NEW ZEALAND.

Hall, Sir John. Seddon, H. J., Premier. Stout, Sir Robert, Premier. Vogel, Sir Julius, Colonial Treas.

CANADA.

Hall, Sir John, M. P. MacDonald, Sir John, Premier.

SOUTH AFRICA.

Schreiner, Olive.

TESTIMONY FROM WOMAN SUFFRAGE STATES.[501]

No attempt is made to give here the mass of testimony which is easily available from the States where women vote, but only enough is presented to show its nature and the character of those who offer it. In the four States where women have exercised the full franchise for from six to thirty-three years, not half a dozen reputable persons have said over their own names that any of the evils which were so freely predicted have come to pass or that its effect upon men, women or the community has been other than good. The small amount of criticism which has been openly made has been anonymous or from those whose word was entitled to no weight. There is not another public question on which the testimony is so uniformly one-sided, and similar evidence on any other would be accepted as sufficiently conclusive to demand a unanimous verdict in its favor.

In 1901 Amos R. Wells, editor of the Christian Endeavor World, wrote to twenty-five ministers of several different denominations, choosing their names at random among his subscribers in the equal suffrage States, and asking them whether equal suffrage was working well, fairly well or badly. One answered that it worked badly, three that it worked fairly well, and the twenty-one others were all positive and explicit in saying that it worked well. One point upon which they laid stress was the increased intelligence and breadth of mind of the women, and the good influence of this upon their children. Mr. Wells said in summing up: "Woman suffrage makes elections more expensive, but it is a grand school for the mothers of the republic."

COLORADO.

In 1898, in answer to the continued misrepresentations of the Eastern press, the friends of woman suffrage issued the following:

We, citizens of the State of Colorado, desire, as lovers of truth and justice, to give our testimony to the value of equal suffrage. We believe that the greatest good of the home, the State and the nation is advanced through the operation of equal suffrage. The evils predicted have not come to pass. The benefits claimed for it have been secured, or are in progress of development. A very large proportion of Colorado women have conscientiously accepted their responsibility as citizens. In 1894 more than half the total vote for Governor was cast by women. Between 85 and 90 per cent. of the women of the State voted at that time. The exact vote of the last election has not yet been estimated, but there is reason to believe that the proportional vote of women was as large as in previous years. The vote of good women, like that of good men, is involved in the evils resulting from the abuse of our present political system; but the vote of women is noticeably more conscientious than that of men, and will be an important factor in bringing about a better order.

This was signed by the governor, three ex-governors, both senators, both members of Congress and ex-senators, the chief justice and two associate justices of the supreme court, three judges of the court of appeals, four judges of the district court, the secretary of State, the State treasurer, State auditor, attorney-general, the mayor of Denver, the president of the State University, the president of Colorado College, the representative of the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the vice-regent of the Mount Vernon Association, and the presidents of thirteen women's clubs.

* * * * *

I am confident that recognition of woman suffrage in the constitution of proposed States will not in any way hinder, delay or endanger their admission. That question is one belonging to the State and not to the general government, and the opponents of woman suffrage will not, I am sure, deny to the new States the right to settle that question for themselves.

HENRY M. TELLER (Rep.), U. S. Senator. (1889.)

* * * * *

Instead of rough or vicious men, or even drunken men, treating women with disrespect, the presence of a single good woman at the polls seems to make the whole crowd of men as respectful and quiet as at the theater or church. For the credit of American men be it said that the presence of one woman or girl at the polls, the wife or daughter of the humblest mechanic, has as good an effect on the crowd as the presence of the grandest dame or the most fashionable belle. The American woman is clearly as much of a queen at the polls, in her own bearing and the deference paid her, as in the drawing-room or at the opera. I feel more pride than ever in American manhood and American womanhood since seeing these gatherings on Tuesday, where men and women of all classes and conditions met in their own neighborhood to perform with duty and dignity the selection of their own rulers, and to give their approval to the principles to guide such officials when chosen. No woman was less in dignity and sweetness of womanhood after such participation in public duties, and I do not believe there is a man of sensibility in Colorado to-day who does not love his wife, daughter, sister or mother the more for the womanly and gracious manner in which she helped so loyally and intelligently in this election.

Indeed, Colorado in this election has left very little of good argument for its sincere opponents to urge against suffrage. So nearly all of everything having any good sense in it has been disproved here, that the opposition is left with very few weapons in its armory, and all of them weak.

JAMES S. CLARKSON (Rep.), U. S. Ass't P. M. General. (1894.)

* * * * *

When the question was submitted in Colorado, I supported and voted for the proposition as a matter of abstract right; as every fair man must admit, when the question comes to him, that a woman has the same right of suffrage as a man. In advocating suffrage you need no platform but right and justice; those who will not accept it upon that ground would not be persuaded though one rose from the dead. I will add, however, that even the most virulent enemy of woman suffrage can not prove that any harm has come from the experiment. The test in Colorado is still too new to expect a unanimous verdict, yet all fair-minded observers are justified in predicting a higher standard of morals and of political life as a result of woman suffrage.

ALVA ADAMS (Dem.), Governor. (1898.)

* * * * *

I supported the cause of woman suffrage, not because I thought it would work the political regeneration of the country, but because I believed it was a woman's due to vote, if she desired to do so. I have also said, and I reiterate, that the enfranchisement of Colorado women has in many ways benefited the State, that it was a decided advance, and that I trusted that other States, in emulation of our example, would soon give the right to women throughout the land.

CHARLES S. THOMAS (Dem.), Governor. (1899.)

* * * * *

There is not a political party in the State that will ever dare to insert in its platform an anti-suffrage plank; for it must not be forgotten that upon this question the voting power of the women would equal that of the men. It is no more likely that the women of Colorado will ever be disfranchised than that the men will be.

HORACE M. HALE, former President State University. (1901.)

* * * * *

Few are so unjust or bold as to argue seriously against the abstract right of women to vote; and experience in Colorado and other Western States has done much to dispel the various theoretical and sentimental objections that have been raised against the extension of this manifest right.

The largest majorities for woman suffrage were given in the most intelligent cities, and in the best precincts of each city, while the heavy majorities against it were in the precincts controlled by the debased and lawless classes, and the lowest grade of machine politicians, who rely on herding the depraved vote—showing that these elements dreaded the effect of woman suffrage, and realized the falsity of the argument that it would increase the immoral and controllable vote.

So far as I have been able to judge by observation of elections and analysis of returns, more women vote in the better districts than in the slums, and the proportion of intelligent and refined voters to the ignorant and depraved is larger among women than among men. The average result, therefore, has been beneficial.

No true, refined woman is any less womanly for studying questions of public interest and expressing her opinions thereon by means of the ballot.... The general effect has been decidedly beneficial. Especially does it act as a governor on the political machines of all parties to regulate the character of nominees and platforms.

Woman suffrage is accepted as an established fact, and is very little discussed. I certainly have no reason to think that the general sentiment in its favor has decreased, or that the measure would fail to pass with as large or a larger majority than before, if again submitted to the vote of either the men or women of the State. I have no hesitation whatever in stating as my own positive conviction that woman suffrage is both right and beneficial, and that it should not and never will be repealed in Colorado.

IRVING HALE (of Col.), General in the Army of the Philippines. (1902.)

It is said that equal suffrage would make family discord. In Colorado our divorce laws are rather easy, though stricter than in the neighboring States, but since 1893, when suffrage was granted, I have never heard of a case where political differences were alleged as a cause for divorce or as the provoking cause of family discord. Equal suffrage, in my judgment, broadens the minds of both men and women. It has certainly given us in Colorado candidates of better character and a higher class of officials. It is very true that husband and wife frequently vote alike—as the magnet draws the needle they go to the polls together. But women are not coerced. If a man were known to coerce his wife's vote I believe he would be ridden out of town on a rail with a coat of tar and feathers. Women's legal rights have been improved in Colorado since they obtained the ballot, and there are now no civil distinctions. Equal suffrage tends to make political affairs better, purer and more desirable for all who take part in them.

THOMAS M. PATTERSON (Dem.), U. S. Senator. (1902.)

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IDAHO.

It gives me pleasure to say briefly that the extension of the franchise to the women of Idaho has positively purified its politics. It has compelled not only State conventions, but, more particularly, county conventions, of both parties, to select the cleanest and best material for public office. Many conventions have turned down their strongest local politicians for the simple reason that their moral habits were such that the women would unite against them, regardless of politics. It has also taken politics out of the saloon to a great extent, and has elevated local politics especially to a higher plane. Every woman is interested in good government, in good officers, in the utmost economy of administration, and a low rate of taxation.

FRANK W. HUNT (Dem.), Governor. (1900.)

* * * * *

Woman suffrage has been in operation in Idaho for over four years and there have been no alarming or disastrous results. I think most people in the State, looking over the past objections to the extension of the right of suffrage, are now somewhat surprised that any were ever made. As to advantages—it is, as in all matters of this kind, difficult to measure them exactly, because the benefit is largely indirect. I think, however, that it has exercised a good and considerable influence over conventions, resulting in the nomination of better men for office, and that it has been of considerable weight in securing the enactment of good laws.

S. H. HAYS (Fus.), Ex-Attorney-General. (1901.)

* * * * *

The adoption of equal suffrage has resulted in much good in Idaho. The system is working well, and the best result therefrom is the selection for public positions, State, county and municipal. Our politics in the past has been manipulated by political adventurers, more or less, without regard to the best interests of the people, but principally in the interests of a small coterie of politicians of the different parties, who have depended upon the public treasury for subsistence. The participation of our women in the conventions of our various political parties and in elections has a tendency to relegate the professional politicians, at least the worst element, and bring forth in their stead a better class of people. This tendency is of vast importance to the State. It compels leaders of political parties to be more careful in the selection of candidates for different offices of trust and profit. RALPH P. QUARLES, Justice of the Supreme Court. (1902.)

* * * * *

The Chief Justice and all the Judges of the Supreme Court have published a statement saying in part: "Woman suffrage in this State is a success; none of the evils predicted have come to pass, and it has gained much in popularity since its adoption by our people."

* * * * *

UTAH.

The lawmakers seem to be afraid of enfranchising women because of the deteriorating effect which politics might have on womankind. If this be true let the experience of Utah speak. For six years women in this State have had the right to vote and hold office. Have the wheels of progress stopped? Instead we have bounded forward with seven-league boots. Have the fears and predictions of the local opponents of woman suffrage been verified? Have women degenerated into low politicians, neglecting their homes and stifling the noblest emotions of womanhood? On the contrary women are respected quite as much as they were before Statehood; loved as rapturously as ever, and are led to the altar with the same beatific strains of music and the same unspeakable joy that invested ceremonials before their enfranchisement.

The plain facts are that in this State the influence of woman in politics has been distinctly elevating. In the primary, in the convention and at the polls her very presence inspires respect for law and order. Few men are so base that they will not be gentlemen in the presence of ladies. Experience has shown that women have voted their intelligent convictions. They understand the questions at issue and they vote conscientiously and fearlessly. While we do not claim to have the purest politics in the world in Utah, it will be readily conceded that the woman-vote is a terror to evildoers, and our course is, therefore, upward and onward.

One of the bugaboos of the opposition was that women would be compelled to sit on juries. Not a single instance of the kind has happened in the State, for the reason that women are never summoned; the law simply exempts them, but does not exclude them. Another favorite idiocy of the anti-suffragists is that if the women vote they ought to be compelled to fight. In the same manner the law exempts them from military service.

For one I am proud of Utah's record in dealing with her female citizens. I take the same pride in it that a good husband would who had treated his wife well, and I look forward with eager hope to the day when woman suffrage shall become universal.

HEBER M. WELLS (Rep.), Governor. (1902.)

There is literally no end to the favorable testimony from Utah, given by Mormons and Gentiles alike.

* * * * *

WYOMING.

Gov. John A. Campbell was in office when the woman suffrage law was passed. In 1871 he said in his message to the Territorial Legislature:

There is upon our statute book "an Act granting to the women of Wyoming Territory the right of suffrage," which has now been in force two years. It is simple justice to say that the women entering, for the first time in the history of the country, upon these new and untried duties, have conducted themselves in every respect with as much tact, sound judgment, and good sense, as men.

In 1873 he said: "Two years more of observation of the practical working of the system have only served to deepen my conviction that what we, in this Territory, have done, has been well done; and that our system of impartial suffrage is an unqualified success."

Governor Thayer, who succeeded Campbell, said in his message:

Woman suffrage has now been in practical operation in our Territory for six years, and has, during the time, increased in popularity and in the confidence of the people. In my judgment the results have been beneficial, and its influence favorable to the best interests of the community.

Governor Hoyt, who succeeded Thayer, said in 1882:

Under woman suffrage we have better laws, better officers, better institutions, better morals, and a higher social condition in general, than could otherwise exist. Not one of the predicted evils, such as loss of native delicacy and disturbance of home relations, has followed in its train.

Later he said in a public address: "The great body of our women, and the best of them, have accepted the elective franchise as a precious boon and exercise it as a patriotic duty—in a word, after many years of happy experience, woman suffrage is so thoroughly rooted and established in the minds and hearts of the people that, among them all, no voice is ever uplifted in protest against or in question of it."

Governor Hale, who was next in this office, expressed himself repeatedly to the same effect.

Governor Warren, who succeeded Hale, said in a letter to Horace G. Wadlin, Esq., of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, in 1885:

Our women consider much more carefully than our men the character of candidates, and both political parties have found themselves obliged to nominate their best men in order to obtain the support of the women. As a business man, as a city, county, and territorial officer, and now as Governor of Wyoming Territory, I have seen much of the workings of woman suffrage, but I have yet to hear of the first case of domestic discord growing out of it. Our women nearly all vote, and since in Wyoming as elsewhere the majority of women are good and not bad, the result is good and not evil.

Territorial Governors are appointed, not elected. As U. S. Senator, Mr. Warren has up to the present time (1902) repeatedly given similar testimony. In various chapters of the present volume may be found the strong approval of ex-U. S. Senator Joseph M. Carey.

Most of these Governors were Republicans. Hon. N. L. Andrews (Democrat), Speaker of the Wyoming House of Representatives, said in 1879:

I came to this Territory in the fall of 1871, with the strongest prejudice possible against woman suffrage. The more I have seen of it, the less my objections have been realized, and the more it has commended itself to my judgment and good opinion. Under all my observations it has worked well, and has been productive of much good. The women use the ballot with more independence and discrimination in regard to the qualifications of candidates than men do. If the ballot in the hand of woman compels political parties to place their best men in nomination, this, in and of itself, is a sufficient reason for sustaining woman suffrage.

Ex-Chief Justice Fisher, of Cheyenne, said in 1883:

I wish I could show the people who are so wonderfully exercised on the subject of female suffrage just how it works. The women watch the nominating conventions, and if the Republicans put a bad man on their ticket and the Democrats a good one, the Republican women do not hesitate a moment in scratching off the bad and substituting the good. It is just so with the Democratic women. I have seen the effects of female suffrage, and instead of being a means of encouragement to fraud and corruption, it tends greatly to purify elections and give better government.

In 1884 Attorney-General M. C. Brown said in a public letter:

My prejudices were formerly all against woman suffrage, but they have gradually given way since it became an established fact in Wyoming. My observation, extending over a period of fifteen years, satisfies me of its entire justice and propriety. Impartial observation has also satisfied me that in the use of the ballot women exercise fully as good judgment as men, and in some particulars are more discriminating, as, for instance, on questions of morals.

At another time he said:

I have been asked if women make good jurors, and I answer by saying, that so far as I have observed their conduct on juries, as a lawyer, I find but little fault with them.... They do not reason like men upon the evidence, but, being possessed of a higher quality of intellectuality, i. e., keen perceptions, they see the truth of the thing at a glance. Their minds once settled, neither sophistry, logic, rhetoric, pleading nor tears will move them from their purpose. A guilty person never escapes a just punishment when tried by women juries.

The effect of woman suffrage upon the people of Wyoming has been good. It has been said by one man that open, flagrant acts of bribery are commonly practiced at the polls in Wyoming, and this statement is made to show that the effect of woman suffrage has not been good. The statement is not true. In the last election there were in Cheyenne large sums of money expended to influence the result, and votes were bought on the streets in an open and shameless manner. As U. S. Attorney for the Territory, it became my duty to investigate this matter before a grand jury composed of men. The revelations before the jury were astonishing and many cases of bribery were clearly proven; but while a majority of those composing the jury were men of the highest integrity, there were so many members who had probably taken part in the same unlawful transactions that no indictment could be obtained. The circumstances attending this election were phenomenal. It would be unjust to the women, however, if I should fail to add that, while it was clearly proven that many men sold their votes, it was strikingly apparent that few if any women, even of the vilest class, were guilty of the same misconduct.

The Hon. John W. Kingman, for four years a Judge of the U. S. Supreme Court of Wyoming says:

Woman suffrage was inaugurated in 1869 without much discussion, and without any general movement of men or women in its favor. At that time few women voted. At each election since, they have voted in larger numbers, and now nearly all go to the polls. Our women do not attend the caucuses in any considerable numbers, but they generally take an interest in the selection of candidates, and it is very common, in considering the availability of an aspirant for office, to ask, 'How does he stand with the ladies?' Frequently the men set aside certain applicants for office, because their characters would not stand the criticism of women. The women manifest a great deal of independence in their preference for candidates, and have frequently defeated bad nominations. Our best and most cultivated women vote, and vote understandingly and independently, and they can not be bought with whiskey or blinded by party prejudice. They are making themselves felt at the polls, as they do everywhere else in society, by a quiet but effectual discountenancing of the bad, and a helping hand for the good and the true. We have had no trouble from the presence of bad women at the polls. It has been said that the delicate and cultured women would shrink away, and the bold and indelicate come to the front in public affairs. This we feared; but nothing of the kind has happened. I do not believe that suffrage causes women to neglect their domestic affairs. Certainly, such has not been the case in Wyoming, and I never heard a man complain that his wife was less interested in domestic economy because she had the right to vote and took an interest in making the community respectable. The opposition to woman suffrage at first was pretty bitter. To-day I do not think you could get a dozen respectable men in any locality to oppose it.

In 1895 U. S. Senator Clarence D. Clark wrote as follows to the Constitutional Convention of Utah which was considering a woman suffrage plank:

So far as the operation of the law in this State is concerned, we were so well satisfied, with twenty years' experience under the Territorial government, that it went into our constitution with but one dissenting vote, although many thought that such a section might result in its rejection by Congress. If it does nothing else it fulfils the theory of a true representative government, and in this State, at least, has resulted in none of the evils prophesied. It has not been the fruitful source of family disagreements feared. It has not lowered womanhood. Women do generally take advantage of the right to vote, and vote intelligently. It has been years since we have had trouble at the polls—quiet and order, in my opinion, being due to two causes, the presence of women and our efficient election laws. One important feature I might mention, and that is, in view of the woman vote, no party dare nominate notoriously immoral men, for fear of defeat by that vote. Regarding the adoption of the system in other States I see no reason why its operation should not be generally the same elsewhere as it is with us. It is surely true that after many years' experience, Wyoming would not be content to return to the old limits, as, in our opinion, the absence of ill results is conclusive proof of the wisdom of the proposition.

In 1896 the Hon. H. V. S. Groesbeck, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, thus summed up the results of twenty-seven years' experience:

1. Woman suffrage has been weighed and not found wanting. Adopted by a statute passed by the first legislative Assembly of the Territory, in 1869, and approved by the Governor, it has continued without interruption and with but one unsuccessful demand for the repeal of the law. The constitutional convention which assembled in 1889 adopted the equal suffrage provision and refused to submit the question to a separate vote by a large majority. The continuance of the measure for nearly a quarter of a century, and the determination to incorporate it in the fundamental law, even at the risk of failing to secure Statehood, are the strongest arguments of its benefit and permanency.

2. It has tended to secure good nominations for the public offices. The women as a class will not knowingly vote for incompetent, immoral or inefficient candidates.

3. It has tended to make the women self-reliant and independent, and to turn their attention to the study of the science of government—an education that is needed by the mothers of the race.

4. It has made our elections quiet and orderly. No rudeness, brawling or disorder appears or would be tolerated at the polling booths. There is no more difficulty or indelicacy in depositing a ballot in the urn than in dropping a letter in the post office.

5. It has not marred domestic harmony. Husband and wife frequently vote opposing tickets without disturbing the peace of the home. Divorces are not as frequent here as in other communities, even taking into consideration our small population. Many applicants for divorces are from those who have a husband or wife elsewhere, and the number of divorces granted for causes arising in this State are comparatively few.

6. It has not resulted in unsexing women. They have not been office-seekers. Women are generally selected for county superintendents of the schools—offices for which they seem particularly adapted, but they have not been applicants for other positions.

7. Equal suffrage brings together at the ballot-box the enlightened common sense of American manhood and the unselfish moral sentiment of American womanhood. Both of these elements govern a well-regulated household, and both should sway the political destinies of the entire human family. Particularly do we need in this new commonwealth the home influence at the primaries and at the polls. We believe with Emerson that if all the vices are represented in our politics, some of the virtues should be.

In 1902 Justice Corn, of the State Supreme Court, made the following public statement:

Women of all classes very generally vote. Bad women do not obtrude their presence at the polls, and I do not now remember ever to have seen a distinctively bad woman casting her vote.

Woman suffrage has no injurious effect upon the home or the family that I have ever heard of during the twelve years I have resided in the State. It does not take so much of women's time as to interfere with their domestic duties, or with their church or charitable work. It does not impair their womanliness or make them less satisfactory as wives and mothers. They do not have less influence, or enjoy less respect and consideration socially. My impression is that they read the daily papers and inform themselves upon public questions much more generally than women elsewhere.

Woman suffrage has had the effect almost entirely to exclude notoriously bad or immoral men from public office in the State. Parties refuse to nominate such men upon the distinct ground that they can not obtain the women's vote.

The natural result of such conditions is to increase the respect in which women are held, and not to diminish it. They are a more important factor in affairs, and therefore more regarded. It is generally conceded, I think, that women have a higher standard of morality and right living than men. And, as they have a say in public matters, it has a tendency to make men respect their standard, and in some degree attempt to attain it themselves.

I have never been an enthusiastic advocate of woman suffrage as a cure for all the ills that afflict society, but I give you in entire candor my impressions of it from my observations in this State.

In 1889, after women in Wyoming had very generally exercised the full suffrage since 1869, Mrs. Clara B. Colby, editor of the Woman's Tribune, Washington, D. C., compiled a report from the census statistics. Those relating to crime, insanity and divorce were as follows:

The population of the United States has increased in the last decade 24.6 per cent. That of Wyoming has increased 127.9 per cent. But while the number of criminals in the whole United States has increased 40.3—an alarming ratio far beyond the increase of population—notwithstanding the immense increase of population in Wyoming, the number of criminals has not increased at all, but there has been a relative decrease, which shows a law-abiding community and a constantly improving condition of the public morals. In 1870 there were confined in the jails and prisons of Wyoming 74 criminals, 72 men and 2 women. The census of 1880 shows the same number of criminals, 74, as against an average number of criminals in the other Western States of 645. This remarkable fact is made more interesting because the 74 in 1890 are all men, and thus the scarecrow of the vicious women in politics disappears. Wyoming being the only State in which the per cent. of criminal women has decreased, it is evident that the morals of the female part of the population improve with the exercise of the right of suffrage.

There were 189,503 insane in the United States, but there were but three insane persons in Wyoming in 1880, all men. The preponderance of insanity among married women is usually attributed to the monotony of their lives, and since this is much relieved by their participation in politics we should naturally expect to find, as a physical effect, a decreased proportion of insane women where woman suffrage prevails.

From 1870 to 1880 the rate of divorce increased in the United States 79.4 per cent., three times the ratio of the increase of population, and in the group of Western States, omitting, Wyoming, it increased 436.7 per cent., almost four times the average increase of population, while in Wyoming the average increase in divorce was less than 50 per cent. of that of the population.

Compare Wyoming with a typical Eastern State—Connecticut—the latter has one insane person to every 363 of the population, Wyoming has one to every 1,497. Nor is this wholly a difference of East and West, for Idaho, its neighbor, shows one insane to every 1,029. Especially would voting seem to increase the intelligence of women, for in Connecticut there are over seven-tenths as many female idiots as there are male idiots, while in Wyoming there are only four-tenths as many.

Woman suffrage may have played no part in these statistics, but if they had shown an increase of crime, insanity and divorce, it certainly would have been held responsible by the world at large.

* * * * *

NEW YORK.

The History is indebted to Attorney-General John C. Davies for most of the information on School Suffrage contained in the New York chapter, and also for the opinion which follows herewith on the right of women in that State to hold office.

By the Consolidated School Law it is provided, as regarding School Commissioners, that "No person shall be deemed ineligible to such office by reason of sex, who has the other qualifications as herewith provided;" and regarding common school districts, it is provided that "Every district officer must be a resident of his district and qualified to vote at its meetings." As certain women are qualified to vote in any common school district, such women are thus eligible to any district office, including the offices of trustee, clerk, collector, treasurer or librarian.

A similar provision in reference to union free schools, that "No person shall be eligible to hold any school district office in any union free school district unless he or she is a qualified voter in such district and is able to read and write," permits women to hold office as members of the board of education and other district offices.

Aside from Chapter 214 of the Laws of 1892, which has been held to be unconstitutional, I know of no provision of law extending school suffrage to women in cities, except that charters of certain third class cities have extended to women tax-payers the right to vote upon a proposition involving the raising of a tax.

By the Public Officers' Law, Chap. 681 of the Laws of 1892, Section 3, it is provided that "No person shall be capable of holding a civil office who shall not, at the time he shall be chosen thereto, be of full age, a citizen of the United States, and resident of the State, and, if it be a local office, a resident of the political subdivision or municipal corporation of the State for which he shall be chosen, or within which the electors electing him reside, or within which his official functions are required to be exercised."

In the case of Findlay against Thorn, in the City Court of New York, where the question arose as to the right of a woman to exercise the office of notary public, Chief Justice McAdam refused to pass upon the question, holding that the right could be decided only in a direct proceeding brought for the purpose by the Attorney-General, in which the notary might defend her title. And the court adds:

"Whether a female is capable of holding a public office has never been decided by the courts of this State and it is a question about which legal minds may well differ. The Constitution regulates the right of suffrage and limits it to 'male' citizens. Disabilities are not favored and are seldom extended by implication, from which it may be argued that if it required the insertion of the term 'male' to exclude female citizens of lawful age from the right of suffrage, a similar limitation would be required to disqualify them from holding office. Citizenship is a condition or status and has no relation to age or sex. It may be contended that it was left to the good sense of the Executive and to the electors to determine whether or not they would elect females to office and that the power being lodged in safe hands was beyond danger of abuse.

"If on the other hand it be seriously contended that the Constitution by necessary implication, disqualifies females from holding office, it must follow as a necessary consequence that the Act of the Legislature permitting females to serve as school officers (Chap. 9, Laws of 1880), and all other legislative enactments of like import, removing such disqualifications, are unconstitutional and void. In this same connection it may be argued that if the use of the personal pronoun 'he' in the Constitution does not exclude females from public office, its use in the statute can have no greater effect. The statute, like the Constitution, in prescribing qualifications for office omits the word 'male,' leaving the question whether female citizens of lawful age are included or excluded, one of construction.

"I make these observations for the purpose of showing that the question whether females are eligible to public office in this State, is one not entirely free from doubt and should not therefore be decided where it arises, as it does here, incidentally and collaterally. When the law officers of the State see fit to test the question in direct proceedings for the purpose, it will be time enough to attempt to settle the contention. In such a proceeding, the case of Robinson (131 Mass. 376, and that reported in 107 Mass. 604), where it was held that a woman could not be admitted to practice as an attorney and counselor at law in Massachusetts, and those decided in other States that they can hold office, may be examined and considered."

See also Am. and Eng. Ency. of Law, Vol. 19, p. 403-4. I might add that in this State there are many women who hold the office of notary public.

* * * * *

WASHINGTON.

The following account of the unconstitutional disfranchising of the women of Washington Territory in 1888 was carefully prepared by the editors of the Woman's Journal (Boston). When the editors of the present volume decided to incorporate it as a part of the History of Woman Suffrage it was submitted to Judge Orange J. Jacobs of Seattle for legal inspection. He returned it with the statement that it was correct in every particular. It constitutes one of the many judicial outrages which have been committed in the United States in the determination to prevent the enfranchisement of women:

Women voted in Washington Territory for the first time in 1884, and were disfranchised by its Supreme Court in 1887.

Equal suffrage was granted by the Legislature in October, 1883. The women at once began to distinguish themselves there, as in Wyoming and elsewhere, by voting for the best man, irrespective of party. The old files of the Washington newspapers bear ample evidence to this fact. The first chance they had to vote was at the municipal elections of July, 1884. The Seattle Mirror said:

"The city election of last Monday was for more reasons than one the most important ever held in Seattle. The presence of women at the voting-places had the effect of preventing the disgraceful proceedings usually seen. It was the first election in the city where the women could vote, and the first where the gambling and liquor fraternity, which had so long controlled the municipal government to an enormous extent, suffered defeat."

The Post-Intelligencer said:

"After the experience of the late election it will not do for any one here to say the women do not want to vote. They displayed as much interest as the men, and, if anything, more.... The result insures Seattle a first-class municipal administration. It is a warning to that undesirable class of the community who subsist upon the weaknesses and vices of society that disregard of law and the decencies of civilization will not be tolerated."

Quotations might be multiplied from the papers of other towns, testifying to the independent voting of the women, the large size of their vote, the courtesy with which they were treated, and the greater quiet and order produced by their presence at the polls.

Next came the general election of November, 1884. Again the newspapers were practically unanimous as to the result. The Olympia Transcript, which was opposed to equal suffrage, said: "The result shows that all parties must put up good men if they expect to elect them. They can not do as they have in the past—nominate any candidates, and elect them by the force of the party lash."

The Democratic State Journal said: "No one could fail to see that hereafter more attention must be given at the primaries to select the purest of material, by both parties, if they would gain the female vote."

Charles J. Woodbury visited Washington about this time. In a letter to the N. Y. Evening Post, he said: "Whatever may be the vicissitudes of woman suffrage in Washington Territory in the future, it should now be put on record that at the election, Nov. 4, 1884, nine-tenths of its adult female population availed themselves of the right to vote with a hearty enthusiasm."

He goes on to say that he arrived in Seattle on Sunday, and was surprised at the quiet and order he found prevailing, and at the general Sunday closing of the places of business: "Even the bars of the hotels were closed; and this was the worst town in the Territory when I first saw it. Now its uproarious theaters, dance-houses, squaw-brothels and Sunday fights are things of the past. Not a gambling house exists."

Women served on juries, and meted out the full penalty of the law to gamblers and keepers of disorderly houses. The Chief Justice of the Territory was the Hon. Roger S. Greene, a cousin of U. S. Senator Hoar, a man of high character and integrity, and a magistrate celebrated throughout the Northwest for his resolute and courageous resistance to lynch law. In his charge to the grand jury at Port Townsend, August, 1884, he said:

"The opponents of woman suffrage in this Territory are found allied with a solid phalanx of gamblers, prostitutes, pimps, and drunkard-makers—a phalanx composed of all in each of those classes who know the interest of the class and vote according to it."

In his charge to another grand jury later, Chief Justice Greene said:

"Twelve terms of court, ladies and gentlemen, I have now held, in which women have served as grand and petit jurors, and it is certainly a fact beyond dispute that no other twelve terms so salutary for restraint of crime have ever been held in this Territory. For fifteen years I have been trying to do what a judge ought, but have never till the last six months felt underneath and around me, in the degree that every judge has a right to feel it, the upbuoying might of the people in the line of full and resolute enforcement of the law."

Naturally, the vicious elements disliked "the full and resolute enforcement of law." The baser sort of politicians also disliked the independent voting of the women. The Republicans had a normal majority in the Territory, but they nominated for a high office a man who was a hard drinker. The Republican women would not vote for him, and he was defeated. Next they nominated a man who had for years been openly living with an Indian woman and had a family of half-breed children. Again the Republican women refused to vote for him, and he was defeated. This brought the enmity of the Republican "machine" upon woman suffrage. The Democratic women showed equal independence, and incurred the hostility of the Democratic "machine."

Between 1884 and 1888 a change of administration at Washington led to a change in the Territorial Supreme Court. The newly appointed Chief Justice and a majority of the new judges of the Supreme Court [appointed by President Cleveland] were opposed to equal suffrage, and were amenable, it is said, to the strong pressure brought to bear upon them by all the vicious elements to secure its repeal. A gambler who had been convicted by a jury composed in part of women contested the sentence on the ground that women were not legal voters, and the Supreme Court decided that the woman suffrage bill was unconstitutional, because it had been headed "An Act to Amend Section So and So, Chapter So and So of the Code," instead of "An Act to Enfranchise Women.".... When the Legislature met in 1888 it re-enacted the woman suffrage bill, giving it a full heading, and strengthening it in every way possible.

Washington was about to be admitted as a State, and was preparing to hold a Constitutional Convention to frame a State constitution. There was no doubt that the majority of the women wanted to vote. Chief Justice Greene estimated that four-fifths of them had voted at the last election before they were deprived of the right. Two successive Legislatures elected by men and women jointly had re-enacted woman suffrage (for its continuance had been made a test question in the choice of the first Legislature for which the women voted, and that Legislature had been careful to insert the words "he or she" in all bills relating to the election laws). It was admitted on all hands that if the women were allowed to vote for members of the Constitutional Convention, it would be impossible to elect one that would wipe out woman suffrage. It was therefore imperative to deprive the women of their votes before the members of the convention were chosen. A scheme was arranged for the purpose. On the ground that she was a woman, the election officers at a local election refused the vote of Mrs. Nevada Bloomer, a saloon-keeper's wife, who was opposed to suffrage. They accepted the votes of all the other women. She made a test case by bringing suit against them. In the ordinary course of things, the case would not have come up till after the election of the constitutional convention. But cases for the restoration of personal rights may be advanced on the docket, and Mrs. Bloomer's ostensible object was the restoration of her personal rights, though her real object was to deprive all women of theirs. Her case was put forward on the docket and hurried to a decision.

The Supreme Court [George Turner and Wm. G. Langford] this time pronounced the woman suffrage law unconstitutional on the ground that it was beyond the power of a Territorial Legislature to enfranchise women. The Organic Act of the Territory said that at the first Territorial election persons with certain qualifications should vote, and at subsequent elections such persons as the Territorial Legislature might enfranchise. But the court took the ground that in giving the Legislature the right to regulate suffrage, Congress did not at the time have it specifically in mind that they might enfranchise women, and that therefore they could not do so.(!) The suffragists wanted to have the case appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, but Mrs. Bloomer refused.

The women themselves being prevented from voting, their friends were not able to overcome the combined "machines" of both political parties, and the intense opposition of all the vicious and disorderly elements, at that time very large on the Pacific Coast. A convention opposed to equal suffrage was elected, and framed a constitution excluding women. A friend of the present writer talked with many of the members while the convention was in session. He says almost every lawyer in that body acknowledged, in private conversation, that the decision by which the women had been disfranchised was illegal. "But," they said, "the women had set the community by the ears on the temperance question, and we had to get rid of them." One politician said, frankly, "Women are natural mugwumps, and I hate a mugwump."

The convention, however, yielded to the pressure sufficiently to submit to the men a separate amendment proposing to strike out the word "male" from the suffrage clause of the new State constitution, but no woman was allowed to vote on it. In November, 1889, this amendment was lost, the same elements that defeated it in the convention defeating it at the polls, with the addition of a great influx of foreign immigrants.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.

This is the most democratic of organizations. Its sole object is to secure for women citizens protection in their right to vote. The general officers are nominated by an informal secret ballot, no one being put in nomination. The three persons receiving the highest number of votes are considered the nominees and the election is decided by secret ballot. Those entitled to vote are three delegates-at-large for each auxiliary State society and one delegate in addition for every one hundred members of each State auxiliary; the State presidents and State members of the National Executive Committee; the general officers of the association; the chairmen of standing committees. The delegates present from each State cast the full vote to which that State is entitled. The vote is taken in the same way upon any other question whenever the delegates present from five States request it. In other cases each delegate has one vote. Any State whose dues are unpaid on January 1 loses its vote in the convention for that year.

The two honorary presidents, president, vice-president-at-large, two secretaries, treasurer and two auditors constitute the Business Committee, which transacts the entire business of the association between the annual conventions.

The Executive Committee is composed of the Business Committee, the president of each State, and one member from each State, together with the chairmen of standing committees; fifteen make a quorum for the transaction of business. The decisions reached by the Executive Committee, which meets during the convention week, are presented in the form of recommendations at the business sessions of the convention.

The constitution may be amended by a two-thirds vote at any annual meeting, after one day's notice in the convention, notice of the proposed amendment having been previously given to the Business Committee, and by them published in the suffrage papers not less than three months in advance.

The association must hold an annual convention of regularly-elected delegates for the election of officers and the transaction of business. An annual meeting must be held in Washington, D. C., during the first session of each Congress.

The Committee on Resolutions must consist of one person from each State, elected by its delegation.

There are few changes in officers and the association is noted for the harmony of its meetings, although the delegates generally are of decided convictions and unusual force of character. Men are eligible to membership and a number belong, but the affairs of the organization are wholly in the hands of women.

Auxiliary State and Territorial associations exist in all but Wyoming, Idaho, Utah, Arkansas, Nevada and Texas. Suffrage associations are not needed in the first three, as the women have the full franchise.

OFFICERS FOR 1900.

Honorary Presidents, ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, New York City; SUSAN B. ANTHONY, Rochester, N. Y.

President, CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, New York City.

Vice-President-at-Large, REV. ANNA HOWARD SHAW, Philadelphia.

Recording Secretary, ALICE STONE BLACKWELL, Boston.

Corresponding Secretary, RACHEL FOSTER AVERY, Philadelphia.

Treasurer, HARRIET TAYLOR UPTON, Warren, Ohio.

Auditors, LAURA CLAY, Lexington, Ky.; CATHARINE WAUGH MCCULLOCH, Chicago.

Honorary Vice-Presidents—[Prominent names mentioned in various States.]

FOOTNOTES:

[499] For Congressional action see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, Chaps. XVII, XXIV, XXV; Vol. III, Chap. XXX; present volume, Chaps. III, V, VI, Chapter on Wyoming, and references in footnote of Chap. I.

[500] This list is most incomplete, as members change so frequently and the House has not voted on the question since 1869. Most of the names given above are of those who have in some way openly advocated the measure. Practically all of the members from the States where women have the full franchise are in favor, and there always has been a large number from Kansas. In 1896, in response to letters of inquiry, many announced themselves as ready to vote for a suffrage amendment.

[501] This is supplementary to matter contained in the State chapters.

STANDING COMMITTEES.

PROGRAMME—Carrie Chapman Catt, N. Y.; Rachel Foster Avery, Acting Chairman, Penn.; May Dudley Greeley, Minn.; Lucy Hobart Day, Me.; Kate M. Gordon, La.

CONGRESSIONAL WORK—Susan B. Anthony, N. Y.; Carrie Chapman Catt, N.Y.; Harriet Taylor Upton, O.; Helen M. Warren, Wy.; Virginia Morrison Shafroth, Col.

PRESS WORK—Elnora M. Babcock, N. Y.

ENROLLMENT—Priscilla Dudley Hackstaff, N. Y. and all State Treasurers.

FEDERAL SUFFRAGE—Sallie Clay Bennett, Ky.; Martha E. Root, Mich.

PRESIDENTIAL SUFFRAGE—Henry B. Blackwell, Mass, and State Presidents.

NATIONAL COMMITTEE ON LOCAL ARRANGEMENTS—Lucy E. Anthony, Penn.

RAILROAD RATES—Mary G. Hay, N. Y.

SPECIAL COMMITTEES.

INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS AFFECTING WOMEN AND CHILDREN—Clara Bewick Colby, D. C; Martha E. Root, Mich.; Annie L. Diggs, Kas.; Margaret O. Rhodes, Okla.; Annie English Silliman, N. J.; Mary C. C. Bradford, Col.; Gail Laughlin, N. Y.

LEGISLATION FOR CIVIL RIGHTS—Laura M. Johns, Kas.

CONVENTION RESOLUTIONS—Susan B. Anthony, N. Y.; Carrie Chapman Catt, N. Y.; Ida Husted Harper, D. C.; Anna Howard Shaw, Penn.; Rachel Foster Avery, Penn.

POLITICAL EQUALITY SERIES—Alice Stone Blackwell, Mass.; Ida Husted Harper, D. C.

LIFE MEMBERS. (1901.)

Alabama—Adella Hunt Logan.

California—Mrs. A. R. Faulkner, Mary Wood Swift.

Colorado—Mary C. C. Bradford, Emily A. Brown, Amy K. Cornwall, Louisa S. Janvier, Emily R. Meredith.

Connecticut—H. J. Lewis.

District of Columbia—Julia L. Langdon Barber, Lucia E. Blount, Mary Foote Henderson, Margaret J. Henry, Hannah Cassall Mills, Mary A. McPherson, Martha McWirther, Mary C. Nason, Julia T. Ripley, Sophronia C. Snow, C. W. Spofford, Jane H. Spofford, Mary E. Terry, Helen Rand Tindall, Eliza Titus Ward, Nettie L. White.

Georgia—Gertrude C. Thomas.

Illinois—Sarah O. Coonley, Climenia K. Dennett, Emily M. Gross, Ida S. Noyes, Dr. Julia Holmes Smith, Elmina Springer, Lydia A. Coonley Ward.

Indiana—Ida Husted Harper, Alice Wheeler Peirce, May Wright Sewall.

Iowa—Martha C. Callanan, Nancy Logan, Mettie Laub Romans.

Kansas—Mabel LaPorte Diggs, Sarah E. Morrow.

Kentucky—Susan Look Avery, Sallie Clay Bennett, Mary B. Trimble, Laura R. White.

Louisiana—Caroline E. Merrick.

Maryland—Caroline Hallowell Miller.

Massachusetts—Carrie Anders, Martha M. Atkins, Alice Stone Blackwell, Henry B. Blackwell, Ellen Wright Garrison, Ellen F. Powers, Caroline Scott, Pauline Agassiz Shaw, Nellie S. Smith.

Michigan—Delos A. Blodgett, Daisy Peck Blodgett, Olivia B. Hall.

Minnesota—Alice Scott Cash, Elizabeth A. Russell, Sarah Vail Thompson.

Missouri—Phoebe W. Cousins, Virginia L. Minor, Sarah E. Turner.

Nebraska—Clara Bewick Colby, Mary Smith Hayward, Mary H. Williams.

New Hampshire—Marilla M. Ricker.

New Jersey—Florence Howe Hall, Laura Lloyd Heulings, Cornelia C. Hussey, Dr. Mary D. Hussey, Mrs. S. R. Krom, Susan W. Lippincott, Calista S. Mayhew, Dr. Sarah C. Spotteswoode, Ellen Hoxie Squier, Elizabeth M. Vail.

New Mexico—Alice Paxson Hadley.

New York—Susan B. Anthony, Mary S. Anthony, Victoria Bradley, Amelia Cameron, Cornelia H. Cary, George W. Catt, Carrie Chapman Catt, Ella Hawley Crossett, Anna Dormitzer, Rebecca Friedlander, Fannie Humphreys Gaffney, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Priscilla Dudley Hackstaff, Sarah V. Hallock, Mary H. Hallowell, Mary G. Hay, Belle S. Holden, Emily Howland, Hannah L. Howland, Dorcas Hull, Emma G. Ivins, Rhody J. Kenyon, Mary Elizabeth Lapham, Semantha Vail Lapham, Mrs. Frank Leslie, Mary Hillard Loines, Anne Fitzhugh Miller, Elizabeth Smith Miller, Martha Fuller Prather, Euphemia C. Purton, Mary Thayer Sanford, James F. Sargent, Angelina M. Sargent, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Fanny Garrison Villard, Julia Willetts Williams, Sarah L. Willis.

Ohio—Caroline McCullough Everhard, Elizabeth J. Hauser, Sallie J. McCall, Anna C. Mott, Alice E. Peters, Louisa Southworth, Susan M. Sturges.

Oklahoma—Rachel Rees Griffiths.

Pennsylvania—Lucy E. Anthony, Mary Schofield Ash, Rachel Foster Avery, Emma J. Bartol, Lucretia L. Blankenburg, Ellen K. Brazier, Emma J. Brazier, Katherine J. Campbell, Kate W. Dewald, Julia T. Foster, Alvin T. James, Helen Mosher James, Edith C. James, Dr. Agnes Kemp, Caroline Lippincott, Mary W. Lippincott, Hannah Myers Longshore, Jacob Reese, Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, Nicolas M. Shaw, M. J. Stecker, M. Adeline Thomson.

Rhode Island—Sarah J. Eddy, Charlotte B. Wilbour, Sarah S. Wilbour.

South Carolina—A. Viola Neblett, Martha Schofield.

Utah—Emily S. Richards, Emmeline B. Wells.

Wisconsin—Rev. Olympia Brown.

Persia—Susan Van Valkenburg Hamilton (formerly of Indiana).

DELEGATES TO NATIONAL CONVENTIONS, 1883-1900.

At the national conventions those who occupy the platform and make the addresses naturally have the most conspicuous place, but those who come from the various localities, year after year, bringing the reports from their States and taking their necessary part in the proceedings, are equally valuable factors. Their names, at least, should be preserved, and the following list, while by no means complete, is as nearly so as it has been possible to make it. Those which are included in the National chapters are not repeated. Many of the women recorded below receive their deserved mention in the State chapters.

Alabama: Amelia M. Dillard, Minnie Henderson. Arizona: Ex-Gov. and Mrs. L. C. Hughes, Pauline M. O'Neill, Mrs. G. H. Oury. Arkansas: Mary A. Davis, Lizzie D. Fyler, C. M. Patterson. California: Nellie Holbrook Blinn, Amy G. Bowen, Emilie Gibbons Cohen, Warren C. Kimball, Lucy Wilson Moore, Julia Schlesinger, Mary Simpson Sperry, Beda S. Sperry, Mary Wood Swift. Colorado: Theodosia G. Ammons, Dr. Mary Barker Bates, Margaret Bowen, Nettie E. Caspar, Hattie E. Fox, H. Jennie James, B. R. Owens, Katharine A. G. Patterson, Eliza F. Routt, Lucy E. Ransom Scott, Mary Jewett Telford, Harriet M. Teller. Connecticut: Mrs. L. D. Allen, Rose I. Blakeslee, Sarah E. Browne, Caroline B. Buell, Mrs. E. C. Champion, Alta Starr Cressy, Mrs. N. F. Griswold, Addie S. Hale, Howard J. Hale, Ellen B. Kendrick, Emily O. Kimball, Grace C. Kimball, Mary J. Rogers, Abby Barker Sheldon. Dakota Territory: Marietta M. Bones, Linda B. Slaughter. Delaware: Mary R. De Vou, Margaret W. Houston, Margaret E. Kent, Patience W. Kent, Emma Lore, Mary Elizabeth Milligan, Adda G. Quigley, Mary H. Thatcher, Elizabeth Bacon Walling. District of Columbia: Frances B. Andrews, L. L. Bacon, Mary L. Bennett, Bessie Boone Cheshire, Anna Gray De Long, Lucy S. Doolittle, Annie M. Edgar, Dr. Susan Edson, M. J. Fowler, Emma M. Gillett, J. Minnie Holn, Martha V. Johnson, Carrie E. Kent, Mrs. J. H. La Fetra, Mary S. Lockwood, Sarah J. Messer, Henrietta C. Morrison, Helen Mitchell, Hattie E. Nash, Mary V. Noerr, Ellen M. O'Connor, Mary A. Ripley, Mary L. Talbot, Cora De La Matyr Thomas, Helen Rand Tindall, Eliza Titus Ward, Elizabeth Wilson, Theresa Williams, Dr. Caroline B. Winslow. Mary H. Williams. Florida: Ella C. Chamberlain. Georgia: D. M. Allen, Margaret Chandler, Julia Iveson Patton, Gertrude C. Thomas, Adelaide Wilson.

Idaho: Mrs. Milton Kelley. Illinois: Julia K. Barnes, Mary I. Barnes, Emma J. Bigelow, Corinne S. Brown, Hannah J. Coffee, C. H. Crocker, Angelina Craver, Climenina K. Dennet, George H. Dennet, Sylvia Doton, Emmy C. Evald, Matilda S. Garrigus, Mary T. Hager, Mrs. Frank L. Hubbard, Mary Louise Haworth, Kate Hughes, Lizzie F. Long, Lena Morrow, Angie B. Schweppe, Eva Munson Smith, Dr. Alice B. Stockham, Adeline M. Swain, Nellie J. Tweed, Jessie Waite, Dr. Lucy Waite, Margaret Will. Indiana: Lizzie M. Briant, Mary G. Hay, Dr. M. A. Jessup, Etta Mattox, Alice Wheeler Peirce, Bertha G. Wade, Alice G. Waugh, Iva G. Wooden. Iowa: Alice Ainsworth, Eunice T. Barnett, Lucy Busenbark, Narcissa T. Bemis, James Callanan, Martha C. Callanan, Margaret V. Campbell, Mary J. Coggeshall, Nettie Sanford Chapin, Martha J. Cass, Elizabeth Coughell, Anna B. Crawford, Marietta Farr Cannell, Ella G. Cline, Mary Mason Clark, Victoria Dewey, Jane Denby, C. Holt Flint, Nellie C. Flint, Louise B. Field, Mrs. W. P. Hepburn, Jane Hammond, Julia Clark Hallam, Harriet Jenks, Charles W. Jacobs, Rosina Jacobs, Mrs. M. Lloyd Kennedy, A. M. E. Leffingwell, Polly A. Maulsby, Florence M. Maskrey, Mary E. McPherson, Jane Amy McKinney, Ella Moffatt, Bessie Murray, Emily Phillips, Mary D. Palmer, Emeline B. Richardson, Mettie Laub Romans, Rowena Edson Stevens, Estelle Smith, Elmina Springer, Frances Smith, Rev. John Ogilvie Stevenson, Ina Light Taylor, Roma W. Woods, Frilla Belle Young. Kansas: Anna A. Broderick, Fannie M. Broderick, Jennie Broderick, B. B. Baird, C. H. Cushing, Mabel La Porte Diggs, Caroline Doster, Martha Powell Davis, Bertha H. Ellsworth, Nannie Garrett, Dr. Eva Harding, Antoinette Haskell, Hetta P. Mansfield, Mrs. J. McPatten, Constant P. McElroy, Jennie Robb Maher, Bina A. Otis, Josephine L. Patton, Carrie L. Prentiss, Althea B. Stryker, Sarah A. Thurston, Abbie A. Welch, Alonzo Wardall, Elizabeth M. Wardall, Anna C. Wait. Kentucky: Laura S. Bruce, Mary C. Cramer, S. M. Hubbard, Sarah G. Humphries, Mary K. Jones, Dr. Sarah M. Siewers, Sarah H. Sawyer, Mrs. M. R. Stockwell, Amanthus Shipp, Mary Wood, Sallie B. Wolcott, Laura White. Louisiana: Florence Huberwald, Matilda P. Hero, Dr. Harriet C. Keating, Caroline E. Merrick, Jr., Katharine M. Nobles, Frances Sladden.

Maine: Rev. Henry Blanchard, M. S. Carlisle, Lucy Hobart Day, Martha O. Dyer, Dr. Abby M. Fulton, Martha W. Fairfield, Helen A. Harriman, Mary C. Nason, Mary E. A. Osborne, Sarah J. L. O'Brien, Abby A. C. Peaslee, Cordelia A. Quimby, Sophronia C. Snow, Lucy A. and Lavinia Snow, Elizabeth P. Smith. Maryland: Amanda M. Best, Juliet L. Baldwin, Emma Madox Funck, Emma Frinck, Annie W. Janney, Annie R. Lamb, Mary E. Moore, Rebecca T. Miller, Martha S. Townsend, Mary J. Williamson. Massachusetts: Annie T. Auerbach, Richard and Carrie Anders, Martha Atkins, Mr. and Mrs. Oliver C. Ashton, Esther F. Boland, Catherine W. Bascom, Samuel J. Barrows, Martha Sewall Curtis, Adelaide A. Claflin, Emma Clapp, Sophia A. Forbes, Ellen Wright Garrison, Cora Chapin Godfrey, Adeline Howland, Sarah Hudson, Mary E. Hilton, Mrs. Arden Hall, Hannah Hall, Charlotte Lobdell, Eveleen L. Mason, Louisa A. Morrison, Martha A. P. Neall, Ellen F. Powers, Agnes G. Parritt, Maud Wood Park, John Parker, Cora V. Smart, Silvanus Smith, Judith W. Smith, Mary Clarke Smith, Nellie S. Smith, Mrs. W. H. Semple, Jane A. Stewart, Dora Bascom Smith, Addie E. Tarbell, Sarah E. Wall, Eliza Webber, Elizabeth H. Webster, Evelyn Williams, Dr. Marion L. Woodward, Mr. and Mrs. John L. Whiting. Michigan: Charlotte Goeway, Mrs. C. D. Hodges, De Lisle P. Holmes, Sarah L. Hazlett, Margaret M. Huckins, Frances Kinney, Dr. Clara W. McNaughton, Ida J. Marsh, Nettie McCloy, E. Matilda Moore, Carrie W. Miller, Frances Wright Spearman, Sarah E. Smith, Elizabeth A. Willard. Minnesota: Nina T. Cox, Lydia R. Eastwood, Mayme Jester, Delilah C. Reid, Judge J. B. Stearns, Sarah Burger Stearns, Martha Adams Thompson, Sarah Vail Thompson. Mississippi: Harriet B. Kells, Nellie M. Somerville, Lily Wilkinson Thompson. Missouri: Alice Blackburn, Mary Waldo Calkins, Ella Harrison, Virginia Hedges, Addie M. Johnson, Alice C. Mulky, J. B. Merwin, Sarah E. Turner, Emaline A. Templeton, Mary U. Vandwert, Mrs. E. E. Montague Winch, Victoria Conkling Whitney, Isabella Wightman, Eliza T. Wilson, William Wilson, Sarah Wilson. Montana: Dr. Maria M. Dean, Eva Hirschberg, George W. Jones, Delia A. Kellogg, Marie L. Mason, Sarepta Sanders, Harriet P. Sanders, Dora D. Wright.

Nebraska: Maria C. Arter, Rachel Brill, Clara Cross, Nettie L. Cronkhite, Abby Gay Dustin, Helen M. Goff, Ellen D. Harn, Ellen A. Herdman, Irene Hernandez, Lena McCormick, Amanda J. Marble, Maud Miller, Anna L. Spirk, Sarah K. Williams, Esther L. Warner. Nevada: Hannah R. Clapp, Mary E. Rinkle, Annie Warren, Frances A. Williamson. New Hampshire: Mary A. P. Filley, M. E. Powell, Marilla M. Ricker, Rev. H. B. Smith. New Jersey: Emma L. Blackwell, Phoebe Baily, Katherine H. Browning, Hannah Cairns, Jennie D. DeWitt, Dr. Florence De Hart, Rev. Phoebe A. Hanaford, Mrs. A. J. Jackson, Jane Bryant Kellogg, Susan W. Lippincott, Ellen Miles, Mary Philbrook, Amelia Dickinson Pope, Aaron M. Powell, Louise Downs Quigley, Theresa M. Seabrook, Minola Graham Sexton, Charlotte C. R. Smith, Laura H. Van Cise, M. Louise Watts, Phoebe C. Wright. New Mexico: Fannie Baca, I. M. Bond, H. D. Fergusson, Ida Morley Jarrett, Mayme E. Marble, Mrs. J. D. Perkins, Anna Van Schick. New York: Mrs. E. Andreas, Mrs. Wilkes Angel, Ruby Abby, Abigail A. Allen, Dr. Augusta Armstrong, Rev. Caroline A. Bassett, Victoria Bradley, Sarah F. Blackall, Frances Benedict, Mrs. R. G. Beatty, Helen M. Cook, Dr. Harriet B. Chapin, Eveleen R. Clark, Cornelia H. Cary, Noah Chapman, Margaret Livingston Chanler, Mrs. M. A. Clinton, Charlotte A. Cleveland, Ella Hawley Crossett, Lucy Hawley Calkins, Nora E. Darling, Marie Frances Driscoll, S. W. Ellis, Mrs. M. D. Fenner, Laura W. Flower, Dr. Fales, Catherine G. Foote, Theodosia C. Goss, Eliza C. Gifford, Dr. Virginia L. Glauner, Elizabeth P. Hall, Mary H. Hallowell, Frances V. Hallock, Dorcas Hull, Etta E. Hooker, Emily Howland, Isabel Howland, Cornelia K. Hood, Belle S. Holden, Mary N. Hubbard, Margherita Arlina Hamm, Ella S. Hammond, Priscilla D. Hackstaff, Mary Bush Hitchcook, Elizabeth Noyes Hopkins, Ada M. Hall, Marie R. Jenney, Julie R. Jenney, Frances C. Lewis, Jeannette R. Leavitt, Carrie S. Lerch, Mary Hillard Loines, Mrs. P. A. Moffett, Pamela S. McCown, Margaret Morton, Mrs. Joshua G. Munro, Anne Fitzhugh Miller, Sarah A. McClees, Deborah Otis, Martha F. Prather, Jessie Post, J. Mary Pearson, Lucy S. Pierce, Abby Hutchinson Patton, Lucy Boardman Smith, Marian H. Skidmore, Angeline M. Sargent, James Sargent, Jessie J. Cassidy Saunders, Mary B. Sackett, Jane M. Slocum, Mary Thayer Sanford, Emma B. Sweet, Emma M. Tucker, Kate S. Thompson, Sarah L. Willis, Kate Foster Warner, Anna Willets, Cerelle Grandin Weller. North Carolina: Lilla Ripley Barnwell, Floride Cunningham, Miriam Harris, Helen Morris Lewis, Margaret Richardson. North Dakota: Helen de Lendrecie, Dr. Cora Smith (Eaton), Henrietta Paulson Haagensen, Delia Lee Hyde, Mary S. Lounsberry, Sara E. B. Smith, Mary Whedon.

Ohio: Ella M. Bell, Sarah S. Bissell, W. O. Brown, Frances M. Casement, Katharine B. Claypole, Mary N. Cunningham, Elizabeth Coit, Martha P. Dana, Martha H. Elwell, Ellen Sully Fray, Mary C. Francis, Jannette Freer, Elizabeth Gilmer, Prof. Jennie Gifford, Mary L. Geffs, Clara Giddings, Eliza P. Houk, Emma C. Hayes, Margaret Hackadorne, Emma P. Harley, Eason Holbrook, Minnie C. Hauser, Elizabeth J. Hauser, Cecilia Halloway, Minnie Stull Harris, Prof. Mary Jewett, Josephine King, Mary J. Lawrence, Mary Folger Lang, Sallie J. McCall, Rev. Henrietta G. Moore, Mary J. McMillan, Anna C. Mott, Lydia A. D. Northway, Miss L. J. Ormstead, Addie M. Porter, Alice E. H. Peters, O. G. Peters, Sarah M. Perkins, Annie Laurie Quinby, Harriet B. Rossa, Florence Richards, Edythe E. Root, Mrs. N. Coe Stewart, Abbie Schumacher, Helen R. Smith, Katherine Dooris Sharpe, Hattie A. Sachs, Harriet Brown Stanton, Dr. Viola Swift, Lottie M. Sackett, Cornelia Shaw, C. Swezey, Rosa L. Segur. Oklahoma: Margaret Rees, Mrs. R. W. Southard, Celia Z. Titus. Oregon: Frances E. Gottshall. Pennsylvania: Olive Pond Amies, Agnes M. Biddle, Mrs. W. C. Butterfield, Mary Patterson Beaver, A. Isabel Bowers, Emma J. Bartol, Katherine J. Campbell, Anna M. Child, Alice M. Coates, Elizabeth D. Green, Susanna M. Gaskill, Caroline Gibbons, Mrs. E. N. Garrett, Bertha W. Howe, Hetty Y. Hallowell, Lidie C. W. Koethen, Mary F. Kenderdine, Mary S. Kent, Agnes Kemp, Mary B. Luckie, Alberta Moorehouse, Mrs. L. M. B. Mitchell, Dr. Jane V. Myers, Esther A. Pownall, Anna C. Pennock, Elizabeth B. Passmore, Charlotte L. Peirce, Harriet Purvis, Jacob Reese, Jean B. Stephenson, Nicolas M. Shaw, Emily H. Saxton, Mary B. Satterthwaite, Margaret B. Stone, Mattie A. N. Shaw, Mrs. G. W. Schofield, Robert Tilney, Annie L. Tilney.

Rhode Island: Mary O. Arnold, Emeline Burlingame Cheney, Elizabeth Buffum Chace, Ardelia C. Dewing, Jeannette S. French, Charlotte B. Wilbour. South Carolina: Mary P. Gridley, Jean B. Lockwood, Maude Sindersine, Claudia Gordon Tharin, May Tharin. South Dakota: Irene G. Adams, Ida R. Bailey, Mrs. F. C. Bidwell, Emma Cranmer, Mrs. W. V. Lucas, Anna R. Simmons, Mrs. C. E. Thorpe. Tennessee: Jennie Bailett, L. Graham Crozier, Mary McLeer. Texas: Rebecca Henry Hayes, L. R. Perkins. Utah: Corinne M. Allen, Sarah A. Boyer, Phebe Young Beatie, Charlotte Ives Cobb, Marilla M. Daniels, Mary E. Gilmer, Annie Godbe, Sarah M. Kimball, Aurelia S. Rodgers. Vermont: Mary N. Chase, Eliza S. Eaton, Mary Hutchinson, Alice Clinton Smith. Virginia: Elisan Brown, Nina Cross, Henderson Dangerfield, Elizabeth B. Dodge, Etta Grymes Farrar, Georgia Gibson, Emma R. Gilman, L. M. Green, Arabella B. Howard, Anna M. Snowden, Elizabeth Van Lew, Mary B. Wickersham. Washington: Mrs. Francis W. Cushman, Mrs. L. C. Kellogg, Martha E. Pike. West Virginia: Jessie G. Manley, Columbia A. Morgan, Florence M. Post, Clara Reinhammer. Wisconsin: Louisa M. Eastman, Almeda B. Gray, Laura B. James, Lucinda Lake, Jessie Nelson Luther, Maybell Park, Dora Putnam, Ellen A. Rose. Wyoming: Hon. M. C. Brown, Amalia B. Post, Mrs. Francis E. Warren.



INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

The famous bibliographer, William Oldys, wrote early in the 18th century: "The labour and patience, the judgment and penetration, which are required to make a good index are only known to those who have gone through this most painful but least-praised part of a publication." Lord Campbell said, a century later, in his preface to The Lives of Chief Justices: "I proposed to bring a Bill into Parliament to deprive an author, who publishes a book without an index, of the privilege of copyright."

If an index were deemed so valuable in those periods of comparative leisure, one as complete as possible is surely an absolute necessity in these days when time is at the highest premium, but the maker is under obligation to study conciseness in order that the index may not be as long as the book. It has seemed practicable to reduce very greatly the length of this one without impairing its efficiency by asking the reader to bear in mind a few simple facts as to the arrangement of the History.

Chapters II-XXI are devoted exclusively to the conventions of the National Suffrage Association and the consequent hearings, reports and discussions in Congress; the story of each year is complete in its chapter and the date is in the running title on the right hand page. The work of the American Association before the two societies united is complete in Chapter XXII. These chapters contain the argument.

Chapters XXV-LXXII comprise the full history of the work in the States and Territories, one chapter given to each and all alphabetically arranged with name in running title on the right hand page. Each State is subdivided and the heads denoted by capital letters, as follows: Organization, Legislative Action, Laws, Suffrage, Office Holding, Occupation, Education.

The other chapters are clearly designated in the Table of Contents, and practically all the information which the book contains on each subject will be found in its respective chapter. The greatest problem has been the indexing of the many speeches so as to convey an idea of their subject-matter, as a number of them cover a variety of topics, and it has been possible to indicate only the principal points. The editors trust, however, that the systematic arrangement of the volume and the full Table of Contents will enable the reader to obtain the desired information without difficulty.

Age of Protection, 460, and in each State chapter under Legislative Action and Laws, beginning 465.

AMENDMENT CAMPAIGNS FOR WOMAN SUFFRAGE, xxi; 40; in Calif., 486; in Col., 513; in S. D., 553-7; in Ida., 590; in Kas., 643; in N. J., 822; in N. Y., 847; in Ore., 895; in R. I., 909; in Wash., 973.

AMENDMENT TO NATIONAL CONSTITUTION FOR WOMAN SUFFRAGE, objection to amending, advantage in securing wom. suff., xx, xxi; 14th amend, and attempts of women to vote under it, 3 et seq.; 15th amend., effect on wom. suff., 6; effort to amend for Federal Suff. for women, 7; Nat'l. Ass'n. begins work for 16th amend., 11; res. for in '84, 25; Miss Anthony on, 40; same, 42; argument for, 54; sp. of Sen. Palmer, 62; contrary to State's rights, 68; first discussion of 16th amend. in Senate, 85; 14th amend., Miss Anthony on, 152; 158; Senate Com. recom. 16th in '92, 201; 14th grants wom. suff., 204; women appeal 25 yrs. for 16th amend., 223; efforts of Nat'l Ass'n. for, 367; Mrs. Catt on why one is asked for, 369; Miss Anthony's plea, 373; American Ass'n. declares for, 410, 417.

AMENDMENTS TO STATE CONSTITUTIONS FOR WOMAN SUFFRAGE, laws in different States, xvi; difficulty in Minn and Neb., failure of Sch. Suff. in N.J., xvi; same in S.D., xvii; submitted by ten States and results, xxi; obstacles to securing, xxiii; comparison of votes, xxix; votes on, 40; adopted in Col., 528; in Idaho, 593; school and library in Minn., 778; law similar to amendment in Wis., 988.

AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION, work of after '84, Chap. XXII; 13; founded, 14; union with Nat'l Ass'n., 164.

ANECDOTES, 71; public money for "shes," 193; in Tenn., 196; how men represent women, 197; of Miss Willard, 215; woman on throne, 229; poll tax in Tenn., 241; women's voices, 334; woman's product, 337; from Ala., 341; Miss Anthony's right bower, 351; early education, 354-5; women who have all the rights they want, 360; Miss Anthony on "antis," 384; of Abigail Adams, 422; influence of liquor dealers, 486; Yon's vote in Col., 519; a Mass. legislator, 740; women's money builds State Houses, 763; suff. bill in Wash., 972.

ANTI-SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION, advantage of, xxix; same, 16; they mean well, 327; in Ills., 603; in Mass., 716 et al.; against mother's guardianship, 744; in N. Y., 850 et al., 971; in Aus., 1032.

ANTI-SUFFRAGISTS, see Remonstrants.

AUSTRALIA, —South, Chapter on, 1027 —West, " " 1029 —New South Wales, " " 1029 —Victoria, " " 1031 —Queensland, " " 1032 —Tasmania, " " 1033 Enfranchises its women, xiv; first country to grant them Munic. Suff., 224; eminent advocates of wom. suff., 1084.

BAZAR, Nat'l. Ass'n., in New York, 365; Amer. Ass'n. in Boston, descrip. of, Mrs. Howe's and Mrs. Stone's addresses, 426-8.

BIBLE, wrong interpretation of, 65; for wom. suff., 71; not opp. to, 102; 106; men's interpretation of, 113; purpose of Creator, 119; not alone respons. for subjection of woman, 146; Woman's Bible, discussion of at Nat'l. conv., 263.

BILL OF RIGHTS, woman's, 154.

BILLS, for wom. suff., how treated, xxviii; of Nat'l. Ass'n., W. C. T. U., Fed. of Clubs, etc., 451-3, and under head of Legislative Action in State chapters, beginning 465; Nat'l. Ass'n. protests against Edmunds-Tucker Bill, 26; same, 71; 78; res. against, 122-3; committees on, 939.

BIRTHDAYS, Miss Anthony's 70th, 163; her 74th, 223-4; her 78th, 291; greetings on, 300; her 80th, vi; same, 383; 385 et seq.; gifts on, 389 et seq.; celebration of in Lafayette Opera House, Wash't'n., 394-404; trib. of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, 395, of Mrs. Coonley-Ward, 401, of Miss Shaw, 402; greeting from Mrs. Stanton, 402; Miss Anthony's response, 403; letters rec'd., 403; recep. in Corcoran Art Gallery, 404; her portrait presented, 405; her happiness, 405. —Mrs. Stanton's 80th, 250. —Rev. Anna Howard Shaw's, 391.

BOARDS, difficulty of getting women on, 462; see each State chapter under Office Holding, beginning 465; in Great Britain, 368, 1023. —Lady Managers World's Fair, indebted to Miss Anthony, 211; same, 232; Act of Congress creating, 233; 609.

CALIFORNIA, xv; Legis. refuses suff. amd't, xx; Miss Shaw's acc't. of visit of Miss Anthony and herself in '95, 253; work for suff. amend., 273; honor to Miss Anthony, 274; gift to Miss Anthony, 390. See State Chapter.

CALLS, for nat'l. suff. conv. of '84, 15; for first Int'l. Council, 125; for conv. of '89, 143; for conv. of '91, 175; for conv. of '94, 221; for first Wom. Rights Conv., 288.

CAMPAIGNS, for wom. suff. amdts. See Amendment Campaigns.

CANADA, Dominion of, chapter on, 1034.

CATHOLICS, in politics, 149; attitude of clergy, 366; wom. suff. in Summer Sch. at Detroit, 447; coeducation, 464; college for women, 575; on Boston Sch. Bd., 706.

CHIVALRY, specimens of, 16; absurdity of, 17; men and women need each other, 36, 44, 45, 49, 59; Miss Willard on, 141; Chivalry of Reform, Mrs. Howe on, 170; injustice of, 188; in Kas., 199; mistakes of, 209; in South, 241; fear of, 382; 968.

CHURCH, influence on wom. suff., xxiv; wom. suff. foundation of Christianity, 16; relation to it, 20; prayer vs. votes, 22; same, 37; 41; res. on creeds and dogmas, 58; discussion by Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony and others, 59 et seq.; influence of religion over woman, 60; its connect. with wom. suff., 75; woman's influence in church, 96; for equality of rights, Bishop Newman, 112; 121; value of wom. suff. to, 149; Mrs. Stanton's demand for its recog. of woman's equality, 165; upholds man's headship, 176; opp. to equality of woman, 177; voice of God has soprano and bass, 200; M. E. refuses to ordain women, 206; women might vote at ch. elections, 212; Miss Shaw on mission of, 229; Miss Anthony's plea for relig. liberty, 264; sympathy with wom. suff., 270; woman's services to, 279; woman's position in 292; 359; 464; 497; 708; 711; 718; 962-3; 974; missionary work of women, 1057 et seq.

CLUBHOUSES, WOMEN'S, Wimodaughsis, 184, 188; in Grand Rapids, 322-3; in Calif., 508; in Indpls., 627; in Mich., 771; in Phila., 901; 1043.

CLUBS, WOMEN'S, see last paragraph in various State chapters. In Col., 302; 356; in Mich., welcome Nat'l suff. conv., 324; political, 150; in N. Y., 872; first women's clubs on record, 1042-3; Gen'l Federation of, 1050; Musical, Nat'l. Fed. of, 1056.

COLLEGES. See Universities.

COLORADO, xxi; xxix; appear. of delegates, 222; Gov. Waite on wom. suff. in, 232; women in Legis., 239; 252; visit of Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw in '95, 253; effect of wom. suff., 268; same, 282; distinguished testimony for, 302-3, 383, 390; legis. res. in favor of, 327; Mrs. Welch at conv. of '99, 327; wom. suff. in, 356; gift and trib. to Miss Anthony on 80th birthday, 400. See State Chapter; also Statistics and Testimony.

COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION, Lady Managers, see Boards; invites Suff. Ass'n. to World's Fair, 184; ass'n. arranges for booth, 185, discusses res. to open gates on Sunday, 185, to prohibit liquor selling, 186; effect of the Fair on women, 211; 221; Congress of Women all for suff., 232; report of Nat'l. Suff. Ass'n. Com., 232; 609.

COMMERCIAL SCHOOLS, Fed. of, adopts wom. suff. res. and petits., 447.

COMMISSIONS, of women demanded for Philippines, 331-2, 343; U. S. Labor, Miss Laughlin on, 361; for Paris expos., Mrs. Palmer on, 367.

COMMITTEES, of American Suffrage Association, on arrangements for convs., see Chapter XXII; executive of, 409; on union with Nat'l. Ass'n., 164, 431. —of National Suffrage Association on Int'l Council, 124; on union with Am. Ass'n., 164; on Columbian Expos., 232. See also 1098-9. On Miss Anthony's 80th birthday celebration, 395. —Congressional, on wom. suff., 31. See Reports.

CONGRESS, power to extend suff., 7 et seq.; work of Nat'l Suff. Ass'n. with, 11; committee reports, discussions and speeches, 12; House debate on Wom. Suff. Com. 31; wom. suff. sp. of Sen. Palmer, 62; first discussion of 16th amend. in Senate, 85; other debates on wom. suff. in Senate, 85; Blair's sp. in '87, 86 et seq.; should submit amend., 93; sp. of Brown, 93 et seq.; Dolph favors wom. suff., 100; discussion of women on juries, 104; Vest opposes wom. suff., 105; Hoar in favor, 109; vote in Senate, 110; 112; authority to enfranchise women, 118; duty to submit suff. amend., 163; favorable sentiment, 181; way to manage a bill in, 218; needs watching, 365; work of Nat'l. Ass'n. for 16th amend., 367; appeals to for 16th amend. to enfranch. women, 445; for rights of women in new possessions, 446; amusing debate on admis. of Wy., 998 et seq. See Amendments and Debates.

CONGRESSES OF WOMEN, World's Fair, 232, 609; in San Fr., 253, 479, 481; Atlanta expos., 263; London in '99, 352-3; in Los Angeles, 495; in Ore., 892-3.

CONSTITUTION, NATIONAL, more rigid than in other countries, xv, gives women right to vote, Chapter I; first appearance of "male," 2; attempt of women to vote under 14th amend., 3 et seq.; amend. for Federal Suff. for women, 7; authority over suff., 8 et seq.; provides for amending, 100; vote on wom. suff. amend., 110; rights of women under, 115; Mrs. Stanton on its violation in case of women, 138; fails to protect black men, 153; Mrs. Blake's argument for wom. suff. under its provisions, 374-5.

CONSTITUTIONS, STATE, all framed by men; different peculiarities, xv et seq.; all barred women from suff., 2; Utah and Wy. included wom. suff. in first, 949, 1003. See State chapters under Suffrage.

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS. See Conventions.

CONSTITUTIONAL LAW. See Law.

CONTRACTS. See Laws in each State chapter.

CONVENTIONS, American Suff. Assn., from '84 to '88, 406-428; early convs. in Phila., 423. —National Suffrage Ass'n., first one ever called, xiii; earliest ones, 14; res. for Int'l. Suff. Conv., 25; changed attitude of press toward, 57; first suff. meeting held in Washt'n., 70; conv. for '88, 137; complimented by Washt'n. Star, 173; convs. before the war, 205; alternate ones taken out of Washt'n., Miss Anthony's protest, 218; the other side, 219; descript. of '94, 221; Miss Anthony's method of presiding, 238; descript. of '95, 236; of '97, 271. See Chapters II-XXI.

CONVENTIONS, work for wom. suff. in political and other conventions, Chap. XXIII. See State chapters.

CONVENTIONS, Nat'l. Political, first appeal of women for suff., 435; appeals in 1900, 440 et seq. —Republican, record of, 435-7, 440; for 1900, 443-4. —Democratic, record of, 437, 440; for 1900, 444. —Populist, record of, 437-8, 441; for 1900, 444. —Prohibition, record of, 438; for 1900, 444. —Other Parties, record of, xviii, 438-9; for 1900, 444. See also Democrats, Populists, Republicans, Parties and p. 556. Women delegates to nat'l. convs., 319, 438-9; work of Miss Anthony and others, 439 et seq.; no hope for disfranch. class, 444; sentiment among delegates, 444-5. For work in State political convs., see various State chapters.

CONVENTIONS, State Constitutional, attempts to secure wom. suff. amdts., 432-3; 453; in Ala., 468; N. D., 544; S. D., 552; Del., 563; Ky., 669; La., 680; Mass., 720; Miss., 786; Mont., 797; N. H., 815; N. J., 830; N. M., 835; N. Y., 203, 847; Utah, 944; Vt., 958; Wash., 969; Wy., 995.

COUNCILS OF WOMEN, National and International, first Int'l., 124 et seq.; permanent Councils formed, 137, 143; Nat'l. in '91, 175; Miss Shaw's report of London Int'l., 352; Miss Anthony's report of same, suff. pervaded all, Amer. wom. showed effects of liberty, 353; Nat'l. Council, trib. to Miss Anthony on 80th birthday, 396; Int'l., same, 397; Nat'l. Council, founding and work, 1044-5; Int'l., same, 1044-5.

CREEDS. See Church.

CRIMINALS, at ballot box, xxvi, 37.

CUBA, Nat'l. Ass'n. demands rights for its women, 325, 330; appeals to Congress for same, 446.

CURTESY. See Laws in each State chapter.

DEBATES, in Congress, on Wom. Suff. Com., 31 et seq.; those of former years, 85; first and only debate on 16th Amend, to enfranchise women, 87 et seq.; on admission of Wy., 998 et seq. —in National Suffrage Conventions, on dogmas and creeds, 59 et seq.; on taking wom. suff. into church, 75; on migratory convs., 218; on Woman's Bible, 263.

DECISIONS. See Supreme Court.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, applied to women, 102.

DELEGATES, 15; nat'l. conv. made delegate body, 77; foreign to Int'l. Council, 135; dels. to 40th anniv., 288; to conv. of 1900, 350; to Paris Expos., 367; to polit. convs., 319, 438-9; in Col., 521; in Kas., 646; in Mont., 801; see also Utah Chap.; to nat'l. suff. convs. from '84 to 1900, 1101. —Fraternal, to conv. of '96, 256; to Wom. Press Ass'n., 291; to Int'l. Council of '99, 342; to suff. conv. of '99, 323; to suff. conv. of 1900, 366.

DEMOCRACY, disbelief in, xxvi, 179, 277; wom. suff. asked in name of, 372; U. S. not a, 374.

DEMOCRATS, enfranch. workingmen, xvii; 143; in Calif., 488-9; in Col., 516; in S. Dak., 555; in Ida., 590-2; in Ills., 605-6; in Ind., 617; in Kas., 647, 650-3; in Mass., 724; in Mich., 755; in N. Y., 847-9, 872; in Utah, 953 et seq.; in Wash., 971; in Congress on Wy., 978. See Conventions.

DENTISTRY, women in, 464; 700.

DISFRANCHISEMENT, degradation of, Miss Anthony on, 27; 44; 73; 83; 107; Mrs. Stanton on, 133; 151; 172; great sp. of Mrs. Stanton on, 176; 195; 196; Mrs. Merrick on, 243; 255; men wd. not endure, 373; same, 375. —disadvantages of, 41; 42; 45; 46; 73; 79; 138-9; 190; 195; 196; to women wage-earners, 312; same, 377; 359; 365; 373; 379.