the demand next year.... Your father's Garden is well sheltered by the houses and rising Ground from the one hand and by the high hedge of the other, and he has water at hand. So he may raise any thing in it the climate will allow of. He has crowded it with fruit trees, too thick even for them to bear as they would, espicially when a little older, as in that warm place they advance very fast. By this he loses the undergrowth also, by which he might make double what he makes by the fruit from the trees, espicially they being of the most common fruit, which would answer as well in the most exposed part of his field. So warm a lying spot should either have been employed entirely in doubled crops for a Kitchen, or, if for fruit, it should have been in kinds every spot won't produce, and for that reason yielded more. I incline to think mulberys would have done of either side the walk at the lower end, as being warm and covered from all severe weather. If so, one tree of them would have yielded as much money as half a dozen of the common apples now in it, and would have taken no more room than one of the present. I am convinced that if Mulberys will do any where in Scotld. they will there, it being entirely covered from Weather and yet open to the Sun, except in so far as shaded by apple trees.... What I aim at is to turn your ground to the best and most proper uses, the warmest and best to what requires it, and the common coarse fruits or herbs to places where they will do and the nicer won't....

Depend upon it there are people in Eden.[81] who have taste, and if you can once get into the custom of some who have it, will put others upon enquiring where they had good things, and this will hold in your herbs etc. as well as in your Fruit. Do you think it possible that there are not Families and Taverns in Eden. that would give reasonably for young pease and Beans in July and Aug^t if they could get them. Suppose now you sent a dish of young pease or Beans to any of your Customers when only old are to be had, and desire them to let their acquaintances know you can furnish the like, don't you think they would go off, or if you got into the custom of such as Mrs. Thom, who keeps a Tavern, do you believe she would not find people who would be glad of them, and so would take from you. Possibly they may not give such a price as just when first coming in, but if you get a price you can afford them at, it does your business.... People would presently come to distinguish as they came in to buy when Garden stuff was first introduced. But our people are lazie, and saying no body will buy and no body will distinguish, is chiefly owing to the want of activity, Industry and care in providing at all or good of their kinds, and bustling a little to introduce and get Customers at first. We are glad of all excuses for our sleeping on in poverty and our old jog trott. How shall things be carried to Eden. and no body will buy in the country are often very good difficulties and convenient enough excuses, wherein excuse is wanted. I don't know if you have a Carrier at Orm:[82] but I am convinced one who understood his business, would get Employment for a Cart such as the Higlers[83] to the Gardiners who come to Covent Garden use. They would carry things cool and clean, and one man with two horses in such a Cart, would carry in as much as four Carriers with 4 horses carry in our common way and if you put your things up in Baskets carefully as Gardiners do here, by which they'l not be wet, Bruised or Broiled in the Sun, the Cart being covered as the Garden Stuff commonly is, in carrying to Eden. Even care in this will make them fresher and better than what is now to be had there.

HAMPSTEAD, 3^d June, 1735.

FOOTNOTES:

[80] His gardener's name was Charles Bell.

[81] Edinburgh.

[82] Ormiston.

[83] Costermongers.



THE PORTEOUS RIOTS (1736).

Source.—Autobiography of the Rev. Dr. Alexander Carlyle, Minister of Inveresk, 1722-1770, p. 33. (Edinburgh and London: 1860.)

I was witness to a very extraordinary scene that happened in the month of February or March 1736, which was the escape of Robertson, a condemned criminal, from the Tolbooth Church in Edinburgh. In these days it was usual to bring the criminals who were condemned to death into that church, to attend public worship every Sunday after their condemnation, when the clergyman made some part of his discourse and prayers to suit their situation; which, among other circumstances of solemnity which then attended the state of condemned criminals, had no small effect on the public mind. Robertson and Wilson were smugglers, and had been condemned for robbing a custom-house, where some of their goods had been deposited; a crime what at that time did not seem, in the opinion of the common people, to deserve so severe a punishment. I was carried by an acquaintance to church to see the prisoners on the Sunday before the day of execution. We went early into the church on purpose to see them come in, and were seated in a pew before the gallery in front of the pulpit. Soon after we went into the church by the door from the Parliament Close, the criminals were brought in by the door next the Tolbooth, and placed in a long pew, not far from the pulpit. Four soldiers came in with them, and placed Robertson at the head of the pew, and Wilson below him, two of themselves sitting below Wilson, and two in a pew behind him.

The bells were ringing and the doors were open, while the people were coming into the church. Robertson watched his opportunity, and, suddenly springing up, got over the pew into the passage that led in to the door in the Parliament Close, and, no person offering to lay hands on him, made his escape in a moment—so much the more easily, perhaps, as everybody's attention was drawn to Wilson, who was a stronger man, and who, attempting to follow Robertson, was seized by the soldiers, and struggled so long with them that the two who at last followed Robertson were too late. It was reported that he had maintained his struggle that he might let his companion have time. That might be his second thought, but his first certainly was to escape himself, for I saw him set his foot on the seat to leap over, when the soldiers pulled him back. Wilson was immediately carried out to the Tolbooth, and Robertson, getting uninterrupted through the Parliament Square, down the back stairs, into the Cowgate, was heard of no more till he arrived in Holland. This was an interesting scene, and by filling the public mind with compassion for the unhappy person who did not escape, and who was the better character of the two, had probably some influence in producing what followed; for when the sentence against Wilson came to be executed a few weeks thereafter, a very strong opinion prevailed that there was a plot to force the Town Guard, whose duty it is to attend executions under the order of a civil magistrate.

There was a Captain Porteous, who by his good behaviour in the army had obtained a subaltern's commission, and had afterwards, when on half-pay, been preferred to the command of the City Guard. This man, by his skill in manly exercises, particularly the golf, and by gentlemanly behaviour, was admitted into the company of his superiors, which elated his mind, and added insolence to his native roughness, so that he was much feared and hated by the mob of Edinburgh. When the day of execution came, the rumour of a deforcement at the gallows prevailed strongly; and the Provost and Magistrates (not in their own minds very strong) thought it a good measure to apply for three or four companies of a marching regiment that lay in the Canongate, to be drawn up in the Lawnmarket, a street leading from the Tolbooth to the Grassmarket, the place of execution, in order to overawe the mob by their being at hand. Porteous, who it is said, had his natural courage increased to rage by any suspicion that he and his Guard could not execute the law, and being heated likewise with wine—for he had dined, as the custom then was, between one and two—became perfectly furious when he passed by the three companies drawn up in the street as he marched along with his prisoner.

... The street is long and wide, and there was a very great crowd assembled. The execution went on with the usual forms, and Wilson behaved in a manner very becoming his situation. There was not the least appearance of an attempt to rescue; but soon after the executioner had done his duty, there was an attack made upon him, as usual on such occasions, by the boys and blackguards throwing stones and dirt in testimony of their abhorrence of the hangman. But there was no attempt to break through the guard and cut down the prisoner. It was generally said that there was very little, if any, more violence than had usually happened on such occasions. Porteous, however, inflamed with wine and jealousy, thought proper to order his Guard to fire, their muskets being loaded with slugs; and when the soldiers showed reluctance, I saw him turn to them with threatening gesture and an inflamed countenance. They obeyed, and fired; but wishing to do as little harm as possible, many of them elevated their pieces, the effect of which was that some people were wounded in the windows; and one unfortunate lad, whom we had displaced, was killed in the stair window by a slug entering his head. His name was Henry Black, a journey man tailor, whose bride was the daughter of the house we were in. She fainted away when he was brought into the house speechless, where he only lived till nine or ten o'clock. We had seen many people, women and men, fall in the street, and at first thought it was only through fear, and by their crowding on one another to escape. But when the crowd dispersed, we saw them lying dead or wounded, and had no longer any doubt of what had happened. The numbers were said to be eight or nine killed, and double the number wounded; but this was never exactly known.

This unprovoked slaughter irritated the common people to the last; and the state of grief and rage into which their minds were thrown, was visible in the high commotion that appeared in the multitude.... The sequel of this affair was, that Porteous was tried and condemned to be hanged; but by the intercession of some of the Judges themselves, who thought his case hard, he was reprieved by the Queen-Regent. The Magistrates, who on this occasion, as on the former, acted weakly, designed to have him removed to the Castle for greater security. But a plot was laid and conducted by some persons unknown with the greatest secrecy, policy, and vigour, to prevent that design, by forcing the prison the night before, and executing the sentence upon him themselves, which to effectuate cost them from eight at night till two in the morning; and yet this plot was managed so dexterously that they met with no interruption, though there were five companies of a marching regiment lying in the Canongate.

This happened on the 7th of September, 1736; and so prepossessed were the minds of every person that something extraordinary would take place that day, that I, at Prestonpans, nine miles from Edinburgh, dreamt that I saw Captain Porteous hanged in the Grassmarket. I got up betwixt six and seven, and went to my father's servant, who was thrashing in the barn which lay on the roadside leading to Aberlady and North Berwick, who said that several men on horseback had passed about five in the morning, whom having asked for news, they replied there was none, but that Captain Porteous had been dragged out of prison, and hanged on a dyer's tree at two o'clock that morning.

This bold and lawless deed not only provoked the Queen, who was Regent at the time, but gave some uneasiness to Government. It was represented as a dangerous plot, and was ignorantly connected with a great meeting of zealous Covenanters, of whom many still remained in Galloway and the west, which had been held in summer, in Pentland Hills, to renew the Covenant. But this was a mistake; for the murder of Porteous had been planned and executed by a few of the relations or friends of those whom he had slain; who, being of a rank superior to mere mob, had carried on their design with so much secrecy, ability, and steadiness as made it be ascribed to a still higher order, who were political enemies to Government.



THE "CAMBUSLANG WARK" (1742).

Source.—The Statistical Account of Scotland, drawn up from the communications of the ministers of the different parishes, vol. v., p. 266, by Sir John Sinclair, Bart. (Edinburgh: 1793.)

Statistical Account of Cambuslang.

In the statistical account of this parish, it will doubtless be expected, that some mention should be made of those remarkable religious phenomena, which took place under Mr. M'Culloch's ministry, commonly called "Cambuslang conversions." In treating of this subject, it will be proper to give a brief historical view, first of the facts, and then of the opinions entertained concerning them.

The kirk of Cambuslang being small and in bad repair, the minister, when the weather was favourable, used to preach in a tent, erected close by a rivulet, at the foot of a bank or brae near the kirk; which is still called "the preaching or conversion brae."... Towards the end of January, 1742, two persons, Ingram More, a shoemaker, and Robert Bowman, a weaver, went through the parish, and got about 90 heads of families to subscribe a petition, which was presented to the minister, desiring that he would give them a weekly lecture.... On Monday, 15th February, and the two following days, all the fellowship meetings in the parish convened in one body in the minister's house, and were employed for many hours in fervent prayer for the success of the gospel, and for an outpouring of the Holy Spirit in their bounds, as in other places abroad: The next day, being Thursday 18th February, nothing remarkable happened during the lecture, except that the hearers were apparently all attention; but when the minister in his last prayer expressed himself thus: "Lord who hath believed our report; and to whom is the arm of the Lord revealed? where are the fruits of my poor labours among this people?" several persons in the congregation cried out publicly, and about 50 men and women came to the minister's house, expressing strong conviction of sin, and alarming fears of punishment. After this period, so many people from the neighbourhood resorted to Cambuslang, that the minister thought himself obliged to provide them with daily sermons or exhortations, and actually did so for 7 or 8 months.

The way in which the converts were affected, for it seems they were all affected much in the same way, though in very different degrees, is thus described. They were seized all at once, commonly by something said in the sermons or prayers, with the most dreadful apprehensions concerning the state of their souls, insomuch that many of them could not abstain from crying out in the most public and dreadful manner, ... The agony under which they laboured, was expressed not only by words, but also by violent agitations of body; by clapping their hands and beating their breasts; by shaking and trembling; by faintings and convulsions; and sometimes by excessive bleeding at the nose. While they were in this distress, the minister often called out to them, not to stifle or smother their convictions, but to encourage them; and, after sermon was ended, he retired with them to the manse, and frequently spent the best part of the night with them in exhortations and prayers. Next day before sermon began, they were brought out, commonly by More and Bowman, and having napkins tied round their heads, were placed all together on seats before the tent, where they remained sobbing, weeping, and often crying aloud, till the service was over. Some of those who fell under conviction were never converted; but most of those who fell under it were converted in a few days, and sometimes in a few hours.... From the time of their conviction to their conversion, many had no appetite for food, or inclination to sleep, and all complained of the severity of their sufferings during that interval.

This singular work soon became public, made a great noise, and brought vast numbers of people from all quarters.... Among those who resorted to Cambuslang on this occasion, there were many of the most popular ministers in Scotland; ... M^r Whitefield,[84] who had been in England for several months, did not arrive till June. The sacrament was given twice in the space of 5 weeks, viz. on 11th July and 15th August. Immense multitudes of hearers and spectators were present at both, but especially at the last. On the Sunday, besides the tent at the foot of the brae above described, where the sacrament was dispensed, other two tents were erected. At each of these there was a very great congregation. M^r Whitefield, who was accustomed to numerous audiences, supposed, that at the three tents, there were upwards of 30,000 people; a greater number probably than was ever seen on any other sacramental occasion. Most of the above mentioned ministers and others were assistants at this solemnity. Four preached on the fast-day, 4 on Saturday, probably 14 or 15 on Sunday, and 5 on Monday. There were 25 tables, about 120 at each, in all 3,000 communicants. A great many of these came from Glasgow and the neighbourhood, about 200 from Edinburgh, about 200 from Kilmarnock, about 200 from Irvine and Stewarton, and some from England and Ireland.... The Cambuslang work continued for about six months, that is, from the 18th February till the second communion.