GENERAL CONDITION OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.

Sardinia.—The gallant little kingdom of Sardinia had rendered important aid in the war, and at its conclusion urged upon the representatives of the great powers assembled in conference in Paris the importance of preventing an outbreak in Italy, by compelling Austria and the other despots of Italy to govern with justice and observe treaties. On March the 27th, 1856, the plenipotentiaries of Sardinia addressed a note verbale to the Earl of Clarendon, her majesty's foreign minister, urging upon England the consideration of the dangerous state of Italy, and the complications to which it would give rise. Sardinia especially protested against the occupation of the Roman states by foreign troops—those of Austria and France—thus suppressing all free expression of action and opinion by the people of these states.

On April the 16th the plenipotentiaries of the Sardinian king, then resident at Paris, addressed a voluminous memorandum to Lord Clarendon, entering at large into the affairs of Italy, portraying the danger to Sardinia from Austrian aggression, and showing that it was the duty and interest of England to insist upon the termination of the state of things which existed.

On the 26th of May the Earl of Clarendon addressed a despatch to Sir James Hudson, the English minister at the court of Turin. This despatch was brief, and contained nevertheless a very full exposition of the righteous and sympathising policy of England towards the people of Italy. This despatch obtained much significance from the events which followed. Lord Clarendon's prediction was but too truly verified,—a few years witnessed the complications foretold,—the peace of Europe was disturbed, and the foreign occupation of Italy was at once the cause of the war and the theatre of its devastations.

The brevity of Lord Clarendon's despatch to Sir James Hudson allows of its insertion:—

"Foreign Office, May 26, 1856.

"Sir,—I herewith inclose the copy of a note which was addressed to me when at Paris by the plenipotentiaries of Sardinia.

"The verbal communications which I frequently had the pleasure of holding with Count Cavour, both before and subsequently to the receipt of this note, can have left no doubt upon the mind of his excellency that her majesty's government take a deep and sincere interest in the affairs of Italy, and are desirous of doing everything which can properly be done by them with a view to ameliorate the condition of the Italian people.

"No fresh assurances could add weight to those already given to Count Cavour, and I did not, therefore, think it necessary to send an answer in writing to the note of the Sardinian plenipotentiaries; but as it has come to the knowledge of her majesty's government that it would be agreeable to the Sardinian government to receive one, they cannot hesitate to declare their opinion that the occupation of the Papal territory by foreign troops constitutes an irregular state of things, which disturbs the equilibrium, and may endanger the peace of Europe; and that, by indirectly affording sanction to misgovernment, it promotes discontent and a tendency to revolution among the people.

"Her majesty's government are aware that as this state of things has now, unfortunately, for some years been established, it may be possible that it could not suddenly be brought to a close without some danger to public order, and the risk of producing events that all would deplore; but her majesty's government are convinced that the evacuation of the Papal territory may be rendered safe at an early period by a policy of wisdom and justice, and they entertain a hope that the measures agreed upon by the governments of France and Austria will lead to a gradual withdrawal of their respective forces, and to bettering the condition of the subjects of the Pope.

"You will read and give a copy of this despatch to Count Cavour.

"I am, &c,

"[Signed] Clarendon."

Naples.—The state of Naples was at this time appalling, the king was the most unruly man in his kingdom. Oppressions the most barbarous were wrought by his sanguinary and faithless hand. The governments of France and England advised, remonstrated, protested in vain. His majesty adopted the principle of doing what he pleased with his own, to the ruin of his kingdom, the sufferings of his people, and the disgrace of his reign. Various English subjects were injured, but no effectual measures were taken by either England or France to put a stop to the insult and defiance they received. Austria professed to offer the Neapolitan monarch advice in the interests of moderation and good government—it was even alleged that Russia did the same; but his majesty was deaf to all counsel, and expressed his determination to rule absolutely, and deal with his people as he pleased, in spite of the threatened interposition of foreign powers.



BRITISH POLICY IN ASIA.

Siam.—The British government used all its influence to cultivate friendly relations with all the Asiatic governments, in the hope that a more extended and peaceful intercourse might spring up between these nations and the British empire. The most decisive results of such negotiations were seen at Siam and Persia. In the former country peace and friendship were confirmed; in the latter, war closed a vexed correspondence, which England conducted with the sincerest desire to secure justice and amity. A treaty of friendship and commerce was signed at Bangkok, May 13, 1856, between her Britannic majesty and the King of Siam. A supplementary agreement was afterwards signed. Dr. Bowring was the British plenipotentiary. His excellency's account of the embassy and the accomplishment of its purpose has been published, and opens up interesting and instructive views of the people of that region.



THE PERSIAN WAR.

The foundation of this quarrel was laid during the war with Russia. That crafty and active government sought to create a diversion against England by causing Persia to make the occasion available for advancing upon Herat, and pushing her designs upon Affghanistan. The intrigues of Russia developed themselves too slowly for her purpose, and 1856 arrived before the war broke out. During the year the temper and spirit of the Persian court became intensely irritable towards, the English ambassador and his suite. A circumstance arose which brought this out painfully. On the 15th of June, 1854, Mr. Thomson, the English minister, wrote to Lord Clarendon, then minister for foreign affairs, informing him that he had chosen one Meerza Hashem Khan as the Persian secretary to the British mission. This person was courtly, learned, and in every way suitable to the office assigned to him. Lord Clarendon confirmed the appointment. The Persian court immediately persecuted the favourite of the English mission. The Hon. C. A. Murray succeeded Mr. Thomson, and he also favoured Meerza Hashem. The Persian court continued its persecution, and finally seized and imprisoned the khan's wife. Mr. Murray demanded satisfaction for this outrage upon the staff of the British mission, and the release of the lady. His demands were treated with disdain, and Mr. Murray felt bound to maintain the dignity of the government he represented by striking his flag on the 20th of November, 1855. The Persian prime-minister put a report into circulation that both Mr. Murray and his predecessor had intrigues with the khan's wife, and therefore employed him in the embassy. The Persian premier at last made the allegation to Mr. Murray himself, in a despatch. On the 5th of December, after having endured many insults, he left Teheran.

In July, 1856, Lord Clarendon caused the ultimatum of his government to be delivered to the Persian charge d'affaires at Constantinople. It was to the following effect:—The sadr azim (prime-minister) to write in the shah's name a letter to Mr. Murray, expressing his regret at having uttered and given currency to the offensive imputation upon the honour of her majesty's minister, requesting to withdraw his own letter of the 19th of November, and the two letters of the minister for foreign affairs of the 26th of November. A copy of this apology to be communicated officially to each of the foreign missions at Teheran, and the substance of it to be made public in that capital. The original letter to be conveyed to Mr. Murray, at Bagdad, by the hands of some high Persian officer, and to be accompanied by an invitation to Mr. Murray, in the shah's name, to return with the mission to Teheran, on his majesty's assurance that he shall be received with all the honours and consideration due to the representative of the British government. Mr. Murray, on approaching the capital, to be received by persons of high rank deputed to escort him to his residence. Immediately on his arrival, the sadr azim to go in state to the British mission and renew friendly relations with Mr. Murray. At noon on the following day, the British flag to be hoisted under a salute of 21 guns, and the sadr azim to visit the mission immediately afterwards, which visit Mr. Murray will return. Should Herat be occupied by the shah's troops, his majesty to engage to withdraw them without delay. The British mission to defer to his majesty's wish, if renewed, respecting Meerza Hashem, by not insisting on his appointment at Shiraz; the Meerza's wife, however, to be restored to him.

The ultimatum failed to secure redress. A series of fresh outrages was offered at the embassy upon such servants of the British government as remained there. Orders were sent to Consul Stevens to quit Persia, and take the means usual in such cases to secure the liberty and property of British subjects.

On the 1st of November, the governor-general of India declared war against Persia. Three proclamations were issued by his excellency, which, when they arrived at Constantinople, caused the Persian plenipotentiary to withdraw from all further negotiations, and to treat his former agreements as null and void. Major-general Outram, K.C.B., had returned to England from Oude, and while at home was in consultation with the British government concerning the Persian expedition. He was appointed to command it, and arrived in Bombay for that purpose.

On the arrival of General Outram, active operations commenced. The British landed in Bushire, and defeated the Persians. The place was garrisoned by a portion of the troops, while the main army marched into the interior, driving the Persians with ease before them; and afterwards an expedition was made to Mohammerah, a considerable distance up the Persian Gulf. This was attended with complete success. By the end of March all these conquests were effected. They were followed by an expedition to Akwaz, upon which place the defeated Persians had retired from Mohammerah. The squadron proceeded up the Gulf with great judgment and rapidity, and the enterprise was crowned by the accomplishment of the object proposed, the Persians being obliged to retreat far inland. The English remained masters of the Persian Gulf and its shores throughout the year. Meanwhile, negotiations went on at Paris between the British minister there and the Persian ambassador. The shah ultimately consented to receive the English ambassador at Teheran with all the honours insisted upon in the English ultimatum, to redress the grievances, and satisfy the complaints of the embassy, and to engage to renounce all claims upon Herat. The treaty involved a clause that Bushire was to be occupied by the British until all the concessions made to the English government were practically carried out. In virtue of this arrangement General Havelock remained at Bushire, with a garrison, until May, 1857, when he proceeded thence to perform in India the glorious exploits which terminated his illustrious career. General Outram and the main body of the expeditionary army sailed for India in May, 1856.



WAR WITH CHINA.

The year 1856 was fruitful in events in Asia interesting and important to Great Britain. Among these was the breaking out of another war with China. The origin of the war may be thus briefly stated. A small vessel, called a lorcha, was the property of a British subject, resident at Hong-Kong. It was boarded, while carrying the British flag, by the Chinese authorities, who alleged they were in search of a pirate among the crew. The whole crew were arrested, chained, and carried away prisoners. This was in contravention of the existing treaty with China. The English consul demanded that the captured persons should be returned to the lorcha, and that their investigation should be made according to the treaty. Governor Yeh not only refused to do this, but did so in terms insolent, and almost menacing. The consul at Canton reported the case to the governor of Hong-Kong, Sir John Bowring. The reclamations of that functionary were treated as disdainfully as those of the consul, and it became necessary, as a last resort, to appeal to arms. The outrage upon the lorcha was committed on the 8th of October, 1856. On the 22nd of October, Rear-admiral Sir Michael Seymour, on board the Coromandel, accompanied by a squadron of gun-boats, captured a number of forts by which the entrance to Canton was defended. On the 28th he took possession of a fort known by the name of the Dutch Folly, situated on an island opposite Canton. Commissioner Yeh seemed now to be alarmed for the safety of the city, and offered to surrender ten out of twelve of the men taken out of the lorcha. This the British authorities declined. He then sent the twelve, but demanded that two of them, whom he alleged were guilty of piracy, should be returned, to be dealt with according to the laws of China. Consul Parks had, however, demanded at first that the men should be as publicly sent back to the lorcha as they had been taken away. The twelve men were accordingly brought back by the Chinese authorities again to Governor Yeh. That strange person refused to receive them any more, probably considering that they had brought sufficient trouble and danger on him already. Sir John Bowring then demanded, that as Canton was included in the five ports opened by the treaty of 29th of August, 1842, such facilities for commerce as existed at the other four ports should be opened to British residents at Canton. The English had waived this privilege so far as Canton was concerned (although reserving their right), in order to conciliate the prejudices of a province supposed to be more hostile than any other in China to foreigners. To the demand of Sir J. Bowring, Yeh returned no answer. Sir M. Seymour accordingly opened fire upon some large government buildings on the 27th. Yeh's own residence was amongst the buildings thus attacked. A body of troops, drawn up on a rising ground, was shelled by the British, and driven from the position. Yeh, as high commissioner of his imperial majesty, offered, by proclamation, a reward of thirty dollars for the head of every Englishman. On the 29th, a breach being made in the walls, seamen and marines landed, blew in the city gate, penetrated the interior of the city, and captured the governor's house. Admiral Seymour, more gallant than wise, proposed a conference with the commissioner, who declined it. On the 3rd of November, Canton was therefore again attacked. On the 5th a fleet of war-junks was destroyed, and the French Folly fort captured. Sir Michael Seymour was infected by the old British absurdity in dealing with the Chinese, that of negotiating, when prompt and sustained action to compel them to seek negotiation was the only sound policy. Sir Michael carried on a correspondence with the chief mandarin concerning the surrender of the Bogue forts, and their restoration, unimpaired, under certain contingencies. The mandarin regarded the correspondence useful so as to gain time, but he would make no concessions. On the 12th of November the forts were attacked, and on the 13th captured with ease, although defended by 400 guns. On the same day the Ammughoy forts on the side opposite to the Bogue entrance were attacked and captured, with very little resistance, although mounted by 210 guns. On the 14th of December the foreign factories at Canton were fired by the Chinese, and nearly all destroyed. Admiral Seymour could effect nothing during the month of December, his force being inadequate. While he awaited reinforcements the year terminated.



DISPUTES WITH THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

During the year 1855 disputes existed with the North American republic, which were happily brought to a termination in 1856. The differences between that power and Great Britain referred to two subjects—the enlistment of recruits by British officers, and "the Clayton-Bulwer treaty" concerning Central America. England withdrew her recruiting agents, and made reparation for her conduct. The Clayton-Bulwer treaty was not so easily adjusted. It was a dispute between the two great American powers—England and the United States—for influence in Central America. It was supposed that the convention completed between the two ministers (Bulwer and Clayton) had put an end to the hostile feeling which had arisen. The Americans were not, however, satisfied with the arrangement, and put an interpretation upon the treaty opposed to that which England acknowledged. The British government, by going to the verge of pusillanimity, averted war, but the adjustment made was only temporary; the Americans virtually ignored the treaty, and England, while virtually submitting, still preserved an ostensible recognition of her rights. These events gave rise to fierce debates in the American congress and the British parliament, but an open rupture between the two countries, which appeared imminent, did not take place. The subject of Central America became a generic question, including various specific grounds of quarrel. A question arose as to the British protectorate of Mosquito. The English government issued a proclamation, declaring the Bay Islands a British colony. This offended the United States, and an angry, though courteous, correspondence ensued between Mr. Buchanan and the Earl of Clarendon. The English were anxious to refer the question to the decision of a third power, to which the Americans would not consent. A convention was formed with the republic of Honduras on the 27th of August, which vested in the latter power certain disputed territory which had given rise to much heat and dispute between England and the United States.



INTERNATIONAL MARITIME LAW.

At the congress of Paris, where peace with Russia was negotiated, a new principle was recognised in international maritime law, that "A neutral flag covers an enemy's goods." This was not a popular measure in England. It was believed to be a blow struck by France at the maritime power of Britain. The English navy regarded the principle with much hostility, and it was hotly debated in parliament, a large party opposing the government for consenting to such a principle.



INDIA.

The general condition of the British colonies continued prosperous; but in India certain potent elements of disturbance were at work. The annexation of Oude began to produce its fruits, the people of all ranks—high and low, military and civil—were preparing for revolt; and a scheme was set on foot for corrupting the native army of Bengal, chiefly recruited from Oude, which, within a year, produced the most appalling results. Various symptoms of sedition, in different parts of India remote from one another, were indicated, but were not taken notice of by the authorities, either wisely or vigilantly. Among the most remarkable signs of a movement of some kind being on foot, was the transmission of little cakes, called chupatees, from hand to hand, throughout all the cities and villages of India. Many officers predicted, from this circumstance, that a conspiracy to a revolt was in progress, but the government discountenanced all warnings, and treated contemptuously all information communicated to it which was calculated to call for its watchfulness. The authorities believed that the chupatee movement was harmless. Even now, this is the opinion of many familiar with India, although the majority I conversant with that country were of a contrary opinion.

One intelligent writer * presents the subject in the following light: "The transmission of such little cakes from one district to another is supposed by the Hindoos to effect the removal of epidemic disease.

* Robert Henry Wallace Dunlop, B.C.S.

When cholera broke out in this division, the villagers frequently attached the disease, as they fancied, by some ceremonies, to a buffalo, and drove it across the Ganges, or into some other village. This latter course frequently caused fighting between the villagers. It was also found that a similar transmission of cakes had taken place on a former occasion, when a murrain attacked the cattle of the districts bordering Oude, and the disease was supposed to be stayed as soon as the said cakes reached the holy fanes of Hurdwar. The agitation was fostered, and false rumours founded thereon, prejudicial to government, were almost invariably propagated by Mussulmans, while the transmission of a cake is a purely Hindoo practice. The shape and size of the cakes was that of the common Brahmin 'Pooree.' The excitement at the time among the sepoys, and the occurrence afterwards of the mutiny, has led many to connect this cake distribution with our disturbances, but without any sufficient grounds for so doing. It is probable that if any connection existed it was accidental, and the relationship acknowledged by either designing or ignorant persons, was consequent upon the distribution, and did not cause or precede it. Those, indeed, who have attempted to explain the 'chupatee movement,' as it is called, to be a sort of 'fiery cross' signal for a united rising, appear to have succeeded in proving little by their own ingenuity. Its real origin was, doubtless, a superstitious attempt to prevent any return of the fearful visitation of epidemic cholera which devastated the north-west provinces the year before, and still lingered in scattered spots."

The symptoms of disaffection, which were evident before Lord Dalhousie retired from the government, became still more marked after the arrival of Lord Canning. Lord Dalhousie left India in March, Lord Canning arriving before the departure of his predecessor in office. The two proud noblemen met at Government-house, and appeared publicly together at a grand ball at that celebrated palace of English governors. An American gentleman, a correspondent of the New York Herald,** was struck with the haughty bearing of both these noblemen, their coldness to men of rank and great talent, and their general indifference of manner towards those whom it was their duty, as it ought to have been their privilege, to conciliate.

** Mr. Train, author of "Young America Abroad."

The American observer, who looked on with an intelligent and impartial eye, was especially disgusted with the insolent bearing of the European officials, as well as of the noble governors-general, to the native princes, especially those who were conquered in the great Sikh war. They were obliged to put off their shoes in token of submission, after the manner of the East, when a conqueror or superior is approached. The American gentleman noticed the look of dejection and distaste expressed in the countenances of these once powerful native chieftains, and foreboded that a government which pursued a policy so arrogant, and where officers were characterized by so offensive an hauteur, must hold the sword tightly in its hand, or public indignation and resentment would arise, dangerous, if not fatal, to its power.

Lord Canning signalized his dawning power by a proclamation on the affairs at Oude, which exasperated to the last degree the vengeance nursed in the hearts of the whole people of that region.

Towards the end of the year the troops of the Bengal army were sullen and almost mutinous. Intelligent, officers noticed the dark scowl which the soldiery in vain endeavoured to conceal. In the public bazaars of the great cities a sort of secret intelligence between the sepoys and the people was observed, and all men, except the high officials, seemed to hear the murmuring of the distant thunder, and the first struggles of the storm, so soon to burst in blood and destruction over so large a portion of India. Thus closed the year 1856 in the British Indian empire: 1857 had scarcely dawned, when the thundercloud burst over its fairest provinces, and the deluge fell by which so many human beings, so many interests, and so vast an army, were swept away.



IRELAND.

The progress of Ireland in material prosperity was obvious, and a source of gratulation to the empire. The moral progress of the country did not keep pace with its temporal advancement; in this respect the predictions of its best friends in parliament and in Great Britain were not fulfilled. Agrarian outrage was as common as in previous years, and the murderous riband conspiracy still dealt out slaughter, and held the good and peaceable in terror without any proper attempts on the part of government to put it down. The following remarks of the editor of the Annual Register were as true and just as they were pertinent and expressive of the facts:—"Many of the homicidal crimes in Ireland arise from motives which must be found in every society, and which therefore are not to be accounted as a peculiar reproach upon the natural character. Many of these foul deeds would not deserve any especial record, were it not needful that they should be noticed simultaneously with those more horrible assassinations perpetrated under the influence of a secret tribunal which has for generations been the curse of that unhappy land. Although the national prosperity of Ireland for some years back has been such as to alter the aspect of the country, it will probably take many years of content and good government—perhaps the passing away of more than one generation—to purge the land of the monstrous organization which keeps all men in dread."



HOME—GENERAL CONDITION OF GREAT BRITAIN.

The year 1856 opened mildly as to the season, compared with 1855. The winter and spring months passed away without witnessing the severity of weather, or its fatal influence upon health and life which characterized the corresponding months of the previous year. The attention of the people was much occupied by foreign politics and events. The unwelcome peace with Russia, the wars with Persia and China, the threatening aspect of affairs in India, especially in Oude, engaged the minds of men most seriously, and checked in some measure the general prosperous condition of affairs.

There were few incidents connected with the court interesting to the public. The King of the Belgians paid a visit to his august niece early in the year, and rumour attributed a motive in connection with it which referred to the projected peace with Russia. His majesty, indeed, never visited England but some rumour did not prevail as to the influence he sought to exercise over the mind of her majesty, in sympathy with some foreign nation not altogether in harmony with British interests and views. It was believed that he came on this occasion to make as easy terms as possible for Russia. The movements of the royal family throughout the year were as had been customary. The return of the troops from the seat of war gave her majesty opportunity to show her interest in her brave soldiers, and to put forth her benevolence wisely and freely on their behalf.

The prosperity of the country may best be contemplated from trade returns of the year: these were reported by command of her majesty to both houses of parliament. On March 19, 1857, returns were made to the legislature, containing abstracts of reports of the trade of various countries and places for the years 1855—1856, received by the board of trade, through the foreign office, from her majesty's ministers and consuls. Those abstracts are too voluminous for these pages: a perusal of them in their original form would repay the reader, and show that the great commercial country of the world was Great Britain—that so extensive and ramified were her trade transactions, that she might be considered the centre of universal commerce. The great manufacturing towns in the north of England increased prodigiously in wealth and influence, and the chief provincial ports became hives of industry, while their waters were crowded with forests of ships. The Liverpool Year-book for 1856 * disclosed an extraordinary state of power and prosperity in that great commercial thoroughfare and entrepot of the world.

* Edited and compiled by Lee and Nightingale, published by Benson and Mallett, Liverpool.

During the official year, which ended August 31, 1856, the nett ordinary income of the borough amounted to L223,319 18s. The docks of Liverpool were amongst the wonders of England; and since 1856 they have been improved and enlarged, so as to surpass in magnitude and adaptation all previous speculation.



NATIONAL FINANCE.

The expensive war with Russia entailed its costs long after the first outlay and havoc passed away. The financial returns for the year ending with March, 1856, were, however, most encouraging, and proved how great were the pecuniary resources of England for war or peace. The following is a brief abstract of income and expenditure:—"The public income for the year ending the 31st March, 1856, amounted to L70,552,145 against L64,091,571 in 1855, and the expenditure to L93,149,310 against L70,236,817 in 1855. Thus there was an excess of expenditure over income in 1855-56 of L22,597,165, and an excess of L6,145,246 in the year 1854-55. The customs (in 1855-56) yielded L35,635,552; the excise, L5,210,384; stamps, L7,063,610; the assessed and land-taxes, L3,136,077; the income-tax, L15,159,458 against L10,922,267 in the year ending the 31st of March, 1855; the post-office, L2,767,201; and crown lands, L421,715. The duties on spirits and wines remained very stationary; those on malt, coffee, tobacco, snuff, and sugar increased. The house-tax yielded L728,689, and land-taxes L1,157,525. The expenditure in 1855-56 included L2,863,353 for collecting the revenue; L28,112,825 for the public debt; L1,695,052 for the civil government; L3,192,420 for law and justice; L366,443 for diplomatic salaries; L47,461,188 for the army, navy, and ordnance (against L28,321,707 in the preceding year); and L4,200,000 for the vote of credit (war with Russia). The army cost the country L17,395,059; the navy, L19,654,585, and the ordnance, L10,411,544. The civil list, privy purse, the salaries of the royal household, and the payments of the queen's tradespeople included the sum total of L371.808."



PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

There was little in the session of 1856 to demand attention from the historian, except the debates upon the three great wars in which the nation was engaged. The wars with Russia and Persia excited party debates of long duration and fierce conflict. The war with China occurred too late in the year for parliamentary disputation, until the session of 1857. The terms of the peace agreed on at Paris with Russia caused very prolonged discussions, but in these, and in the opposition sustained in connection with the Persian war, the ministry was successful.

The differences with the United States afforded another opportunity for the parliamentary opposition to attack the government. A debate was opened by a motion, introduced by Mr. G. H. Moore, "a member of the Irish independent opposition," which was badly managed by the introducer and the parties who supported him; the government was victorious.

Education, especially in Ireland; life peerages; civil service appointments; the use of torture in India; law reform; difficulties in the execution of the treaty of Paris; the questions connected with the Isle of Serpents and Bulgrad, on the new Russo-Bessarabian frontier; the disposal of the Aland Islands conquered by the allies during the war in the Baltic; the Turkish firman in favour of the Christians in fulfilment of the treaty of Paris; annexation of Oude; and maritime international law,—were the subjects which engaged the attention of the members of both houses. The men who were most prominent in these debates were Lords Lyndhurst, Brougham, Campbell, Derby, and the Duke of Argyle in the lords; Lords Palmerston and Russell, Sir James Graham, Sir Charles Napier, and Benjamin Disraeli, in the commons.

The eventful year of 1856 commenced and closed in war. War with Russia and Persia existed at its commencement: war with China was waging at its close.

England, always victorious in the East, won there fresh laurels; always embroiled in India, she had made for herself fresh complications; always bold and enterprising in her industry, she had, in spite of war and warlike expenses, increased marvellously her prosperity, material resources, the comfort of her people, and the real conditions of her power.



CHAPTER LXIX.

{VICTORIA. 1857-1858}

Foreign Affairs..... European Treaties in alliance with France..... Difference with the United States of America..... War with China, to the conclusion of Peace in 1858..... Treaty with Japan effected by Lord Elgin in 1858..... Colonial..... Chinese Insurrection at Sarawak..... India: the Mutiny..... Home: General State of the Country; Monetary Panic..... Debate on the Chinese War..... Defeat of the Ministry..... General Election..... Marriage of the Princess Royal..... Parliamentary Proceeding's..... The Court..... Art-Treasures Exhibition, Manchester.



FOREIGN AFFAIRS: RELATIONS WITH FRANCE, AND WITH OTHER EUROPEAN POWERS THROUGH THE FRENCH ALLIANCE.

{A.D. 1857-1858}

The importance of the French alliance was acknowledged by all classes in England, but the maintenance of it was extremely difficult. The policy of the French emperor was considered capricious and dynastic, and not regulated by good faith and justice. His eagerness to create an alliance with Russia, at the expense of England, was obvious in every circumstance which brought the three powers into diplomatic connection. This was more especially the case as regarded the Danubian Principalities. On every question which arose in connection with those provinces of the Turkish empire, Russia fomented dispute between herself and Turkey, between the Porte and the Provinces, and between France and England. France fell in with the views of Russia, thwarted the Turkish government, bore herself affrontfully and dictatorially to the sultan, and peevishly and even menacingly towards England, by which nation the rights of Turkey were from the first consistently espoused. The boundary question was conducted so that it was difficult to believe that France and Russia had not conspired against the rights of Turkey and the policy of England, ostensibly to enforce which France made war upon the czar. Austria generally sympathized more with England than with France and Russia in these disputes, but no power could place confidence in the perfidious government of the kasir, any more than in that of the czar. Prussia showed neither justice nor magnanimity. Her policy was selfish and cowardly. Although the grandson of the King of Prussia was affianced to the Princess Royal of England, that circumstance made no difference in the pro-Russian sympathies of the king. He abetted Russia in all her designs. The Prussian people generally expressed disapprobation of the policy of the court, but did not show spirit or purpose to counteract it. On June the 19th, a treaty was signed at Paris, and ratified on the last day of the year, between Great Britain, Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, and Sardinia, relative to the frontier of Bessarabia, to the Isle of Serpents, and to the delta of the Danube. The policy of England, on the whole, triumphed in this treaty. The Swiss Canton of Neufchatel, which appertained to the government of Prussia, revolted against that government. In consequence of that event, much diplomatic difficulty and discussion arose in Europe. The moderate plan of arrangement recommended by England influenced the decision of the contest in a manner satisfactory to the Swiss Confederation and the people of Neufchatel. The King of Prussia submitted to the arrangement ungraciously, and did much in sustaining a selfish policy, which was calculated to create a European war. At Paris, June 16,1857, a treaty was signed, which settled these turbulent affairs. The parties to the treaty were Great Britain, France, Prussia, the Swiss Confederation, Austria, and Russia.



DIFFERENCE WITH THE UNITED STATES.

The "Clayton-Bulwer treaty" of 1850 was still the fruitful source of contention. It was hoped that the "Dallas Clarendon treaty" of 1856 would settle all disputes, but this hope was unsustained by events. The President of the United States recommended the abrogation of these treaties altogether, and the commencement de novo by the diplomatists of the two nations of negotiations for a new settlement. The gist of the dispute lay within a small compass. Both governments had agreed to acquire no territory in Central America. England affirmed that such a stipulation fairly assumed that she was to retain possession of the territory and protectorate she already held and exercised. America denied the correctness of this interpretation; alleging that the idea entertained by the statesmen of the republic was, that neither power should hold any territory in Central America. The Americans declared that if England acquired or retained territory in Central America they also would acquire territory there, and the result must be a struggle between the two nations for dominion in Central America. Whereas if England renounced all territorial possession, the United States would concur in a mutual arrangement for the neutrality of the great transit way across the American continent between the Atlantic and Pacific. The proposal of the United States appeared to be the only practicable one to secure peace. The discussion, however, was maintained with much courtesy and resolution on both sides, and the dispute remained open.



CHINA—PROSECUTION OF THE WAR.

In the last chapter the British admiral was left awaiting reinforcements at the close of the year 1856.

On the 12th of January the British fired the western suburbs of Canton, which continued to burn for two days. So weak was the British force that it was obliged to drop down the river, and the squadron took up a position near Macao.

During the month of May, the English having been somewhat reinforced, Commodore Elliott conducted operations against Chinese war-junks up certain creeks of the Canton river with great success. In June Commodore Keppel directed similar operations with still greater success. The Chinese supposed the positions where their warjunks were sheltered were impregnable, and were astonished and terrified to find that the English stormed and silenced their batteries, and captured, sunk, or burned their warjunks with the utmost celerity. So difficult were the positions chosen by the enemy that the British, although securing a brilliant series of victories with extraordinary rapidity, suffered heavy loss.

While these events were proceeding, Lord Elgin was on his way as plenipotentiary to the Chinese emperor; he arrived at Hong-kong in July. On his way thither he touched at Singapore, where he received news of the Indian mutiny, and a request from the governor-general of India to detach a portion of his force to assist in suppressing the mutiny then raging there. From Hong-kong Lord Elgin proceeded to India with the remainder of the troops, as the peril there admitted of no delay, while the Chinese dispute would allow of postponement. In the latter part of the autumn Lord Elgin returned to Hong-kong. In October a French squadron arrived to co-operate with the English, accompanied by Baron Gros, as the plenipotentiary of the French emperor. Count Puteatin arrived in the same capacity for the Emperor of Russia; and Mr. Reed represented the North-American republic. Both Russia and the American States were jealous of the combined influence of England and France, and showed rather a disposition to coalesce, in order to thwart the allied powers of Western Europe, while yet the representative of each of the two jealous nations was solicitous to make a treaty in the separate and even selfish interests of his country. England and France were desirous for the co-operation of all civilized powers to obtain a treaty in the interests of all, but this did not suit the policy of America, still less of Russia. France moreover displayed an eagerness to force some exclusive convention in favour of the Roman Catholic religion, in which the other powers had no interest, and which they felt to be invidious and improper. The French also, in their co-operation with the British, were avaricious of glory, and by their self-assertion, vanity, ambition, and ostentatious depreciation of everything not performed by themselves, offended the self-respect of the English, who were in far superior force.

It was December before active hostilities were renewed, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros having in vain pressed upon Governor Yeh their demands. On the 28th and 29th of December Canton was bombarded. The great city was on two sides enveloped in flame. The allies landed amidst the roar of the bombardment and the engirdling flames, escaladed certain defences, drove the Chinese into the city, and occupied with promptitude the strong positions from which the enemy was driven.

The appearance of matters in Canton was now very strange. The populace pursued their ordinary occupations; the Tartar army had abandoned the city and taken post in the country; while the authorities took no notice of the enemy, made no submission, sought no negotiation, and seemed to rely only on passive resistance. Thus the year 1857 ended, and the events of the Chinese war which transpired within it. It is however desirable, for the sake of consecutive narrative, to continue here the relation of this war to its close in 1858, notwithstanding the plan of the History gives a separate chapter to the incidents of each year.

On the 5th of January, 1858, detachments of troops penetrated into the city. The three most important persons in authority were captured—Yeh, the viceroy, or chief governor; Pehkwei, governor of the city; and Tseang Keun, the Tartar general. Yeh was sent a prisoner to Calcutta. The Tartar general was set at liberty, on condition of disbanding his troops; and the civic governor was ordered to continue his functions, subject to a military commission. This last arrangement did not work well, the Chinese governor continuing to elude the vigilance of the commission, and perform many hostile and even cruel acts. It is astonishing that with all their experience of the Chinese, the English should have expected any other result.

The Emperor of 'China degraded Yeh, and appointed another governor of the province of Canton in his stead.

The allied plenipotentiaries opened communications with the emperor, and foolishly awaited a reply, which of course never came. The Russian ambassador encouraged the plan, and affected to participate,—he knew well that no answer would arrive, and probably used whatever influence he had to prevent its arrival. The wearied plenipotentiaries at last set sail for the Peiho, hoping, by the display of their power nearer the capital, to compel negotiations. The ambassadors arrived at the Peiho on the 14th April. They were received in a very flattering manner by the mandarins, who at the same time began to strengthen the defences of the river, so as to oppose the further progress of the fleet. According to the despatch of Admiral Seymour these defences "presented a formidable appearance." The forts were ultimately attacked, silenced, and captured. The fleet proceeded up the river, and found junks, filled with combustibles, moored across with chains, but the enemy fled. The impediments were removed, and the fleet advanced to the city of Tien-sin, at the end of the grand canal. The city contained 300,000 inhabitants. The ambassadors landed under a flag of truce, and were courteously received, on the 29th May.

When the emperor learned the resistless progress of the forces of his enemies, he sent two commissioners, who alleged that they had full powers to treat for peace. They arrived on the 4th of June. They insisted on negotiating with the European plenipotentiaries separately, and first with the representative of England. On producing their credentials, and their commission, an insolent and haughty document was read delegating power to make peace with the barbarians, if the latter did not ask for anything contrary to Chinese custom, and Lord Elgin immediately retired from the conference. After various efforts to create delay, which were resisted by the plenipotentiaries, a treaty was signed to the following effect:—

Article 1. Confirmed the treaty of Nankin of 1842, and abrogated the supplementary treaty to that so named, and the general regulations of trade then agreed upon.

Art. 2. Agreed to the residence of ambassadors at the courts of the powers party to the treaty.

Art. 3. Guaranteed regulations for the residence of an English minister at Pekin.

Art. 4. Provided for the correspondence of the British minister at Pekin.

Art. 5. The ministers of the Emperor of China should transact business with the British minister at Pekin on terms of perfect equality.

Art. 6. Concedes to a minister of China in London the same privileges.

Art. 7. Permits consuls in the open ports of China.

Art. 8. The Christian religion, as professed by Roman Catholics and Protestants, to be protected by the Chinese government.

Art. 9. British subjects to travel, for pleasure or trade, into all parts of the empire with passports from their consuls, countersigned by the local authorities.

Art. 10. Regulations for trading ships.

Art. 11. Five more ports to be opened to foreign trade.

Art. 12. British subjects may purchase and hold landed property in China.

Art. 13. British subjects may employ Chinese subjects.

Art. 14. British subjects free to hire boats; the Chinese authorities free to punish smugglers.

Art. 15. British, authorities to decide upon all questions of rights and property between British subjects.

Art. 16. British offenders to be punished according to the laws of England; Chinese subjects to be punished according to the laws of China.

Art. 17. Settles the modes of procedure in case of offences.

Art. 18. Protection of the persons and goods of British subjects.

Thus apparently ended the war of 1856-7-8. Nothing remained but the ratification of the treaty, and the fulfilment of its stipulations, which the Chinese court never intended to perform.



JAPAN.

Lord Elgin resolved to proceed to Japan, and endeavour to open that jealously guarded country to foreign intercourse. He made for his excuse to enter the Japanese waters, that his queen authorized him to bear from her a present of a beautiful steam-yacht to the Emperor of Japan. It was on the 3rd of August, 1858, that Lord Elgin reached the capital of the Japanese empire; but the circumstance is related in this chapter to preserve a continuous account of his excellency's important mission to the Eastern Seas. Lord Elgin's mission was successful. A treaty substantially the same as that with China was formed, and the trade of that country opened to Europe. As in China, so in Japan, American and Russian jealousy played an unworthy and not altogether ineffectual part.



COLONIAL.

The general colonial interests of the United Kingdom were flourishing. Extensive reports were published this year by government, which showed that nearly all the colonies were making great and rapid strides on the road of material progress and prosperity.



SARAWAK.

The independent British settlement of Sarawak, in the island of Borneo, was exposed to imminent peril of utter destruction. Sir James Brooke, anxious to restore British influence in the Eastern Archipelago, which the policy of former governments of Great Britain had ignorantly and recklessly sacrificed to the Dutch, established at Sarawak an English settlement, upon which chivalrous attempt he expended a large private fortune, risked life in almost every form, and by undaunted courage, perseverance, energy, and talent, succeeded in his undertaking. The British government, after recognising his position and fostering it, refused to accept its sovereignty for her majesty, or to adopt the means necessary either for forming Sarawak into a colony, or establishing there an ostensible and real protectorate. Sir James Brooke did great things for his country, and met with injustice, and as far as the government was concerned, ingratitude, in return. A concession of Sarawak having been made to him by the prince who had power to make it, the English government recognised him as rajah of the territory, but left him to his own resources, except as an occasional ship of war arrived, and joined with him in some gallant exploit to put down piracy in the neighbouring seas. In the industrial enterprises of the rajah, Chinese immigrants were encouraged to work the mines, and toil in other industrial pursuits. These persons rose in insurrection against the rajah, and brought on a terrible catastrophe of bloodshed and destruction. In waging the war of 1856-7, the Chinese government sent orders to its subjects, emigrants in British settlements, to hold themselves in readiness to obey the commands of their mandarins, and attack the British in those countries whenever summoned to do so. These commands were received with ready obedience, and consequently at Hongkong, Australia, Singapore, and Sarawak, mischief was effected in proportion to the number and relative power of the Chinese. In Australia they could effect nothing except a few trivial but treacherous outrages, which incurred a barbarous retaliation. At Hong-kong the agitation, inconvenience, and danger of the English were very great. At Singapore a terrible outbreak was threatened and expected, but the energy and steadfastness of the English, their success in China, and the bloody defeat of the insurgents at Sarawak, deterred the Singapore Chinese from any combined and vigorous attempt. It would appear that batches of fresh immigrants arrived from Penang and Malacca, and brought orders from their mandarins to rise and attack the English. The Chinese population of Sarawak exceeded 5,000, about one-tenth being children, and perhaps a twentieth women. These settlers lived in communities, were very industrious and very prosperous; they were favoured by the English because of their plodding perseverance, and hard-working habits. They made no complaints, were treated kindly, and were apparently as happy as in their industrial pursuits they were successful. On the night of the 18th of February, marching in a body, the whole Chinese force of the settlement attacked the little capital, set fire to the houses, murdered several English and their servants, endeavoured to seize the person of the rajah, and succeeded in making the bishop captive, burning his valuable library, and committing every sort of depredation. They preserved the bishop unmolested, in the hope of using him, in case of defeat, to make better terms for themselves, or, in case of success, to induce him to act as their negotiator with foreign barbarians! The rajah, and most of the English settlers, escaped to the opposite side of the river, where they concealed themselves in various places adapted to their purpose, until a body of Dyaks (natives of the country) were gathered for their defence. A small British steamer opportunely entered the river, which, with the English residents and the Dyaks, attacked the Chinese, defeated them, slew three-fourths of the men, drove the rest into the interior, burned down their villages, and executed upon them a terrible vengeance. Sir James Brooke, with his usual energy and dexterity, repaired the disaster, and subjected future Chinese settlers to regulations which rendered rebellion too desperate for attempt.



INDIA.

The year 1857 will be ever memorable in the history of India. A mutiny, chiefly of the Bengal army, and a rebellion, chiefly in the Bengal provinces, disturbed the whole country from Cape Comorin to the Himalayehs, agitated deeply the British empire, and excited the attention and astonishment of the world. The progress of commerce, revenue, and prosperity in every form was of course interrupted. Nevertheless, during a portion of the year, and over a large area, the usual operations of trade were continued. While a brilliant career of material improvement and commercial advancement was developed by our Indian empire, the event burst forth which deluged the Bengal provinces, and Central India, with blood, and appalled the world. It is now our duty to give a brief record of that terrible event.



THE MUTINY.

In a previous chapter it was related, that at the close of the year 1856 symptoms of mutiny were exhibited in the Bengal army. At the beginning of 1857 these symptoms became demonstrative and terrible. It is difficult to say how far an acute and foreseeing government might have prevented the evil, but the last persons to observe the signs of the times, and provide against the rising calamity, were those in high authority. "There were," wrote the editor of an Indian paper, "deep tokens of disaffection everywhere, suspicious looks and expressions daily heard in the bazaar, and a belief that all was not sound in the minds of Englishmen unconnected with the services. Every class, except the members of the governing body, was impressed with a foreboding of evil. No one, however, without the pale of authority dreamt of the magnitude of the dangers by which we were about to be assailed; and inside that potent circle not a soul had gained an inkling of the coming horrors. The ship of the state was struck by a white squall, with every sail set, and not a man at his post to warn the crew of their peril. On the 22nd of January, 1857, Captain Wright, of the 70th native infantry, brought to the notice of Major Bontein, commanding the depot of musketry at Dum-Dum, the fact that there was a mutinous spirit among the troops in connection with the greased cartridges." From that date the conspiracy developed itself rapidly, but at no stage of its incipient progress did the government show sagacity in detecting the causes of the outbreak, or efficient means for its repression.

At Barrackpore and Berhampore indications of mutiny of a decisive nature were made. General Hearsey, who commanded at Barrackpore, gave the government explicit information, and foretold results. The government would not be warned.

A mutiny of the 19th regiment led to the disbanding of that corps. This regiment was by no means among the more disloyal sepoys; it had been seduced into acts of insubordination, and regretted it. There was, however, little discrimination on the part of the Calcutta authorities. Some corps attempted to murder their officers, and were treated with surprising leniency. General Anson, who commanded the forces in India, was at Simlah, where the military records also were, and much loss of time and great confusion resulted from the necessity of the government at Calcutta carrying on a correspondence, with so remote a station, on subjects of such vital moment. When at last the commander-in-chief became convinced of the danger that existed, he hurried down to Umballah, and issued a conciliatory proclamation to the army, which had the effect of increasing the pride and self-importance of the sepoys.

Matters proceeded in this way until May, when the first grand effort of mutiny burst forth at Meerut. The sepoys suddenly arose there, attacked their officers, murdered some, and, having set fire to the cantonments, marched to Delhi. Major-general Hewett, who commanded the garrison, showed extraordinary weakness and vacillation, and took no prompt or vigorous measures to intercept the flight of the fugitives, or to pursue them. The mutiny occurred on Sunday evening, the 10th of May. The rabble of the neighbourhood joined the mutineers. Both the revolted sepoys and the insurgents showed a sanguinary delight in murdering women and children. As soon as the fugitive mutineers arrived at Delhi the whole city rose in insurrection; its garrison revolted, women and children were butchered, the ex-king of Delhi, a pensioner of the British government, was placed at the head of the revolution, and his sons were leaders in every act of barbarity and cowardice. The magazine was defended by a few officers and soldiers. Among them was Lieutenant Willoughby, who, when defence was no longer possible, blew up a large portion of the magazine, causing the death of a considerable number of the assailants, estimated, according to different testimonies, at from one to two thousand.

On the 18th of May the general at Meerut sent a despatch to say that he could not move his troops against Delhi, or for any operations in the field, for want of carriage. Such was the management of military affairs in India.

General Anson slowly collected a force at Umballah, and Sir John Lawrence sent Sikh troops from the Punjaub. General Anson died, and the command devolved upon General Barnard, who marched upon Delhi. It must not be supposed that Sir Henry Barnard, in his advance to Delhi, was unopposed. Whatever the sepoys may have been in British pay, in revolt they were energetic and persevering, and, as long as they entertained any hope of success, fought with keenness; as a loyal native in Delhi described them, "they were willing to take life, and willing to give their lives away." It had been arranged, before General Anson's death, that a brigade should advance from Umballah, under General Barnard, and that General Hewett, at Meerut, should order another brigade to advance from that station, the two forces to form a junction, and storm or lay siege to Delhi. In pursuance of this plan General Hewett placed a small body of troops under the command of Colonel Archdale Wilson, consisting of five hundred men of the 60th Royal Rifle regiment, two hundred of the carbineers, and one battery of artillery, to which a troop of horse-artillery was subsequently added. They marched on the 27th of May, and encamped on the 30th at Ghazeeoodeen Nuggur, a large Hindoo village on the left bank of the river Hindoun, eighteen miles east of Delhi. At that place there was a suspension bridge, the possession of which commanded the passage of the Hindoun from Meerut. Brigadier Wilson was attacked there by a force from Delhi, who hoped, by defeating the colonel, to prevent the junction of his forces with troops from Kurnoul. A battle ensued, the first of the war, as the previous struggles between mutineers and loyalists did not assume the form of a regular engagement. The rebels not only disputed the passage of the river, but opened a heavy cannonade with five guns from a well-chosen position. Wilson brought all his troops into action. The rifles were very efficient, fighting in a mode similar to that afterwards attributed to the Turcos of the French army in the war in Italy. They rushed forward with great rapidity for short spaces, then falling flat on their faces, timing their intervals of movement by the play of the enemy's guns, which they watched skilfully. In this way they suffered exceedingly little in their advance, until at last springing upon the guns they captured them instantaneously, piercing the gunners with their sword bayonets. The sepoy infantry made a stand, but the rifles, in a hand to hand combat, were easy victors. The battle was decided in favour of the British; the sepoys fled, pursued by the carbineers, who continued the pursuit until night closed around conquerors and fugitives. The loss on the part of the English was eleven killed, and twenty-one wounded and missing. Of the killed five met their death by the explosion of a powder-waggon, fired by a desperate sepoy. Captain Andrews, of the Rifles, was one of those blown up.

On the 31st Colonel Courtance, of the carbineers, was actively employed watching strong reconnoitering parties of the enemy's horse, so that the brigade could not advance far on the left side of the river without another action. At one o'clock five thousand mutineers and irregulars took up a position on an elevated sweep of land. A battle of artillery ensued; the mutineers of the 3rd Bengal cavalry charged the English guns repeatedly, but were repulsed. After more than two hours, spent in a contest of this kind, Colonel Wilson ordered his line to advance, and the mutineers were routed. The English were too much exhausted by the heat to pursue: several men in all branches of the service dropped dead from sun-stroke. The rebels bore away their guns. The English lost twenty-four men; about half from sun-stroke. Lieutenant Perkins was among the slain; Captain Johnson, and Ensign Napier, among the wounded. The stubbornness of the mutineers led Colonel Wilson to maintain his position and await orders and reinforcements. On the 3rd of June he was joined by another company of the Royal York Rifle regiment, and by a battalion of Goorkhas. These troops remained faithful, for, although attached to the Brahminical religion, they are more superstitious than fanatical, and hold the sepoys, and even Sikhs, in contempt, while the British are objects of military admiration to them. On the 6th the brigade reached the rendezvous at Rhagput.

The force from Umballah left that place on the 24th of May, and readied Kurnaul on the 25th. Anson died on the 27th. In his last illness he confided the capture of' Delhi to General Barnard, and telegraphed to Lord Canning that he had done so, who confirmed the general in the command of the forces acting against Delhi. Before the command delegated to Barnard by Anson could be confirmed at Calcutta, General Reid, in virtue of seniority, became chief of the army, but he carried out the wish of General Anson in confiding the attack on Delhi to Sir. H. Barnard.

After various misunderstandings and serious delays on the part of Colonel Wilson, caused by the obstruction offered by the sepoys, and by taking a circuitous and difficult route, the two brigades met on the 6th of June, and on the 7th the whole force was reorganized near Delhi.

The brigades under both generals had been considerably augmented on the march. The officials took no steps for preventing disaster, but acted in the same way as in England and elsewhere, that occasioned so much loss of life and reputation before Sebastopol. Sir H. Barnard found himself and all about him, upon whom in the first instance the duty devolved, bewildered, and incapable of combining, arranging, or devising expedients to supply governmental and commissary defects. The army before Delhi, on a small scale, for a time repeated the faults and follies of the army before Sebastopol. Those upon whom the army depended for intelligence, succour, and directions, gave no real aid, but created additional embarrassments. The time consumed in deciding anything was extraordinary, although in the early part of the siege the telegraphic wire lent all its aid between Agra and Calcutta. General Barnard found that he could not take Delhi by storm; a regular siege was therefore resorted to. Throughout the month of June a fierce conflict raged around the once proud capital of Hindostan. During July these conflicts were continued, and rendered fiercer by the arrival of large forces-of mutineers from Rohilcund. Mutiny was discovered in the camp of the besiegers. Sickness also smote the British, so that by the end of July there were 1,200 invalids in the little army. Battle and disease must have utterly wasted it had not Sir John Lawrence sent troops' and supplies, and with them the skilful and intrepid young General Nicholson. The sickness and ultimate decease of Sir Henry Barnard caused the demand to devolve on the senior general, Reid. His health also giving way, General Wilson, an excellent artillery officer, assumed the command.

Early in August the English made an effort to destroy the bridge of boats, by floating detonating machines, which was unsuccessful, and the mutineers continued to make it available for purposes hostile to the besiegers, and advantageous to themselves. On the 1st of August 5000 men made a sortie, if such, in the peculiar circumstances of the siege, it could be called. The Metcalf picket-house and the flag-staff tower became the objects of incessant attack. The sepoys, however, fought in vain. During August reinforcements for the rebels poured into the city of Delhi, from the various districts, far and near, where revolt had raged.

In the beginning of September the siege-train arrived, and strong reinforcements of troops; the sick and wounded then reached the number of 3000. A terrible bombardment was opened against the city on the 11th, which continued until the 14th, when the assault was ordered, and after desperate fighting it proved successful. It was not, however, destined to triumph on the first day. On all points but one the British were victorious. The attack on the western suburbs failed from the inefficiency of the Cashmere contingent, the bravery and number of the sepoys, and their contempt for the native force under Captain Dwyer's command. After a fearful conflict for possession of the Redghat, the whole attack on the western side was abandoned. The English held the posts won within the gates: the enemy showed unflinching resolution, and even threatened the English flanks and rear. Night closed over the sanguinary scene, the English having lost 8 officers killed, and 52 wounded; 162 English and 103 native soldiers killed; 512 English, and 310 natives wounded. The first and second columns held all the towers, bastions, and ramparts from the vicinity of the Cashmere-gate to the Cabulgate; the third column and the reserve held the Cashmeregate, the English church, Skinner's house, the Water bastion, Ahmed Ali Khan's house, the college gardens, and many buildings and open spots in that part of Delhi; while the fourth column, defeated in the western suburbs, had retreated to the camp or the ridge. It was not until the end of that the long and bloody succession of assaults ended in the total subjugation of the place, after deeds of slaughter seldom paralleled. The king and several members of his family escaped, but were pursued by Major Hodson, and captured under circumstances of extraordinary daring and presence of mind on the part of that officer.

The taking of Delhi was a deadly blow to the hopes of the rebels all over India.

The progress of the mutiny and its suppression in other directions must now be related. It was alleged that the King of Delhi was treated with extraordinary indulgence, reinstated in his palace, and was treated by the company's civil officers with even marks of homage. These reports were set at rest by a letter written to the brother of his captor, by Mrs. Hodson, the major's wife. The letter was deeply interesting, and depicted the ex-royal family as in a condition of abject ignorance and moral degradation.

The narrative of the siege of Delhi having been conducted to its close, it is necessary to show the occurrence of events taking place in other directions, which were contemporaneous with those which happened around and in the capital of the Mogul.

While the incidents just related passed in and around Meerut and Delhi, Scinde and the Punjaub were greatly agitated. Conspiracy to revolt and murder, similar to what had taken place elsewhere, were discovered in these two provinces. In both they were promptly and effectually suppressed. Scinde remained tranquil, after a few arrests and executions had been effected. In the Sikh districts Sir John Lawrence acted with extraordinary sagacity, management, vigour, and courage, putting down at once, and with a high hand, all attempts at mutiny or insurrection, so as to direct the great resources of the Punjaub to the assistance of the other provinces, and especially during the siege of Delhi. The services of that great man have never been sufficiently acknowledged by the British government.

In the presidencies of Bombay and Madras the army and people, with few exceptions, remained quiet, and to a considerable extent were loyal. In Central India the disturbance was universal, and the contingents of native princes burst into open hostility. The presidencies of Madras and Bombay were much endangered by this state of things, but "field forces" were organized in the presidencies, by which the rebel districts of Central India were penetrated from the south and west, until the revolt was crushed. The troops of Madras displayed more loyalty than those of Bombay. Some of the Bombay regiments mutinied, bringing upon themselves a swift and terrible punishment.

In the eastern districts of Bengal there were only the perturbations caused by the great earthquake of revolution, which had its centre far north and west. The disposition to insurrection in Assam and Chittagong was kept down by astonishingly weak forces. Along the Assam frontier a few troops sufficed to preserve tolerable quietude. A small detachment of British sailors, acting as infantry of the line, awed a vast region of eastern Bengal.

The native troops of the Bengal army, stationed on the eastern shores of the Bay of Bengal, showed the same disposition to revolt as upon the eastern land confines of that presidency; but the people of Pegu, Martaban, and the other provinces on the sea-coast, were loyal. The troops there were mostly European, and were moved up the bay to Calcutta, as occasion demanded and opportunity served.

In Lower Bengal the people were too unwarlike to aid the troops who mutinied.

Upper Bengal and the dominions which had been recently wrenched from the King of Oude, were the grand foci of mutiny and rebellion; although Jhansi, Delhi, and Meerut, were also centres of active revolt.

Agra, the queen of the upper provinces, suffered much. Mr. Colville acted with prudence, temper, and energy; but committed the general fault of the officials, civil and military, of placing too much confidence in the native troops.

Benares, the ecclesiastical capital of heathen India, was more loyal than any city in the disturbed regions. The protection afforded to the religious rites of the Brahmins in that city, and the security of pilgrims travelling to its far famed shrines, through the order enforced by British power, caused a respect for the English name and authority not only in the city of Benares, but throughout the province, which acted favourably to the preservation of order. The vigour of Brig.-gen. Neill, and the fear he inspired, had also much to do with these results.

Allahabad was the centre of many intrigues hostile to British power: the heroic little garrison of that place suffered much, and endured nobly and successfully until help arrived, and Brig.-gen. Neill quelled the power, if not the spirit, of rebellion all around.

Throughout Oude, comprising in the designation the provinces, whether of older or more recent date, which fell within the circle of that kingdom, the mutiny and rebellion were fiercest. Cawnpore was one of the great capitals of revolt. Situated near Bithoor, the residence of the infamous Nana Sahib, the principal chief of the insurrection, it suffered much, possibly more than any other place. "The Nana" collected all the force which his retainers and the people of his district could contribute, and with the mutineers of Cawnpore, and neighbouring garrisons, he attacked the British quartered in that city, who were under the command of the veteran hero, General Wheeler. In vain the little band of English were assailed; they remained unconquered by the multitudes of their enemies, and by famine and fatigue, until treachery secured their destruction. They were induced to capitulate, under promise of protection and safe escort. They were brutally and barbarously murdered by the bodyguards of Nana Sahib; women and children, as well as soldiers and civilians, were unpityingly consigned to a common slaughter, and their bodies cast into the well of Cawnpore. Since the mutiny, a memorandum upon the events connected with the Cawnpore mutiny and massacre has been prepared by Lieutenant-colonel Williams, military secretary to government in the north-western provinces:—"Forty-two depositions from persons of all classes and creeds—Christians, Mahomedans, and Hindoos—have been recorded, and valuable evidence obtained from respectable and influential residents in the city. These depositions, together with the native journal of a city resident, have been translated, and relate the first attempts made by the Nana to tamper with the troops, his ready success, the earliest meeting held by the conspirators, and their proceedings on and subsequent to their mutiny, from the 1st of June to the advance of the British force in July. The evidence shows the Nana's brother, Bala Sahib, to have taken as (if not more) active and prominent a part as even the Nana himself. There are no traces of any conspiracy prior to the arrival of the Nana at Cawnpore, on the 22nd of May, 1857, with the two guns, and 300 horse and foot, for the avowed purpose of aiding in the maintenance of order. But about that time it would seem that two sowars, the one named Rahem Khan, of Bishenpore, near Bithoor, the other Muddut Alee, of Bancla, and in the service of the Nana, were employed by Bala Sahib to corrupt the fidelity of the troops. The 2nd Cavalry, already ripe for mutiny, needed but little persuasion." Among those who perished were the heroic General Wheeler and his heroine daughter.

In Lucknow, the capital of Oude, Sir Henry Lawrence (brother to Sir John) maintained a resolute defence, but was wounded in a sortie, and died of his wound. Colonel Inglis afterwards maintained the defence with true British obstinacy and intrepidity.

The time at last arrived when the tide of tumult and blood should be rolled back upon the mutinous garrisons and rebel cities in the southern parts of Upper Bengal, in Oude, and in Central India. Brig.-gen. Neill, of the Madras Fusiliers, having with detachments of his regiment been sent on to Allahabad, restored order and even tranquillity to that place, as related on a previous page. On the return to India of the portion of the expeditionary army of Persia, under General Havelock, that officer was sent on to Allahabad, and superseding Brig.-gen. Neill in the command, he marched at the head of what forces he could muster, about 2,000 men, to the relief of Cawnpore. He had to fight his way thither, displaying extraordinary valour and military genius. With his small force he conquered Cawnpore, and drove the rebel Nana to Bithoor; but, alas! the noble garrison of Wheeler was not relieved on the advance of Havelock: the Nana, driven to despair, perpetrated the wholesale murder which blackens the page of Indian history with the name of Cawnpore. Havelock resolved on tracking the murderer to his den: Bithoor was attacked, and the Nana beaten. Havelock ordered Neill to bring on all his forces from Allahabad that could possibly be spared, and that officer took the command of Cawnpore, where, as at Allahabad, he soon created order, and subjected to his stern and resolute rule all disaffection. He took terrible vengeance upon the captured mutineers and rebels. Havelock pressed onward to relieve the garrison at Lucknow. Battle after battle was fought, Havelock, with a handful of men, dispersing hosts. Never, in the history of English military glory, were such achievements performed by so few. Even the mighty deeds of Clive and Wellington in their Indian warfare were surpassed by Havelock in his extraordinary marches upon Lucknow. At last, his troops were so reduced by battle and sickness that he retired upon Cawnpore and awaited reinforcements. These arrived, and with them a superior officer, General Outram. That hero refused to deprive Havelock of his command, and acted as volunteer in Havelock's army. The garrison at Lucknow was relieved; provisions, medicine, money, and men were conveyed to the city and the Alumbagh a strong place on the Cawnpore road, within four miles of Lucknow. So numerous was the enemy, that the relieving army, like that which it relieved, was hemmed in by a host of mutineers and rebel zemindars, with their retainers. It became necessary that another army should relieve Outram, Havelock, and Inglis. Sir Colin Campbell had been sent from England to bring the insurrection to a speedy termination, the supreme military authority having been committed to him.

The arrival of Sir Colin Campbell to take the command of the army was not hailed with so much satisfaction in India, as the event was regarded with confidence in England. Sir Colin, however, knew how things were managed by governors-general in India, and by officials at head-quarters. He therefore expected to find much confusion, embarrassment, and neglect. The chief military authority in India was supposed to be at Calcutta, but the records were at Simla, the sanitary station to which the commander-in-chief was wont to repair, and where in fact commanders-in-chief spent most of their time, having generally been very old and feeble men. Sir Colin set to work with indefatigable industry to gather up an intelligible and connected account of the military condition and resources of India, especially of the Bengal provinces. This was essential to any consecutive plan of operations, and in this work, and in other important preparations, his time was consumed, when every day's delay, every hour's hesitation, every act of procrastination or tardiness, was perilous beyond estimate.

At Calcutta, in their conveyance to the different spheres of action, or in the provision made for their comfort, our gallant army was not thought of, either by the officials at Calcutta, or by the government at home, with that wisdom, consideration, or generosity which befitted their merits, the occasion, or a great country. Sir Colin organized a system for the general suppression of the mutiny, and he himself advanced with a very inadequate force, for the second time, to effect the relief of the British garrison of Lucknow. This was achieved after battle and victory highly honourable to the British name. Sir Colin brought off the women and children, sick and wounded, leaving the cantonments and the neighbouring Alumbagh well garrisoned. General Wyndham had been left in command at Cawnpore. During the operations of the commander-in-chief at Lucknow, Wyndham was attacked by vast numbers of the enemy, and beaten. Sir Colin hastened to the rescue, and Cawnpore, after a sanguinary action, was saved. Reinforced, and with a plan of combined action by different forces from various directions, Sir Colin advanced upon Lucknow for its relief the third time. After regular approaches and bombardment, Lucknow was taken by storm; but to the discredit of the commander-in-chief and some of his superior officers, the rebels escaped, to make war and havoc elsewhere. General Havelock died of fatigue and exhaustion, regretted by all men, and leaving behind him an immortal fame.

Among the losses of British officers, caused by the efforts to relieve Lucknow, was the death of Brig.-gen. Neill, whose services had been so eminently valuable. A statue, by the sculptor Behnes, is to be erected to the memory of General Havelock, in Trafalgar Square. Brig.-gen. Neill has had this honour conferred upon his memory in a most conspicuous manner. A magnificent colossal statue of the general has been ordered to be placed in the city of Madras. It has been executed by a sculptor, Matthew Noble, whose genius is as much an honour to his country as the heroic deeds of him whom that genius thus commemorates. The same great sculptor executed another statue of Neill, which has been erected in Ayr, the hero's native place.

Sir Colin committed the following up of the enemy to Grant. He was as unsuccessful in this as he had been in preventing the escape of the rebels from Lucknow, and returned to head-quarters utterly baffled.

Rohilcund continued in arms; the great cities and towns, such as Bareilly, Shajehanpoor, and Moorshedabad, were in the hands of the rebels. Khan Bahadoor Khan ruled at Bareilly, and his force was not to be despised. It now became apparent to everybody how serious were the consequences of the bad generalship which allowed the rebels and mutineers to escape from Lucknow.

The plan of the commander-in-chief was now to scour the borders of the province with two columns, which, setting out in opposite directions, should meet at Bareilly, the capital where two of the Delhi princes had taken shelter with Bahadoor Khan. Brigadier Jones was ordered to advance from Roorkee, with what was designated the Roorkee field force, and to take a direction south-east. The other column was to leave Lucknow under Brigadier Walpole, and both columns were to form a junction at an appointed rendezvous. Walpole had experienced a severe reverse, but at last the different forces met before Bareilly. Again the commander-in-chief was victorious, and again permitted his beaten enemy to escape. After long and harassing operations, continued through the year 1858, Oude and Rohilcund were restored to order.

In Central India long-sustained and fierce conflicts followed brutal and cowardly massacres. General Rose crowned his name with many honours, having defeated Tantia Topie, the Rhani of Jhansi, and the rebel leaders, and sweeping with his avenging sword the revolted provinces of Central India. Nana Sahib, the Begum of Oude, and other leaders retreated through the jungles into Nepaul, where most of them perished of jungle fever, and many by the arms of Jung Bahadhoor, the Regent of Nepaul. It was not until 1859 that the traces of the great rebellion and mutiny were completely cleared away, and Lord Canning could pronounce India once more subject to the sceptre of England.



HOME.

The year 1857 began its course under circumstances favourable to the domestic peace and prosperity of the country. The mind of the public was directed towards the remission of taxes, and legal and social reform. The London clubs were more than usually active with political and party gossip at the opening of the year. Mr. Gladstone, and the Peel party of which he was the leader, kept the quidnuncs constantly busy as to probable parliamentary coalitions and party movements. The versatile gentleman, whom the Peelites delighted to honour, and who was also much in favour with the Manchester party, was supposed to be favourable to a coalition between his followers and the Tories. An arrangement between Lord Derby and the Peelite financier was much talked of, and scandalized the country. Most persons in political circles outside the houses of parliament believed that such a combination would be too unpopular for either the Conservatives or the Gladstone section to accept. In and out of parliament it was asserted that should such an alliance be formed it would break up any conservative ministry, and throw Lord Derby out of power before he could consolidate, even if he should be able pro tempore to obtain, a parliamentary majority. Such was the condition of feeling in England when the session of 1857 began. The close of the year was marked by commercial and monetary panic, widespread, and entailing disastrous results.



PARLIAMENT.

The first session was opened on the 3rd of February. Earl Grey in the lords, and Mr. Disraeli in the commons, opened the party campaign by assailing the foreign policy of the government; and Disraeli was alike caustic and unjust upon Lord Palmerston, scarcely avoiding personality, while inveighing against the public conduct of the veteran statesman.

One of the first subjects of a practical nature introduced to parliament was law reform, which the lord-chancellor brought forward. His lordship seldom gained the approbation of the house for his measures, and when he was successful it was always under circumstances which betrayed the weakness of his personal influence. Lord Cranworth was neither popular in the lords nor in the country, and was less so in his ostensible legal reforms than on any other subject. Politically he was the incubus of the ministry, although as a chancery judge, or at all events a chancery lawyer, he possessed reputation. Some improvements were effected during the session, but on the whole the country was disappointed, and this disappointment was chiefly occasioned by the incapacity, intellectual and administrative, of Lord Cranworth to deal with any comprehensive public measure.

Mr. Locke King introduced his motion for the extension of the county franchise to L10 householders. Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham advocated the measure, which they had previously so strenuously opposed. As this was obviously for the purpose of defeating the government, and gaining popularity for party purposes, the public gave them no credit for sincerity, and even expressed disapprobation. This measure was lost by the small majority of thirteen.

A committee of inquiry into the operation of the Bank Charter Act was, early in the session, nominated in the commons.

On the 13th of February the chancellor of the exchequer made his financial statement. Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone offered an unworthy party opposition to almost every item of the budget, but they were defeated by very large majorities. Lord John Russell appeared to advantage in these discussions, as he seconded the just and reasonable views of government, although it was well known that he was desirous of a coalition with the Peelites and the Manchester school to turn them out.



DEBATES ON THE CHINESE WAR-DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY.

The grand party struggle in parliament took place upon the subject of the Chinese war. The opposition had previously made attempts, led by Lord Grey and Mr. Disraeli, to overturn the cabinet on the subject of the Persian war, but signally failed. Lord Derby proposed a vote of censure, in the lords, against Dr. Bowring, for his conduct at Canton, and the policy of the cabinet by which he was supported. The lords, by a considerable majority, upheld the government. Mr. Cobden made a motion in the commons similar to that made by Lord Derby in the House of Peers. The Peelites and the Manchester school coalesced, Lord John Russell, Mr. Roebuck, and other independent "members," fell in with the coalition, and the government was beaten by a majority of sixteen. The ministry did not resign, but adopted the alternative of dissolving parliament.



PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION.

On the 21st of March parliament was prorogued to the 30th of April. On the same day the dissolution took place, which was to test the opinion of the country for or against the ministry.



GENERAL ELECTION.

The election was attended with great excitement, and resulted in a great increase of members supporting the ministry. Many of the Manchester school were thrown out; not because of their economical philosophy, but because of their supposed readiness to sacrifice national honour and justice for the temporary and passing advantage of the manufacturing interest. Mr. Cobden lost the representation of the West Riding of York, Mr. Bright and Mr. Gibson lost that of Manchester, and the followers of these gentlemen fared no better than their chiefs.



RE-ASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT.

On May 7th the houses resumed business. It was announced by the ministry that the Princess Royal was betrothed to Prince Frederick William of Prussia. The house made provision for the princess.

The abolition of "ministers' money" in Ireland was accomplished, after a determined opposition by Mr. Disraeli in the commons, and the Earl of Derby in the lords. The tax so called was a source of heart-burning and contention in Ireland, a country afflicted by so many causes of social, political, and religious disputes, that it might be supposed parliament would have eagerly adopted any course to remove some of those occasions of discontent. The Derby-Disraeli opposition was overborne by large majorities, although the final struggle in the lords was ended by only a majority of seventeen.

Long and violent debates ensued on an attempt by Lord Palmerston to remove the ineligibility of Jews to sit in parliament. In the commons his lordship triumphed, but in the lords was defeated. Sir F. Thesiger in the commons and the Earls of Derby and Shaftesbury in the lords, were the leading opponents of the measure. The Jews were much excited by this defeat, and were, it was alleged, resolved to put forth their great wealth to agitate the question on an extended scale: the temper of the country would have been favourable to such an attempt.