The noble earl had said also, that we should do no good by the abolition, because other nations would not concur in it. He did not know what other nations would do; but this he knew, that we ourselves ought not to be unjust because they should refuse to be honest. It was, however, self-obvious, that, if we admitted no more slaves into our colonies, the evil would be considerably diminished.

Another of his arguments did not appear to be more solid; for surely the Slave Trade ought not to be continued, merely because the effect of the abolition might ultimately be that of the emancipation of the slaves; an event, which would be highly desirable in its due time.

The noble lord had also said, that the planters were against the abolition, and that without their consent it could never be accomplished. He differed from him in both these points: for, first, he was a considerable planter himself, and yet he was a friend to the measure: secondly, by cutting off all further supplies, the planters would be obliged to pay more attention to the treatment of their slaves, and this treatment would render the trade unnecessary.

The noble earl had asserted also, that the population in the West Indies could not be kept up without further importations; and this was the opinion of the planters, who were the best judges of the subject. As a planter he differed from his lordship again. If, indeed, all the waste lands were to be brought into cultivation, the present population would be insufficient. But the government had already determined, that the trade should not be continued for such a purpose. We were no longer to continue pirates, or executioners for every petty tyrant in Africa, in order that every holder of a bit of land in our islands might cultivate the whole of his allotment; a work, which might require centuries. Making this exception, he would maintain, that no further importations were necessary. Few or no slaves had been imported into Antigua for many years; and he believed, that even some had been exported from it. As to Jamaica, although in one year fifteen thousand died in consequence of hurricane and famine, the excess of deaths over the births during the twenty years preceding 1788 was only one per cent. Deducting, however, the mortality of the newly imported slaves, and making the calculation upon the Negroes born in the island or upon those who had been long there, he believed the births and the deaths would be found equal. He had a right therefore to argue that the Negroes, with better treatment (which the abolition would secure), would not only maintain but increase their population, without any aid from Africa. He would add, that the newly imported Africans brought with them not only disorders which ravaged the plantations, but danger from the probability of insurrections. He wished most heartily for the total abolition of the trade. He was convinced, that it was both inhuman, unjust, and impolitic. This had always been his opinion as an individual since he was capable of forming one. It was his opinion then as a legislator. It was his opinion as a colonial proprietor; and it was his opinion as an Englishman, wishing for the prosperity of the British empire.

The Earl of Suffolk contended, that the population of the slaves in the islands could be kept up by good treatment, so as to be sufficient for their cultivation. He entered into a detail of calculations from the year 1772 downwards in support of this statement. He believed all the miseries of St. Domingo arose from the vast importation of Africans. He had such a deep sense of the inhumanity and injustice of the Slave Trade, that, if ever he wished any action of his life to be recorded, it would be that of the vote he should then give in support of the resolution.

Lord Sidmouth said, that he agreed to the substance of the resolution, but yet he could not support it. Could he be convinced that the trade would be injurious to the cause of humanity and justice, the question with him would be decided; for policy could not be opposed to humanity and justice. He had been of opinion for the last twenty years, that the interests of the country and those of numerous individuals were so deeply blended with this traffic, that we should be very cautious how we proceeded. With respect to the cultivation of new lands, he would not allow a single Negro to be imported for such a purpose; but he must have a regard to the old plantations. When he found a sufficient increase in the Black population to continue the cultivation already established there, then, but not till then, he would agree to an abolition of the trade.

Earl Stanhope said he would not detain their lordships long. He could not, however, help expressing his astonishment at what had fallen from the last speaker; for he had evidently confessed that the Slave Trade was inhuman and unjust, and then he had insinuated, that it was neither inhuman nor unjust to continue it. A more paradoxical or whimsical opinion, he believed, was never entertained, or more whimsically expressed in that house. The noble viscount had talked of the interests of the planters; but this was but a part of the subject; for surely the people of Africa were not to be forgotten. He did not understand the practice of complimenting the planters with the lives of men, women, and helpless children by thousands, for the sake of their pecuniary advantage; and they, who adopted it, whatever they might think of the consistency of their own conduct, offered an insult to the sacred names of humanity and justice.

The noble Earl (Westmoreland) had asked what would be the practical effect of the abolition of the Slave Trade. He would inform him. It would do away the infamous practices which took place in Africa; it would put an end to the horrors of the passage; it would save many thousands of our fellow-creatures from the miseries of eternal slavery; it would oblige the planters to treat those better, who were already in that unnatural state; it would increase the population of our islands; it would give a death-blow to the diabolical calculations, whether it was cheaper to work the Negroes to death and recruit the gangs by fresh importations, or to work them moderately and to treat them kindly. He knew of no event, which would be attended with so many blessings.

There was but one other matter, which he would notice. The noble baron (Hawkesbury) had asserted, that all the horrors of St. Domingo were the consequence of the speculative opinions which were current in a neighbouring kingdom on the subject at liberty. They had, he said, no such origin. They were owing to two causes; first, to the vast number of Negroes recently imported into that island; and, secondly, to a scandalous breach of faith by the French legislature. This legislature held out the idea not only of the abolition of the Slave Trade, but also of all slavery; but it broke its word. It held forth the rights of man to the whole human race, and then, in practice, it most infamously abandoned every article in these rights; so that it became the scorn of all the enlightened and virtuous part of mankind. These were the great causes of the miseries of St. Domingo, and not the speculative opinions of France.

Earl Grosvenor could not but express the joy he felt at the hope, after all his disappointments, that this wicked trade would be done away. He hoped that his Majesty's ministers were in earnest, and that they would, early in the next session, take this great question up with a determination to go through with it; so that another year should not pass before we extended the justice and humanity of the country to the helpless and unhappy inhabitants of Africa.

Earl Fitzwilliam said he was fearful lest the calamities of St. Domingo should be brought home to our own islands. We ought not, he thought, too hastily to adopt the resolution on that account. He should therefore support the previous question.

Lord Ellenborough said, he was sorry to differ from his noble friend (Lord Sidmouth), and yet he could not help saying that if after twenty years, during which this question had been discussed by both Houses of Parliament, their lordships' judgments were not ripe for its determination, he could not look with any confidence to a time when they would be ready to decide it.

The question then before them was short and plain. It was, whether the African Slave Trade was inhuman, unjust, and impolitic. If the premises were true, we could not too speedily bring it to a conclusion.

The subject had been frequently brought before him in a way which had enabled him to become acquainted with it; and he was the more anxious on that account to deliver his sentiments upon it as a peer of Parliament, without reference to anything he had been called upon to do in the discharge of his professional duty. When he looked at the mode in which this traffic commenced, by the spoliation of the rights of a whole quarter of the globe; by the misery of whole nations of helpless Africans; by tearing them from their homes, their families, and their friends; when he saw the unhappy victims carried away by force; thrust into a dungeon in the hold of a ship, in which the interval of their passage from their native to a foreign land was filled up with misery, under every degree of debasement, and in chains; and when he saw them afterwards consigned to an eternal slavery, he could not but contemplate the whole system with horror. It was inhuman in its beginning, inhuman in its progress, and inhuman to the very end.

Nor was it more inhuman than it was unjust. The noble earl, (Westmoreland,) in adverting to this part of the question had considered it as a question of justice between two nations, but it was a moral question. Although the natives of Africa might be taken by persons authorized by their own laws to take and dispose of them, and the practice, therefore, might be said to be legal as it respected them, yet no man could doubt, whatever ordinances they might have to sanction it, that it was radically, essentially, and in principle, unjust; and therefore there could be no excuse for us in continuing it. On the general principle of natural justice, which was paramount to all ordinances of men, it was quite impossible to defend this traffic; and he agreed with the noble baron (Hawkesbury) that, having decided that it was inhuman and unjust, we should not inquire whether it was impolitic. Indeed, the inquiry itself would be impious; for it was the common ordinance of God, that that which was inhuman and unjust, should never be for the good of man. Its impolicy, therefore, was included in its injustice and its inhumanity. And he had no doubt, when the importations were stopped, that the planters would introduce a change of system among their slaves which would increase their population, so as to render any further supplies from Africa unnecessary. It had been proved, indeed, that the Negro population in some of the islands was already in this desirable state. Many other happy effects would follow. As to the losses which would arise from the abolition of the Slave Trade, they, who were interested in the continuance of it, had greatly over-rated them. When pleading formerly in his professional capacity for the merchants of Liverpool at their lordships' bar, he had often delivered statements, which he had received from them, and which he afterwards discovered to be grossly incorrect. He could say from his own knowledge, that the assertion of the noble earl (Westmoreland), that property to the amount of a hundred millions would be endangered, was wild and fanciful. He would not however deny, that some loss might accompany the abolition; but there could be no difficulty in providing for it. Such a consideration ought not to be allowed to impede their progress in getting rid of an horrible injustice.

But it had been said that we should do but little in the cause of humanity by abolishing the Slave Trade; because other nations would continue it. He did not believe they would. He knew that America was about to give it up. He believed the states of Europe would give it up. But, supposing that they were all to continue it, would not our honour be the greater? Would not our virtue be the more signal? for then

—Faithful we Among the faithless found:

to which he would add, that undoubtedly we should diminish the evil, as far as the number of miserable beings was concerned, which was accustomed to be transported to our own colonies.

Earl Spencer agreed with the noble viscount (Sidmouth), that the amelioration of the condition of the slaves was an object, which might be effected in the West Indies; but he was certain, that the most effectual way of improving it would be by the total and immediate abolition of the Slave Trade; and for that reason he would support the resolution. Had the resolution held out emancipation to them, it would not have had his assent; for it would have ill become the character of this country, if it had been once promised, to have withheld it from them. It was to such deception that the horrors of St. Domingo were to be attributed. He would not enter into the discussion of the general subject at present. He was convinced that the trade was what the resolution stated it to be, inhuman, unjust, and impolitic. He wished therefore, most earnestly indeed, for its abolition. As to the mode of effecting it, it should be such as would be attended with the least inconvenience to all parties. At the same time he would not allow small inconveniences to stand in the way of the great claims of humanity, justice, and religion.

The question was then put on the resolution, and carried by a majority of forty-one to twenty. The same address also to His Majesty, which had been agreed upon by the Commons, was directly afterwards moved. This also was carried, but without the necessity of a division.

The resolution and the motion having passed both Houses, one other parliamentary measure was yet necessary to complete the proceedings of this session. It was now almost universally believed, in consequence of what had already taken place there, that the Slave Trade had received its death-wound; and that it would not long survive it. It was supposed, therefore, that the slave-merchants would, in the interim, fit out not only all the vessels they had, but even buy others, to make what might be called their last harvest. Hence, extraordinary scenes of rapine and murder would be occasioned in Africa. To prevent these, a new bill was necessary. This was accordingly introduced into the Commons. It enacted, but with one exception, that from and after the first of August, 1806, no vessel should clear out for the Slave Trade, unless it should have been previously employed by the same owner or owners in the said trade, or should be proved to have been contracted for previously to the 10th of June, 1806, for the purpose of being employed in that trade. It may now be sufficient to say that this bill also passed both Houses of Parliament; soon after which the session ended.



CHAPTER XXXIII.

—Continuation from July 1806, to March 1807.—Death of Mr. Fox.—Bill for the total abolition of the Slave Trade carried in the House of Lords; sent from thence to the Commons; amended and passed there; carried back, and passed with its amendments by the Lords; receives the royal assent.—Reflections on this great event.

It was impossible for the committee to look back to the proceedings of the last session, as they related to the great question under their care, without feeling a profusion of joy, as well as of gratitude to those, by whose virtuous endeavours they had taken place. But, alas, how few of our earthly pleasures come to us without alloy! a melancholy event succeeded. We had the painful intelligence, in the month of October 1806, that one of the oldest and warmest friends of the cause was then numbered with the dead.

Of the character of Mr. Fox, as it related to this cause, I am bound to take notice. And, first, I may observe, that he professed an attachment to it almost as soon as it was ushered into the world. Early in the year 1788, when he was waited upon by a deputation of the committee, his language was, as has appeared in the first volume, "that he would support their object to its fullest extent, being convinced that there was no remedy for the evil but in the total abolition of the trade."

His subsequent conduct evinced the sincerity of his promises. He was constant in his attendance in Parliament whenever the question was brought forward; and he never failed to exert his powerful eloquence in its favour. The countenance, indeed, which he gave it, was of the greatest importance to its welfare; for most of his parliamentary friends, who followed his general political sentiments, patronized it also. By the aid of these, joined to that of the private friends of Mr. Pitt, and of other members, who espoused it without reference to party, it was always so upheld, that after the year 1791 no one of the defeats which it sustained, was disgraceful. The majority on the side of those interested in the continuance of the trade was always so trifling, that the abolitionists were preserved a formidable body, and their cause respectable.

I never heard whether Mr. Fox, when he came into power, made any stipulations with His Majesty on the subject of the Slave Trade: but this I know, that he determined upon the abolition of it, if it were practicable, as the highest glory of his administration, and as the greatest earthly blessing which it was in the power of the Government to bestow; and that he took considerable pains to convince some of his colleagues in the cabinet of the propriety of the measure.

When the resolution, which produced the debates in parliament, as detailed in the last chapter, was under contemplation, it was thought expedient that Mr. Fox, as the minister of state in the House of Commons, should introduce it himself. When applied to for this purpose he cheerfully undertook the office, thus acting in consistency with his public declaration in the year 1791, "that in whatever situation he might ever be, he would use his warmest efforts for the promotion of this righteous cause."

Before the next measure, or the bill to prevent the sailing of any new vessel in the trade after the 1st of August, was publicly disclosed, it was suggested to him, that the session was nearly over; that he might possibly weary both Houses by another motion on the subject; and that, if he were to lose it, or to experience a diminution of his majorities in either, he might injure the cause, which was then in the road to triumph. To this objection he replied, "that he believed both Houses were disposed to get rid of the trade; that his own life was precarious; that if he omitted to serve the injured Africans on this occasion, he might have no other opportunity of doing it; and that he dared not, under these circumstances, neglect so great a duty."

This prediction relative to himself became unfortunately verified; for his constitution, after this, began to decline, till at length his mortal destiny, in the eyes of his medical attendants, was sealed. But even then, when removed by pain and sickness from the discussion of political subjects, he never forgot this cause. In his own sufferings he was not unmindful of those of the injured Africans. "Two things," said he, on his death-bed, "I wish earnestly to see accomplished,—peace with Europe—and the abolition of the Slave Trade." But knowing well, that we could much better protect ourselves against our own external enemies, than this helpless people against their oppressors, he added, "but of the two I wish the latter." These sentiments he occasionally repeated, so that the subject was frequently in his thoughts in his last illness. Nay, "the very hope of the abolition (to use the expression of Lord Howick in the House of Commons) quivered on his lips in the last hour of it." Nor is it improbable, if earthly scenes ever rise to view at that awful crisis, and are perceptible, that it might have occupied his mind in the last moment of his existence. Then indeed would joy ineffable, from a conviction of having prepared the way for rescuing millions of human beings from misery, have attended the spirit on its departure from the body; and then also would this spirit, most of all purified when in the contemplation of peace, good-will, and charity upon earth, be in the fittest state, on gliding from its earthly cavern, to commix with the endless ocean of benevolence and love.

At length the session of 1807 commenced. It was judged advisable by Lord Grenville, that the expected motion on this subject should, contrary to the practice hitherto adopted, be agitated first in the Lords. Accordingly, on the 2nd of January he presented a bill, called an act for the abolition of the Slave Trade; but he then proposed only to print it, and to let it lie on the table, that it might be maturely considered, before it should be discussed.

On the 4th, no less than four counsel were heard against the bill.

On the 5th the debate commenced. But of this I shall give no detailed account; nor, indeed, of any of those which followed it. The truth is, that the subject has been exhausted. They, who spoke in favour of the abolition, said very little that was new concerning it. They, who spoke against it, brought forward, as usual, nothing but negative assertions and fanciful conjectures. To give therefore what was said by both parties at these times, would be but useless repetition[A]. To give, on the other hand, that which was said on one side only would appear partial. Hence I shall offer to the reader little more than a narrative of facts upon these occasions.

[Footnote A: The different debates in both Houses on this occasion would occupy the half of another volume. This is another circumstance, which reconciles me to the omission. But that, which reconciles me the most is, that they will be soon published. In these debates justice has been done to every individual concerned in them.]

Lord Grenville opened the debate by a very luminous speech. He was supported by the Duke of Gloucester, the Bishop of Durham (Dr. Barrington), the Earls Moira, Selkirk, and Roslyn, and the Lords Holland, King, and Hood. The opponents of the bill were the Duke of Clarence, the Earls of Westmoreland and St. Vincent, and the Lords Sidmouth, Eldon, and Hawkesbury.

The question being called for at four o'clock in the morning, it appeared that the personal votes and proxies in favour of Lord Grenville's motion amounted to one hundred, and those against it to thirty-six. Thus passed the first bill in England, which decreed, that the African Slave Trade should cease. And here I cannot omit paying to his Highness the Duke of Gloucester the tribute of respect, which is due to him, for having opposed the example of his royal relations on this subject in behalf of an helpless and oppressed people. The sentiments too, which he delivered on this occasion, ought not to be forgotten. "This trade," said he, "is contrary to the principles of the British constitution. It is, besides, a cruel and criminal traffic in the blood of my fellow-creatures. It is a foul stain on the national character. It is an offence to the Almighty. On every ground therefore on which a decision can be made; on the ground of policy, of liberty, of humanity, of justice, but, above all, on the ground of religion, I shall vote for its immediate extinction."

On the 10th of February, the bill was carried to the House of Commons. On the 20th counsel were heard against it; after which, by agreement, the second reading of it took place. On the 23rd the question being put for the commitment of it, Lord Viscount Howick (now Earl Grey) began an eloquent speech. After he had proceeded in it some way, he begged leave to enter his protest against certain principles of relative justice, which had been laid down. "The merchants and planters," said he, "have an undoubted right, in common with other subjects of the realm, to demand justice at our hands. But that, which they denominate justice, does not correspond with the legitimate character of that virtue: for they call upon us to violate the rights of others, and to transgress our own moral duties. That, which they distinguish as justice, involves in itself the greatest injury to others. It is not, in fact, justice, which they demand, but—favour—and favour to themselves at the expense of the most grievous oppression of their fellow-creatures."

He then argued the question on the ground of policy. He showed, by a number of official documents, how little this trade had contributed to the wealth of the nation, being but a fifty-fourth part of its export trade; and he contended that as four-sevenths of it had been cut off by His Majesty's proclamation, and the passing of the foreign slave bill in a former year, no detriment of any consequence would arise from the present measure.

He entered into an account of the loss of seamen, and of the causes of the mortality, in this trade.

He went largely into the subject of negro-population, in the islands from official documents, giving an account of it up to the latest date. He pointed out the former causes of its diminution, and stated how the remedies for these would follow.

He showed how, even if the quantity of colonial produce should be diminished for a time, this disadvantage would, in a variety of instances, be more than counterbalanced by advantages, which would not only be great in themselves, but permanent.

He then entered into a refutation of the various objections which had been made to the abolition, in an eloquent and perspicuous manner; and concluded by appealing to the great authorities of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox in behalf of the proposed measure. "These precious ornaments," he said, "of their age and country, had examined the subject with all the force of their capacious minds. On this question they had dismissed all animosity—all difference of opinion—and had proceeded in union; and he believed, that the best tribute of respect we could show, or the most splendid monument we could raise, to their memories, would be by the adoption of the glorious measure of the abolition of the Slave Trade."

Lord Howick was supported by Mr. Roscoe, who was then one of the members for Liverpool; by Mr. Lushington, Mr. Fawkes, Lord Mahon, Lord Milton, Sir John Doyle, Sir Samuel Romilly, Mr. Wilberforce, and Earl Percy, the latter of whom wished that a clause might be put into the bill, by which all the children of slaves, born after January 1810, should be made free. General Gascoyne and Mr. Hibbert opposed the bill. Mr. Manning hoped that compensation would be made to the planters in case of loss. Mr. Bathurst and Mr. Hiley Addington preferred a plan for gradual abolition to the present mode. These having spoken, it appeared on a division, that there were for the question two hundred and eighty-three, and against it only sixteen.

Of this majority I cannot but remark, that it was probably the largest that was ever announced on any occasion, where the House was called upon to divide. I must observe, also, that there was such an enthusiasm among the members at this time, that there appeared to be the same kind and degree of feeling, as manifested itself within the same walls in the year 1788, when the question was first started. This enthusiasm, too, which was of a moral nature, was so powerful, that it seemed even to extend to a conversion of the heart; for several of the old opponents of this righteous cause went away, unable to vote against it; while others of them staid in their places, and voted in its favour.

On the 27th of February, Lord Howick moved, that the House resolve itself into a committee on the bill for the abolition of the Slave Trade. Sir C. Pole, Messrs. Hughan, Brown, Bathurst, Windham, and Fuller opposed the motion; and Sir R. Milbank, and Messrs. Wynne, Barham, Courtenay, Montague, Jacob, Whitbread, and Herbert (of Kerry), supported it. At length the committee was allowed to sit pro forma, and Mr. Hobhouse was put into the chair. The bill then went through it, and, the House being resumed, the report was received and read.

On the 6th of March, when the committee sat again, Sir C. Pole moved, that the year 1812 be substituted for the year 1807, as the time when the trade should be abolished. This amendment produced a long debate, which was carried on by Sir C. Pole, Messrs. Fuller, Hiley Addington, Rose, Gascoyne, and Bathurst, on one side; and by Mr. Ward, Sir P. Francis; General Vyse, Sir T. Turton, Mr. Whitbread, Lord Henry Petty, Messrs. Canning, Stanhope, Perceval, and Wilberforce on the other. At length, on a division, there appeared to be one hundred and twenty-five against the amendment, and for it only seventeen. The chairman then read the bill, and it was agreed that he should report it with the amendments on Monday. The bill enacted, that no vessel should clear out for slaves from any port within the British dominions after the 1st of May, 1807, and that no slave should be landed in the colonies after the 1st of March, 1808.

On the 16th of March, on the motion of Lord Henry Petty, the question was put, that the bill be read a third time. Mr. Hibbert, Captain Herbert, Mr. T.W. Plomer, Mr. Windham, and Lord Castlereagh, spoke against the motion. Sir P. Francis, Mr. Lyttleton, Mr. H. Thornton, and Messrs. Barham, Sheridan, and Wilberforce supported it. After this the bill was passed without a division[A].

[Footnote A: S. Lushington, Esq., M.P. for Yarmouth, gave his voluntary attendance and assistance to the committee, during all these motions, and J. Bowdler, Esq., was elected a member of it.]

On Wednesday, the 18th, Lord Howick, accompanied by Mr. Wilberforce and others, carried the bill to the Lords. Lord Grenville, on receiving it, moved that it should be printed, and that, if this process could be finished by Monday, it should be taken into consideration on that day. The reason of this extraordinary haste was, that His Majesty, displeased with the introduction of the Roman Catholic officers' bill into the Commons, had signified his intention to the members of the existing administration, that they were to be displaced.

This uneasiness, which, a few days before, had sprung up among the friends of the abolition, on the report that this event was probable, began now to show itself throughout the kingdom. Letters were written from various parts, manifesting the greatest fear and anxiety on account of the state of the bill, and desiring answers of consolation. Nor was this state of the mind otherwise than what might have been expected upon such an occasion; for the bill was yet to be printed. Being an amended one, it was to be argued again in the Lords. It was then to receive the royal assent. All these operations implied time; and it was reported that the new ministry[A] was formed; among whom were several who had shown a hostile disposition to the cause.

[Footnote A: The only circumstance, which afforded comfort at this time, was, that the Hon. Spencer Perceval and Mr. Canning were included in it, who were warm patrons of this great measure.]

On Monday, the 23rd, the House of Lords met. Such extraordinary diligence had been used in printing the bill, that it was then ready. Lord Grenville immediately brought it forward. The Earl of Westmoreland and the Marquis of Sligo opposed it. The Duke of Norfolk and the Bishop of Llandaff (Dr. Watson) supported it. The latter said, that this great act of justice would be recorded in heaven. The amendments were severally adopted without a division. But here an omission of three words was discovered, namely, "country, territory, or place," which, if not rectified, might defeat the purposes of the bill. An amendment was immediately proposed and carried. Thus the bill received the last sanction of the Peers. Lord Grenville then congratulated the House on the completion, on its part, of the most glorious measure that had ever been adopted by any legislative body in the world.

The amendment now mentioned occasioned the bill to be sent back to the Commons. On the 24th, on the motion of Lord Howick, it was immediately taken into consideration there, and agreed to; and it was carried back to the Lords, as approved of, on the same day.

But though the bill had now passed both houses, there was an awful fear throughout the kingdom lest it should not receive the royal assent before the ministry was dissolved. This event took place the next day; for on Wednesday, the 25th, at half past eleven in the morning, His Majesty's message was delivered to the different members of it, that they were then to wait upon him to deliver up the seals of their offices. It then appeared that a commission for the royal assent to this bill, among others, had been obtained. This commission was instantly opened by the Lord Chancellor (Erskine), who was accompanied by the Lords Holland and Auckland; and as the clock struck twelve, just when the sun was in its meridian splendour to witness this august act, this establishment of a Magna Charta for Africa in Britain, and to sanction it by its most vivid and glorious beams, it was completed. The ceremony being over, the seals of the respective offices were delivered up; so that the execution of this commission was the last act of the administration of Lord Grenville; an administration, which, on account of its virtuous exertions in behalf of the oppressed African race, will pass to posterity, living through successive generations in the love and gratitude of the most virtuous of mankind.

Thus ended one of the most glorious contests, after a continuance for twenty years, of any ever carried on in any age or country. A contest, not of brutal violence, but of reason. A contest between those who felt deeply for the happiness and the honour of their fellow-creatures, and those, who, through vicious custom and the impulse of avarice, had trampled under foot the sacred rights of their nature, and had even attempted to efface all title to the divine image from their minds.

Of the immense advantages of this contest I know not how to speak; indeed, the very agitation of the question which it involved has been highly important. Never was the heart of man so expanded; never were its generous sympathies so generally and so perseveringly excited. These sympathies, thus called into existence, have been useful in the preservation of a national virtue. For anything we know, they may have contributed greatly to form a counteracting balance against the malignant spirit, generated by our almost incessant wars during this period, so as to have preserved us from barbarism.

It has been useful also in the discrimination of moral character; in private life it has enabled us to distinguish the virtuous from the more vicious part of the community[A]. It has shown the general philanthropist; it has unmasked the vicious in spite of his pretension to virtue. It has afforded us the same knowledge in public life; it has separated the moral statesman from the wicked politician. It has shown us who, in the legislative and executive offices of our country, are fit to save, and who to destroy, a nation.

[Footnote A: I have had occasion to know many thousand persons in the course of my travels on this subject, and I can truly say, that the part which these took on this great question was always a true criterion of their moral character. Some indeed opposed the abolition, who seemed to be so respectable, that it was difficult to account for their conduct; but it invariably turned out, in the course of time, either that they had been influenced by interested motives, or that they were not men of steady moral principle. In the year 1792, when the national enthusiasm was so great, the good were as distinguishable from the bad, according to their disposition to this great cause, as if the divine Being had marked them, or, as a friend of mine the other day observed, as we may suppose the sheep to be from the goats on the day of judgment.]

It has furnished us also with important lessons. It has proved what a creature man is! how devoted he is to his own interest! to what a length of atrocity he can go, unless fortified by religious principle! But as if this part of the prospect would be too afflicting, it has proved to us, on the other hand, what a glorious instrument he may become in the hands of his Maker; and that a little virtue, when properly leavened, is made capable of counteracting the effects of a mass of vice!

With respect to the end obtained by this contest, or the great measure of the abolition of the Slave Trade as it has now passed, I know not how to appreciate its importance; to our own country, indeed, it is invaluable. We have lived, in consequence of it, to see the day, when it has been recorded as a principle in our legislation, that commerce itself shall have its moral boundaries. We have lived to see the day when we are likely to be delivered from the contagion of the most barbarous opinions. They who supported this wicked traffic, virtually denied that man was a moral being; they substituted the law of force for the law of reason: but the great act now under our consideration has banished the impious doctrine, and restored the rational creature to his moral rights. Nor is it a matter of less pleasing consideration, that, at this awful crisis, when the constitutions of kingdoms are on the point of dissolution, the stain of the blood of Africa is no longer upon us, or that we have been freed (alas, if it be not too late!) from a load of guilt, which has long hung like a mill-stone about our necks, ready to sink us to perdition.

In tracing the measure still further, or as it will affect other lands, we become only the more sensible of its importance; for can we pass over to Africa; can we pass over to the numerous islands, the receptacles of miserable beings from thence; and can we call to mind the scenes of misery which have been passing in each of these regions of the earth, without acknowledging that one of the greatest sources of suffering to the human race has, as far as our own power extends, been done way? Can we pass over to these regions again, and contemplate the multitude of crimes which the agency necessary for keeping up the barbarous system produced, without acknowledging that a source of the most monstrous and extensive wickedness has been removed also? But here, indeed, it becomes us peculiarly to rejoice; for though nature shrinks from pain, and compassion is engendered in us when we see it become the portion of others, yet what is physical suffering compared with moral guilt? The misery of the oppressed is, in the first place, not contagious like the crime of the oppressor; nor is the mischief which it generates either so frightful or so pernicious. The body, though under affliction, may retain its shape; and, if it even perish, what is the loss of it but of worthless dust? But when the moral springs of the mind are poisoned, we lose the most excellent part of the constitution of our nature, and the divine image is no longer perceptible in us; nor are the two evils of similar duration. By a decree of Providence, for which we cannot be too thankful, we are made mortal. Hence the torments of the oppressor are but temporary; whereas the immortal part of us, when once corrupted, may carry its pollutions with it into another world.

But, independently of the quantity of physical suffering, and the innumerable avenues to vice, in more than a quarter of the globe, which this great measure will cut off, there are yet blessings, which we have reason to consider as likely to flow from it. Among these we cannot overlook the great probability that Africa, now freed from the vicious and barbarous effects of this traffic, may be in a better state to comprehend and receive the sublime truths of the Christian religion. Nor can we overlook the probability that, a new system of treatment necessarily springing up in our islands, the same bright sun of consolation may visit her children there. But here a new hope rises to our view. Who knows but that emancipation, like a beautiful plant, may, in its due season, rise out of the ashes of the abolition of the Slave Trade, and that, when its own intrinsic value shall be known, the seed of it may be planted in other lands? And looking at the subject in this point of view, we cannot but be struck with the wonderful concurrence of events as previously necessary for this purpose, namely, that two nations, England and America, the mother and the child, should, in the same month of the same year, have abolished this impious traffic; nations, which at this moment have more than a million of subjects within their jurisdiction to partake of the blessing; and one of which, on account of her local situation and increasing power, is likely in time to give, if not law, at least a tone to the manners and customs of the great continent on which she is situated.

Reader! Thou art now acquainted with the history of this contest! Rejoice in the manner of its termination! And, if thou feelest grateful for the event, retire within thy closet, and pour out thy thanksgivings to the Almighty for this his unspeakable act of mercy to thy oppressed fellow-creatures.

THE END.

* * * * *



LONDON: JOHN W. PARKER, ST. MARTIN'S LANE

A SELECT LIST OF BOOKS

PUBLISHED BY

JOHN W. PARKER, WEST STRAND,

LONDON.

* * * * *

THE SLAVE-TRADE and SLAVERY.—HISTORY of the RISE, PROGRESS, and ACCOMPLISHMENT, of the ABOLITION of the AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE by the British Parliament. By THOMAS CLARKSON, M.A. A NEW EDITION, with Prefatory Remarks on the subsequent ABOLITION of SLAVERY, and a Portrait from a highly-approved Picture, recently painted by HENRY ROOM. Published under the Direction of the CENTRAL NEGRO-EMANCIPATION COMMITTEE. One large Volume. Octavo.

THE SCRIPTURAL CHARACTER of the ENGLISH CHURCH CONSIDERED, in a SERIES of SERMONS, with Notes and Illustrations. By the Rev. DERWENT COLERIDGE, M.A.

The series of Sermons, bearing the above title, were written exclusively for perusal, and are arranged as a connected whole. The author has adopted this form to avail himself of the devotional frame of mind, presupposed on the part of the reader, in this species of composition; but he has not deemed it as necessary to preserve with strictness the conventional style of the pulpit, for which these discourses were never intended: they may, consequently, be taken as a series of Essays, or as the successive chapters of a general work.

THE CATHOLIC CHARACTER of CHRISTIANITY; in a SERIES of LETTERS to a FRIEND. By the Rev. FREDERICK NOLAN, LL.D., F.B.S., Vicar of Prittlewell, and Author of The Evangelical Character of Christianity, &c.

The Profits arising from the First Edition of this Work, will be given to the Fund for erecting a Memorial to the Martyred Bishops at Oxford.

A MANUAL of CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES; or an Account of the Constitution, Ministers, Worship, Discipline, and Customs of the Early Church; with an Introduction, containing a Complete and Chronological Analysis of the Works of the Antenicene Fathers. Compiled from the Works of Augusti, and other sources. By the Rev. J. E. RIDDLE, M.A., Author of an English-Latin and Latin-English Dictionary, Luther and his Times, &c. In the Press.

It has been the object of the writer, to construct a History of Christian Antiquities sufficiently copious and accurate for the use of the student in divinity, and at the same time instructive and acceptable to the general reader: a work popular in point of structure and style, but containing the substance of the more scholastic and expensive volumes of Bingham, and embodying information collected by modern divines, who have investigated the history and usages of the early church. Such a compendium was a desideratum in our theological literature. Our language has hitherto possessed no book fit to occupy the same place, in relation to the history of the church, as that which has long been maintained by the Antiquities of Potter and Adam, in connexion with the histories of Greece and Rome. And the author of the present volume hopes he may be permitted to say, that, in the absence of more able labourers in this department, he has endeavoured, by means especially of foreign aid, to remove the want which he has described.

THE WORKS OF DOCTOR DONNE, Dean of Saint Paul's in 1619-1631; with a Memoir of his Life, and Critical Notices of his Writings. By HENRY ALFORD, M.A., Vicar of Wymeswold, and late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. With a fine Portrait from an Original Picture by VANDYKE. Six Volumes Octavo.

A HISTORY of the INDUCTIVE SCIENCES, from the Earliest Times to the Present. By the Rev. WILLIAM WHEWELL, B.D., F.R.S.; Pres. Geol. Society, and Professor of Casuistry in the University of Cambridge. Three Volumes, Octavo.

THE NEW CRATYLUS; or, CONTRIBUTIONS towards a more ACCURATE KNOWLEDGE of the GREEK LANGUAGE. By JOHN WILLIAM DONALDSON, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

A NEW SYSTEM OF LOGIC, and Developement of the Principles of Truth and Reasoning; in which a System of Logic, applicable to Moral and Practical Subjects, is for the first time proposed. By SAMUEL RICHARD BOSANQUET, A.M., of the Inner Temple.

The RISE and PROGRESS of the ENGLISH CONSTITUTION; with an HISTORICAL and LEGAL INTRODUCTION and NOTES. By ARCHIBALD JOHN STEPHENS, M.A., F.R.S., &c. Two Volumes, 30s.

The Introduction is embodied in the first volume, and extends from the earliest period of authentic history up to the termination of the reign of William III.; and the Saxon institutions, tenure of lands, domesday, the royal prerogative, origin and progress of the legislative assemblies, privileges of Lords and Commons, pecuniary exactions, administration of justice, gradual improvements in the laws, judicial powers of the Peers, borough institutions, infamy of the Long Parliament, national dissensions, and the principles under which the executive power was intrusted to the Prince of Orange, have experienced every illustration.

The doctrinal changes in the Anglican Church which were effected under the Tudors, are justified by a reference to the records and practice of the primitive Church, and the doctrinal schismatic points of Roman Catholic faith relating to the canons of Scripture, seven sacraments, sacrifice of the mass, private and solitary mass, communion in one kind, transubstantiation, image worship, purgatory, indulgences, confession and penance, absolution, &c., are clearly established as being in direct opposition to the opinions of the early fathers, and the fundamental doctrines of Christianity.

The text of De Lolme is incorporated in the second volume, and the notes affixed extend to great length, and embody very valuable and diversified information relative to the rights, qualifications, and disqualifications of members of Parliament and their constituents; the unions of Scotland and Ireland with England; the origin, rise, and progress of the civil law under nine periods of the Roman history; civil process in the English courts of law; history of the courts of equity, and the principles under which they act; trial by jury, and an analysis of criminal offences, and the statutes under which they are punishable, with an analysis of crimes that were committed in 1837, and of the sentences passed. There are likewise tables of the public income and expenditure in the year ended January 5, 1837; of the church revenues, in which will be found information relative to the number of benefices in each diocese; total amount of incomes, gross and net, of the incumbents in each diocese, also the averages of each respectively; number of curates in each diocese; total amount of their stipends, and average thereof; also four scales of the incomes of the beneficed clergy; and genealogical tables from the Saxon and Danish kings, to Queen Victoria.

FROM THE PRESS OF JOHN W. PARKER.

MEMOIRS of the LIFE, CHARACTER, and WRITINGS, of BISHOP BUTLER, Author of The Analogy. By THOMAS BARTLETT, M.A., One of the Six Preachers of Canterbury Cathedral, and Rector of Kingstone, Kent. Dedicated, by Permission, to his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury. Octavo, with an original Portrait.

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ELIZABETHAN RELIGIOUS HISTORY. By HENRY SOAMES, M.A., Author of The History of the Reformation; The Anglo-Saxon Church, &c.

This Work is intended to fill a long-acknowledged chasm in English literature, and especially in that which peculiarly concerns the Church of England. Both Romanists and Protestant Dissenters have been attentive to the important reign of Elizabeth, and by saying very little of each other, have given an invidious colouring to both the Church and the Government. The present work is meant to give every leading fact in sufficient detail, but to avoid unnecessary particulars. It reaches from the establishment of the Thirty-nine Articles, in 1563, to the Hampton-Court Conference, in 1604.

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THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH; its HISTORY, REVENUES, and General Character. By the Rev. HENRY SOAMES, M.A., Author of the Elizabethan Religious History. A NEW EDITION.

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HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH; from the Ascension of Jesus Christ to the Conversion of Constantine. By the late EDWARD BURTON, D.D.

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HISTORY of the CHURCH of ENGLAND, to the REVOLUTION in 1688; embracing Copious Histories of the Thirty-Nine Articles, the Translation of the Bible, and the Compilation of the Book of Common Prayer. By THOMAS VOWLER SHORT, D.D. NEW EDITION, in One large Volume.

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The EARLY CHRISTIANS; their MANNERS and CUSTOMS, TRIALS and SUFFERINGS. By the Rev. WILLIAM PRIDDEN, M.A. Second Edition.

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HISTORY OF POPERY; the Origin, Growth, and Progress of the Papal Power; its Political Influence in the European States-System, and its Effects on the Progress of Civilization; an Examination of the Present State of the Romish Church in Ireland; a History of the Inquisition; and Specimens of Monkish Legends.

LUTHER and HIS TIMES; History of the Rise and Progress of the German Reformation. By the Rev. J. E. RIDDLE, M.A., Author of First Sundays at Church.

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POPULAR HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, in Germany, Switzerland, and Great Britain; and of its chief Promoters, Opposers, and Victims. By THOMAS FOX.

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* HISTORY OF MOHAMMEDANISM, and the PRINCIPAL MOHAMMEDAN SECTS. By W.C. TAYLOR, LL.D.

* * * * *

* The CRUSADERS; SCENES, EVENTS, and CHARACTERS, from the Times of the Crusades. By THOMAS KEIGHTLEY. Two Vols.

* * * * *

* READINGS IN BIOGRAPHY; a Selection of the Lives of Eminent Men of all Nations.

The design of this work is to give an account of the lives of the Leaders in the most important revolutions which history records, from the age of Sesostris to that of Napoleon. Care has been taken to select those personages concerning whom information is most required by the historical student.

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LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM JONES, by the late LORD TEIGNMOUTH. With Notes, Selections from his Works, and a Memoir of his Noble Biographer, by the Rev. SAMUEL CHARLES WILKS, M.A. 2 Vols., 10s. 6d.

SIR WILLIAM JONES was not only the most eminent linguist, but in many respects one of the most remarkable men, of the last century; and LORD TEIGNMOUTH'S Memoir of him has been justly accounted one of the most interesting, instructive, and entertaining pieces of modern biography.

* * * * *

* LIVES OF BRITISH SACRED POETS. By R. A. WILLMOTT, Esq., Trin. Coll. Camb. Now complete, in Two Volumes, at 4s. 6d. each.

The FIRST SERIES contains an Historical Sketch of Sacred Poetry, and the Lives of the English Sacred Poets preceding MILTON.

The SECOND SERIES commences with MILTON, and brings down the Lives to that of BISHOP HEBER inclusive.

* * * * *

* LIVES OF EMINENT CHRISTIANS. By RICHARD B. HONE, M.A., Vicar of Hales Owen. Three Volumes, 4s. 6d. each.

Vol. I. ARCHBISHOP USHER, DOCTOR HAMMOND, JOHN EVELYN, BISHOP WILSON.

Vol. II.

BERNARD GILPIN, PHILIP DE MORNAY, BISHOP BEDELL, DOCTOR HORNECK.

Vol. III.

BISHOP RIDLEY, BISHOP HALL, The HONORABLE ROBERT BOYLE.

BIBLE BIOGRAPHY; HISTORIES OF THE LIVES AND CONDUCT OF THE PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS OF THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT. By E. FARR, Author of a New Version of the Book of Psalms. 4s. 6d.

BIBLE NARRATIVE chronologically arranged, in the words of the authorized Version; continued by an Historical Account of the Jewish Nation: and forming a Consecutive History from the Creation of the World to the Termination of the Jewish Polity. Dedicated by permission to the Lord Bishop of Winchester. 7s.

THE EVIDENCE OF PROFANE HISTORY TO THE TRUTH OF REVELATION. DEDICATED, BY SPECIAL PERMISSION, TO HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN. With numerous Graphic Illustrations. 10s. 6d.

It is the object of this Work to exhibit, from traces afforded in the records and monuments, both sacred and profane, of the ancient world, an unity of purpose maintained by the all-controlling providence of God.

STUDENT'S MANUAL OF ANCIENT HISTORY; ACCOUNTS OF THE PRINCIPAL NATIONS OF ANTIQUITY. By W.C. TAYLOR, LL.D. 10s. 6d.

The design of this work is to supply the student with an outline of the principal events in the annals of the ancient world, and at the same time to lead him to the consideration of the causes that produced the principal revolutions recorded. The geographical position, natural productions, and progress of civilization, in all the great monarchies and republics, have been diligently investigated, and their effect on the fortunes of the state pointed out. Thus the philosophy of history is made to illustrate the narrative without interrupting it.

STUDENT'S MANUAL OF MODERN HISTORY; THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE PRINCIPAL EUROPEAN NATIONS, THEIR POLITICAL HISTORY, AND THE CHANGES IN THEIR SOCIAL CONDITION; WITH A HISTORY OF THE COLONIES FOUNDED BY EUROPEANS, AND GENERAL PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. By the same Author. 10s. 6d.

*FAMILY HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By the Rev. G.R. GLEIG, M.A. With PICTORIAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 3 Vols., 6s. 6d. each.

The main purpose of the FAMILY HISTORY OF ENGLAND has been to unite objects which in such undertakings are not always found to coincide; namely, to render the study of English History not merely instructive, but interesting and amusing. For this purpose, the greatest care has been taken to seize upon all those striking features in the detail of events, which not only convey to the mind of the reader a vivid picture of scenes past, but induce him to argue from effects to their causes. While the philosophy of history, therefore, is sedulously taught, it is taught in a manner calculated to gratify both young and old, by affording to the one class ample scope to reflection; to the other, matter that stirs and excites, while it conveys sound moral instruction.

A HISTORY OF LONDON; THE PROGRESS OF ITS INSTITUTIONS; THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF ITS PEOPLE. By CHARLES MACKAY. 7s.

Of the Histories of London which have hitherto appeared, some have been too voluminous and costly for the general reader, and others too exclusively addressed to the citizen, the antiquarian, or the traveller. The object of the present Volume is to furnish in a tangible form, and at a small price, a general and popular view of the progress of civilization, and of the origin and progress of those events which have raised London to its present importance. The work, however, is not confined to a history of events, but contains graphic pictures of the manners and customs of the people, their sports and pastimes, at different periods, and the characteristic incidents of their domestic history.

GERMANY, BOHEMIA, AND HUNGARY, VISITED IN 1837. By the Rev. G.R. GLEIG, M.A., Chaplain to the Royal Hospital, Chelsea. Three Volume's, Post Octavo. 1l. 11s. 6d.

The principal design of this work is to give some account of the state of society as it now exists in Bohemia and Hungary. In order to reach these countries, the Author was, of course, obliged to pass through a large portion of Germany, where the social condition of the people, as well as the civil, ecclesiastical, and military establishments, attracted his attention. Upon these he touches, more especially in reference to Prussia, towards which the eyes of the rest of Europe are at present anxiously turned. But his great design was to obtain and communicate information, respecting countries into which few Englishmen are accustomed to penetrate. Hence a large portion of his tour, both in Bohemia and Hungary, was performed on foot; and the acquaintance which he was thereby enabled to form with all ranks and conditions of the people, was at once more intimate and more familiar than could have taken place had he travelled by a more usual mode of conveyance. He looked into the cottage as well as the palace, and he has given some account of both.

GERMANY; THE SPIRIT OF HER HISTORY, LITERATURE, SOCIAL CONDITION, AND NATIONAL ECONOMY; illustrated by Reference to her Physical, Moral, and Political Statistics, and by Comparison with other Countries. By BISSET HAWKINS, M.D., Oxon., F.R.S., &c. 10s. 6d.

TREVES; SOME ACCOUNT OF THE CITY OF TREVES, AND OF ITS ROMAN ARCHITECTURAL REMAINS. From the German of WYTTENBACH. Edited, with NOTES, by DAWSON TURNER, Esq., and illustrated from Drawings made on the spot. Octavo. Nearly Ready.

RESEARCHES IN BABYLONIA, ASSYRIA, AND CHALDAEA; forming part of the Labours of the Euphrates Expedition, and published with the sanction of the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Control, By WILLIAM AINSWORTH, F.G.S., F.R.G.S. With Illustrations, Maps, &c. 12s. 6d.

EGYPT AND SINAI. By M. DUMAS, with Notes by the Translator. Uniformly with Three Weeks in Palestine and Lebanon.

THREE WEEKS IN PALESTINE AND LEBANON. With many Engravings. 3s.

A little volume from the Traveller's notes. Descriptions of Baalbec, Beiroot, Damietta, Jaffa, Jerusalem, Ramiah, and other places, are blended with remarks upon the natives, the incidents of the journey, and the observations and reflections which naturally occur to a Clergyman in travelling through the Holy Land.

NOTES ON INDIAN AFFAIRS; by the late Hon. F.J. SHORE, Judge of the Civil Court and Criminal Sessions of Furrukhabad. 2 Vols., 26s.

The facts and opinions contained in this Work are the result of more than fifteen years' residence in India—during which period the Author held various situations in the Police, Revenue, and Judicial Departments, and was in habits of close communication, both Private and Official, with all classes of the Natives.

SCOTLAND; SKETCHES OF ITS COASTS AND ISLANDS, AND OF THE ISLE OF MAN; descriptive of the Scenery, and illustrative of the progressive Revolution in the Condition of the Inhabitants of those Regions. By LORD TEIGNMOUTH, M.P. 2 Vols., with Maps, 21s.

THE WEST INDIES; THE NATURAL AND PHYSICAL HISTORY OF THE COLONIES; AND THE MORAL, SOCIAL, AND POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE INHABITANTS, BEFORE AND AFTER THE ABOLITION OF NEGRO SLAVERY. By SIR ANDREW HALLIDAY, K.H., M.D., F.R.S.E., &c. With Maps. 10s. 6d.

NEW ZEALAND; AN ACCOUNT OF THE POSITION, EXTENT, SOIL AND CLIMATE, NATURAL PRODUCTIONS AND NATIVE INHABITANTS OF NEW ZEALAND, WITH REFERENCE TO BRITISH COLONIZATION. With Charts and Illustrations. 4s. 6d.

TWO YEARS AT SEA: NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE SWAN RIVER AND VAN DIEMEN'S LAND; THENCE, TO VARIOUS PARTS OF INDIA. With Notes of a Residence in the Burman Empire, and of the Services and Sufferings of the Missionaries in that Country. By JANE ROBERTS. With Engravings, 5s.

MUNGO PARK; HIS LIFE AND TRAVELS: WITH AN ACCOUNT OF HIS DEATH, FROM THE JOURNAL OF ISAACO, THE SUBSTANCE OF LATER DISCOVERIES RELATIVE TO HIS LAMENTED FATE, AND THE TERMINATION OF THE NIGER. 2s. 6d.

CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS; HIS LIFE, VOYAGES, AND DISCOVERY OF THE NEW WORLD. With Engravings. 2s 6d.

CAPTAIN COOK; HIS VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES: WITH AN ACCOUNT OF PITCAIRN'S ISLAND, AND THE MUTINY OF THE BOUNTY. Engravings. 2s. 6d.

NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION TO GREENLAND, SENT BY ORDER OF THE KING OF DENMARK, IN SEARCH OF THE LOST COLONIES; WITH THE CHART COMPLETED BY THE EXPEDITION. Published under the Direction of the Royal Geographical Society. 8s. 6d.

NEW POCKET GUIDE TO LONDON AND ITS ENVIRONS; containing Descriptions, from personal knowledge, of everything worth seeing or knowing, within Twenty-five Miles of the Metropolis; enlivened with Biographical and other Anecdotes, connected by History of Tradition with the Places described. With a Map of the Environs. By JOHN H. BRADY, F.R.A.S. 7s.

THE DOMESTIC GARDENER'S MANUAL; being an Introduction to Practical Gardening, on Philosophical Principles; to which is added, a NATURALIST'S KALENDAR, and an Appendix on the Operations of Forcing, including the Culture of Vines in Pots. By JOHN TOWERS, C.M.H.S. Second Edition, Enlarged and Improved. One large Volume, Octavo.

Most of the works on gardening which have come under my observation, are not only expensive, but appear to have been written almost exclusively for the affluent;—for those who possess, or can afford to possess, all the luxuries of the garden. We read of the management of hot-houses, green-houses, forcing-houses; of nursery-grounds, shrubberies, and other concomitants of ornamental gardening. Now, although it is acknowledged that many useful ideas may be gathered from these works, still it is obvious that they are chiefly written for those whose rank in life enables them to employ a chief gardener and assistants, qualified for the performance of the many operations required in the various departments of large gardens. As I profess to have a very different object in view, I address this book to those, who, without aiming to become professional gardeners, wish, nevertheless, to acquire so much of the art of Gardening as shall enable them to conduct its more common and essential operations with facility and precision.

* * * * *

MUSICAL HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, AND CRITICISM; being a General Survey of Music from the earliest Period to the Present Time. By GEORGE HOGARTH. _A new and enlarged edition, in Two Volumes._10s. 6d._

* * * * *

LECTURES on ASTRONOMY, delivered at KING'S COLLEGE, London, by the Rev. HENRY MOSELEY, M.A., F.R.S., Professor of Natural Philosophy and Astronomy in that Institution. With numerous Illustrations. 5s. 6d.

* * * * *

*MECHANICS APPLIED TO THE ARTS. By PROFESSOR MOSELEY, of King's College, London. A New Edition, corrected and improved. With numerous Engravings. 6s. 6d.

* * * * *

A MANUAL OF CHEMISTRY, by W.T. BRANDE, F.R.S., Prof, Chem. R.I., and of Her Majesty's Mint. 30s.

Although Three Editions of the Manual of Chemistry have already appeared, the present may be considered as a new work. It has been almost wholly re-written; everything new and important in the Science, both in English and Foreign Works, has been embodied; and it abounds in references to Authorities.

* * * * *

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF CHEMICAL PHILOSOPHY: being a preparatory View of the Forces which concur to the Production of Chemical Phenomena. By J. FREDERIC DANIELL, F.R.S. Professor of Chemistry in King's College, London; and Lecturer on Chemistry and Geology in the Hon. East India Company's Military Seminary at Addiscombe; and Author of Meteorological Essays. 16s.

FROM THE PRESS OF JOHN W. PARKER.

* A FAMILIAR HISTORY of BIRDS; their Nature, Habits, and Instincts. By EDWARD STANLEY, D.D., F.L.S., Lord Bishop of Norwich; President of the Linnaean Society. Two Vols., with Engravings. 7s.

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BRITISH SONG BIRDS; Popular Descriptions and Anecdotes of the Songsters of the Groves. By NEVILLE WOOD. 7s.

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OUTLINES OF GENERAL PATHOLOGY. By GEORGE FRECKLETON, M.D., Cantab., Fellow of the Royal Coll. of Physicians. 7s.

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* POPULAR PHYSIOLOGY; familiar Explanations of interesting Facts connected with the Structure and Functions of Animals, and particularly of Man. By PERCEVAL B. LORD, M.B. Many Engravings. 7s. 6d.

To trace the finger of God in the works of creation, to consider "the wonders that He doeth amongst the children of men," has ever been a source of the purest and noblest gratification,—that moral gratification which a well-framed mind naturally experiences in contemplating Infinite Power working out the dictates of Infinite Goodness,—that intellectual satisfaction which attends upon our being allowed, even imperfectly, to comprehend some small part of the designs of Infinite Wisdom.

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THE DOCTRINE OF LIMITS, with its Applications; namely, The First Three Sections of Newton—Conic Sections—The Differential Calculus. By the Rev. WILLIAM WHEWELL, B.D., &c. 9s.

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THE MECHANICAL EUCLID. By the Rev. WILLIAM WHEWELL, B.D., Fellow and Tutor of Trin. Coll. Cambridge. 5s. 6d.

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AN ELEMENTARY TREATISE on the DIFFERENTIAL and INTEGRAL CALCULUS. By the Rev. T.G. HALL, M.A., Professor of Mathematics, King's College, London. 12s. 6d.

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LECTURES upon TRIGONOMETRY, and the APPLICATION of ALGEBRA to GEOMETRY. Second Edition, corrected. 7s. 6d.

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DYNAMICS, or a TREATISE on MOTION; to which is added, a SHORT TREATISE on ATTRACTIONS. By SAMUEL EARNSHAW, M.A., of St. John's College, Cambridge. Octavo, with many Cuts. 14s.

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