Although Mr. Cobden promoted the agitation of the question on broad national grounds, he, nevertheless, looked at it from a class point of view more particularly, and this was one of the elements of his power with the traders. When he began the agitation it was as a manufacturer, for the redress of a grievance which affected his class; it was as he went on in the agitation for that object, that he began to look upon the question as one of general interest; and then his speeches assumed a higher tone and a larger scope, and sound principles of political economy were uttered by him with all the force of truth which he felt, and which he had capacity ably to express. It could, however, scarcely fail to strike men that whether in Free-Trade Hall, in Manchester, or in the commons house of parliament, his speeches on free-trade were rather those of the merchant than the philosopher or the statesman. On all political and politico-economical questions, the tone of his mind was the same: he regarded them rather in reference to the effect likely to be produced upon commerce in its immediate or proximate interests, than in the ulterior consequences, or the great political and ethical principles involved. The interests of trade, rather than the honour of England, engaged his heart. He was, consequently, accused of being deficient in patriotism; but no public man was more willing to sacrifice himself for the welfare of the people of England, or was personally less selfish. He was kind, amiable, truthful, honourable, and upright; and desired with all his energies to promote, not only the welfare of his countrymen, but of all men.

A public subscription having been set on foot, the committee by whom it was conducted reported the result of their labours about the end of April. Seventy-nine thousand pounds were contributed; it would have been twice the sum, but for the distress, and the disturbance of public affairs by the torrent of revolution which was sweeping over the continent. The birthplace of Mr. Cobden, in Sussex, was purchased for him, and the remainder of the money invested according to his wish. A sum of L10,000 was raised for Mr. Bright, whose services, however great, were justly deemed inferior to those of Mr. Cobden. Mr. Bright, however, was supposed to possess considerable pecuniary resources, although he also spent freely his private property for the public welfare; and it was alleged that, but for his liberality in this respect, Mr. Cobden could not have maintained his post in the face of so many personal sacrifices. Mr. Bright was the less popular man of the two, partly from temper, and a certain hauteur which contrasted unfavourably with the more simple and cordial manners of Mr. Cobden, partly from his religious opinions bringing him, under a sense of duty, into collision with the Established Church on various irritating questions, such as church-rates. The general attainments of Mr. Bright were higher, and his oratorical talents far superior to those of Mr. Cobden. The latter frequently fell beneath his ordinary standard of effectiveness, Mr. Bright scarcely ever. The author of these lines has frequently attended public meetings in which these gentlemen took part, and he hardly remembers a single instance in which Mr. Blight's speech did not possess a high order of eloquence; whereas many of Mr. Cobden's speeches were only interesting on account of the facts they detailed, and the clear manner in which they were communicated.

Some time after these contributions of good-will from the country to the two principal orators of the Anti-cornlaw League, a similar tribute was paid to the services of Mr. Archibald Prentice, for many years editor and proprietor of the Manchester Times. This gentleman was the founder of the Anti-corn-law Association, out of which the League sprung, and, as an able writer and public speaker, did much to prepare the way for the men who afterwards conducted that agitation to victory. Mr. Prentice fought bravely and pertinaciously for the repeal of the corn laws, long before the wealthy supported it, or the suffrages of statesmen and men of influence gave it a leading position in the questions of the day.

It was not to the credit of some others (a very small number) who were advocates of the League, that they were as eager to set on foot subscriptions for themselves, as the public were for those who had really earned them. One individual, who hung about "the League rooms," and made speeches often undesired by the committee, and when inconvenient to their arrangements, was very indignant that a subscription was not raised for him. Without eloquence in speech, temperance in council, or discretion in action, he became prominent only by overbearing boldness, and an ever-meddling officiousness.



AGITATION CONCERNING THE NAVIGATION LAWS.

Early in the parliamentary session, the government indicated an intention to repeal the navigation laws. In this they were supported very ardently by Mr. Hume, Mr. Ricardo, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Milner Gibson, and by many other ardent friends of the Manchester school. The time was ill-chosen for any movement on this subject, because the seamen as well as the shipowners were opposed to any alteration, and the disturbed state of continental Europe, and indeed of the British Isles, made it extremely unwise for government to irritate a class whose physical energy, peculiar position, and popularity with the people, gave them, if disposed, peculiar capacity to disturb the peace.

The party which desired the repeal of the navigation laws maintained that free-trade in ships and seamen was as necessary as in other matters, and the cotton districts called loudly for the change. The leader of the shipping interest was James Mather, Esq., of South Shields, a gentleman not connected with ships or shipowners, but moved by patriotic feelings alone. Mr. Mather possessed all the qualities necessary for a leader in the agitation of a great political and politico-economical question. With a highly cultivated intellect, conciliatory address, fearless spirit, and astonishing physical energy, he was just the man to please at once the educated mariners, and the rough, bold, hardy tars. The gentlemanly bearing of Mr. Mather was also calculated to impress his opponents favourably, and a graceful persuasiveness of mien and language, aided in qualifying him for that object. Mr. Mather grappled with the arguments of Cobden, Bright, and the other leaders of the cotton districts, whose influence at that time, fresh from their victory over the corn interest, made it important to confute the arguments they addressed to the public. Mr. Mather addressed a letter to the editor of the Shipping Almanack and Gazette, which produced a great impression where the arguments of the Lancashire leaders had been accepted as irrefutable. It is desirable to reproduce this document, as the controversy was one of the most important in its day, and the policy ultimately adopted remained longer open to question than any other of the anti-protectionist measures which were adopted. Mr. Mather's letter was the more effective, because it exposed an artifice to which Mr. Gladstone especially resorted, but in which he was supported by the Lancashire members:—

"The combined attack of Messrs. Gladstone, Bright, Cobden, and two or three others in the House of Commons, upon the navigation laws, on account of their preventing the importation of a few cargoes of cotton lying at Havre, and demanding a suspension of these laws for the immediate necessities of the manufactories, and the advantage of British shipping, was as unfair and discreditable a proceeding as party men have for a long time been guilty of. For the sixty-five thousand bales of cotton at Havre, brought across the Atlantic chiefly by French ships, it is, they assert, of advantage to British shipping to destroy that amount of carriage on the long voyage, and allow this cotton to be brought from France to England, which a few trips of a steamer would easily effect. The very statement of the matter, in plain language, refutes the absurd assertion. You are losing the carriage of thirty cargoes of cotton, these gentlemen asserted. No, it is replied, for by preventing their admission from France, as there is a great abundance of cotton in America, we are gaining the carriage of thirty cargoes on the long voyage—a portion in British ships; and you will get cotton just as cheap, nay cheaper for the manufacturers, as the expense of transhipment will be saved.

"But the cotton is immediately wanted, they assert. Now this was a mere pretence, which the parties clearly understood, to give a momentary effect to a most untenable charge. Events have corroborated this.

"Within a few days thirty-three vessels have brought seventy-three thousand six hundred and forty-nine bales of cotton from America; and such is the great want of it, sufficient to annihilate or suspend the navigation laws, that the manufacturers only bought nineteen thousand six hundred and sixty bales, while nine hundred and seventy bales were bought for exportation; that, instead of requiring cotton, they are exporting it from the manufacturing district in which it was stated to be so much required.

"If cotton was in such demand, would it be upwards of thirty per cent, lower than it was last year, and would it be falling in price as it is now? Prices are at present within 1/8d. per lb. of the lowest they were ever reduced to. For two months it has been a falling market, and at the very moment these men were advancing such assertions, was the cotton market in a state of decline, giving the broadest contradiction to them. If cotton had been wanted, the price, as in any other article, would have been high, not low, and would have been advancing, not receding, especially with a limited supply.

"The importation last year was the smallest for ten years. Increasing previous to 1845 for fifty years, it has since rapidly decreased, and now it has been found that nearly one-third less stock is required than there was in 1843,1844, and 1845.

BALES.

In 1843 it was.......................... 1,557,597

1844.................................... 1,490,984

1845.................................... 1,652,731

1846.................................... 1,134,194

1847.................................... 1,087,058

"And in this year (1848), up to this month, it has been ascertained that one-third less stock than in the previous low year of 1847, is more than enough. (See George! Holt &c.; Co.'s Circular, and Liverpool Prices Current, for the 7th of April). In addition, a reduction of upwards of thirty per cent, in price, from that of last year, indicates a still more limited requirement.

"While the stock is only, up to this period for this year, three hundred and twenty-two thousand eight hundred bales, against the corresponding period last year, four hundred and ninety-two thousand six hundred bales; showing, with upwards of one-third less stock one-third less price—a demonstrative proof that the supply is infinitely greater than the demand. Whenever the price advances, indicating demand, the American supply will be poured into the market without any necessity for importations from France. Had the navigation laws been suspended, as urged by some of their opponents, and the French cotton brought in, it would only have been a drug in the market, useless and unsaleable. More has since been brought in than was lying at Havre, at thirty per cent, less than they have had it for two years, and they will not buy it. It was not wanted; only an excuse was wanted to strike a blow—a most unfair one—at the navigation laws, and the British commercial marine, which all the little opponents throughout the country, in their gross ignorance, have quoted and applauded."

Meanwhile, the agitation of the mariners and shipowners was exceeding great, especially in the three grand centres of maritime activity—the Thames, the Mersey, and the Tyne. Along the north-east coast of England, the tidings that the government meant to repeal the navigation laws sped with rapidity, and produced the most intense excitement. Public meetings were called at Hull, Scarborough. Whitby, Sunderland, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Shields, and Berwick, which were attended by great numbers, and which were eloquently addressed. The sailors attended these meetings with boisterous enthusiasm. They were under the impression that a great wrong was about to be perpetuated, and they were resolved to do anything which loyalty allowed to defeat the meditated alterations in the law. Under the guidance of a man less just and scrupulous, and less jealous for the constitution than Mr. Mather was, much mischief might have arisen from the sense of grievance which the sailors entertained. That gentleman, however, so conducted the agitation as to gain a large measure of public support, and to defeat, during that year, the proposed alterations.

A convention of shipowners and seamen of the Tyne was held at Shields, one of the largest and most important ever held in England. Mr. Mather proposed the following resolutions, which were enthusiastically adopted: they will disclose the purpose and opinion of that community:—

"Resolved—That we will resist, by every legal and constitutional means in our power, the repeal of the navigation laws, so violently agitated by theorists and self-interested men, which were adopted, and have been sustained, by the wisest statesmen in all ages for the support of the shipping and seamen of Britain, to prevent the cheap ships and ill-fed and badly-paid foreigners from underselling and destroying the British mercantile marine.

"Resolved—That we pledge ourselves, on arriving in London, to take measures, in conjunction with all the seamen there, loyally and respectfully, as becomes British seamen, to lay, personally, an urgent memorial at the feet of her majesty, warning her of the consequence of driving British seamen into the service of a foreign state, where that protection and encouragement are freely given them that, by the repeal of the navigation laws, will be denied them in their own country; and humbly entreating her majesty to interpose her royal authority for the protection of that class of men who, in time of war and danger, her ancestors and this kingdom have ever found their best protection and their greatest glory."

At this meeting Mr. Mather was deputed to proceed to London, and lay the statements of the ship-owners before the government. A speech made by that gentleman at Shields, places the controversy in the light in which it was then viewed by the shipping interest:—

"All the maritime laws that have guided the policy of this great state for centuries, that have made her 'great, glorious, and free,' are to be repealed under the most frivolous pretexts. Mr. Labouchere, the organ of the government, a supporter of reciprocity and equal rights to the commercial marine of the world—British and foreign—propounds a measure in which he bestows all the preponderating advantages upon the opponents of his own country. Had the act being that of an enemy it would have been proper. The whole foreign and colonial trade is to be given up to foreign shipping, free and unfettered, while that of Britain is to be bound down hand and foot, and scarcely capable of moving. First, then, your ships are to be built of taxed timber, 15s. and 20s. per load, exclusive of its freight, and expenses as much more, and to go into competition with the foreign ships with not a shilling per load duty or freight. You are not only obliged to compete with your heavily-taxed ships, and to pay foreigners freight to bring you the timber to build them, but you are obliged to carry three-fourths British crews in these offered-up trades, while the foreigner's crews are to be all of his own country, half-paid and half-fed. You know well the wages and feeding of foreign crews; you have all been witnesses and are daily witnesses of it. It is a truth, and undeniable, that these foreigners have only from 15s. to 25s., the highest wages per month. It is thus with Danes, Russians, Prussians, Swedes, and Norwegians, while your wages are more than twice as much—60s. per month. They can be fed, too, on 6d. per day—in most instances, much less; while British seamen cannot be fed under 1s. per day, to feed them as their climate and constitutions require—hence their extraordinary energies. Yet, with these great disadvantages, in ships, wages, and provisions, it is determined to risk three-fourths of the commercial marine of Britain in a contest with foreigners that must be overwhelming. But Mr. Labouchere feels no difficulties, has no political qualms of conscience, in thus offering up a sacrifice three-fourths of the commercial marine of Great Britain. He says, 'Look at the results of the same system tried so far back as the beginning of the seventeenth century in Holland—the Dutch by free trade became the most prosperous nation in Europe. Look at her great commercial marine. Under it the carriers of the world—her ships were on every sea.' It is very surprising that this gentleman did not continue to follow history in that country and at home since that period downwards. The iron-headed Cromwell, great by his acts, had the sagacity to perceive that the commercial marine was the soul of the navy, and that as long as the Dutch had the carrying trade, Britain and other colonies were in danger. So he strengthened the old restrictive laws of Richard II., Henry VII., and Elizabeth, and passed the navigation laws, under which the British commercial marine has been protected to the present time, with the exception of the tampering they have met with lately. And what has been the result? The Dutch, with her free-trade system, has sunk her commercial marine to the lowest condition, while Britain, with her protective system, has grown a commercial marine, the greatest the world ever saw—her ships in every sea, her flag overshadowing the world. How does it happen—and let Mr. Labouchere and the whig government answer—how does it happen that the Dutch commercial marine has been ruined by the free-trade system, and that we have grown great, pari passu, by a restrictive system? But figures are appealed to by the present government to show that since the introduction of the reciprocity treaties, or free trade in a limited extent, our commercial marine has greatly increased.

"These figures Mr. Labouchere adduces as a strong argument in favour of Mr. Huskisson's relaxations, commencing at the former period. Observe these figures more closely, and you will find that the tonnage of the United Kingdom, to which the reciprocity treaties apply, have increased considerably under one-half, while the trade to which they did not apply has more than trebled its tonnage. To overwhelm the defalcations in the British trade with the reciprocity states, by the extended or more prosperous state of the general trade, was both unfair and disingenuous. Yet, this has Mr. Labouchere not a moment hesitated to do. Knowing, for he must have known, that the British commercial marine, in its trade with the reciprocity states, had either decreased or only in a smaller proportion increased with those states, it was a great fallacy and a deceit for him to proclaim it as the source of prosperity. How stand the facts with the reciprocity countries.

"In twenty-two years, then, there has been a decrease of British tonnage employed in three of the five principal reciprocity states, and an enormous increase of foreign tonnage in four of the five states. In the two states where British tonnage has increased, the foreign, or the tonnage of the same states, has infinitely surpassed it; in Denmark, 2793 to 82,284; and in the United States, 160,129 to 281,924; and yet a British minister of state cites the cause of the increase of British tonnage to the reciprocity treaties as a reason for this momentous change. In thirty years averaging twenty of the reciprocity treaties, our tonnage has increased only 38 per cent., while our population and its wants have increased 50 per cent., and imports 104 per cent. Thus, in every phase that the question is presented to us, the shipping appears to have kept no pace with the other interests of the kingdom, presenting to our view some great obstructive cause; and that cause, I humbly submit, is the reciprocity system adopted so generally in 1824. Notwithstanding which, here have we a government insisting upon extending, without a moment's hesitation, this system which has already so deeply injured us, to three-fourths of the commercial marine of this country. And what are the flimsy pretences in addition? Why, that Prussia has threatened on one hand, and the United States coaxed on the other, and that British masters and mates are intemperate, and British seamen insubordinate. I will take the libel first, and ask Mr. Labouchere and the whig government how it happens that British ships, commanded by such masters and manned by such crews, are at the great marine insurance office of the world, Lloyds, always insured 1 per cent., 1 1/2 and 2 per cent, lower than the eulogised foreign ships, with their masters and crews? Will they explain that indubitable fact? And also, I beg to know of these sage legislators the cause that in the winters of 1846-47, out of two hundred and ninety-four corn-laden British ships from America, there were only three foundered, while out of four hundred and thirty United States' ships performing the same voyage, with similar cargoes, seventeen foundered. And how out of the same number four British only were stranded, while there were twelve American? Not a fourth part of the casualties amongst the British that there were amongst the United States ships; yet the Americans are an experienced, gallant, and well-conducted race of seamen. These things gave the broadest refutation to such a calumnious charge. It is not wise for a minister of state of Britain to proclaim to the world a character of the bravest and most important class of men of Britain, that disgraces them indelibly, injures the property of their employers, and dishonours the country. The twenty thousand gallant schoolmasters afloat that are busy day and night, educating and developing the powers of the future defenders of Britain, making them able and worthy sons—the ablest and worthiest of their great country—to be thus traduced by those who should ever and above all protect them, is an act of the most revolting nature."

The effect of Mr. Mather's exertions were seen in a grand demonstration on the 9th of February, in London, which, in deference to the civic authorities, was made on the river, rather than, as originally intended, in the streets of London and Westminster. According to the Shipping Gazette, there were ten thousand seamen from the Tyne and its neighbourhood in the port of London that day. On the evening previous to the demonstration, the crews of all British vessels in the Thames were in a high state of excitement, full of preparation for the morrow. Between three and four hundred vessels were in the Pool, the Gallions, Bugsby's Hole, and Longreach, and their crews manifested the utmost eagerness to show their sense of what they considered their rights. The next day a grand procession of boats, partly tugged by steamers, proceeded to Westminster Bridge. The vessels and boats carried the union jack, and various flags; the sailors were dressed in their holiday suits, and bore the words "Navigation Laws" round their hats, in large yellow letters, the masters and mates in gilt letters. The Standard newspaper estimated the number of seamen in the procession at about fifteen thousand. The banks of the river and the bridges were crowded with spectators, whose sympathy was shown in every way that the most enthusiastic popular feeling could evince. Cheers rang along the river, cannons were fired, and the leaders of the demonstration, Mr. Mather, Captain Smith, and Mr. Butchert, were received everywhere with the loudest plaudits of the people. The appearance of the boats and steamers, manned by tars in their best attire, and bearing gay flags, was exceedingly picturesque. Perhaps no metropolitan sight so imposing had been witnessed by the generation of Londoners then living. The wind was boisterous and the sky lowering; the procession had also to make its way against tide; but these obstacles only broke the formality of the line of procession, while evoking an activity on the part of those who manned the boats, which heightened the interest of the scene, giving characteristic traits to a procession afloat, which in gentler weather it would not have exhibited. Even the cloudiness of the sky aided the picture, which would have been seen to less advantage under a glaring sunshine; yet, occasionally, the clouds broke away, and the sun fell upon the scene with that splendour, which, if wholly wanting, would have deprived the view of much of its effect.

The following is a copy of the memorial presented by the deputation:—

"TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY.

"The loyal and humble memorial of the masters, mates, seamen, shipwrights, and other naval artizans now assembled in London, and the delegates representing the outports of the kingdom.

"May it please tour Majesty,—We, your majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects, beg most respectfully to approach your majesty to lay this humble memorial at the foot of the throne, believing that the subject-matter of it involves not only the well-being of your memorialists, but the security of your majesty's dominions in every part of the world.

"Your majesty's memorialists have learnt with deep regret and indignation that it is seriously contemplated to repeal the navigation laws, the principle of which, for the protection and encouragement of British ships and British seamen has been the undeviating policy of this maritime state for nearly five hundred years.

"Your memorialists most respectfully and loyally, but firmly, as ardent friends of their country, which they sincerely love, beg to represent to your majesty that the repeal of the navigation laws will bring ruin on your memorialists and the commercial marine of Britain.

"That by such a measure, admitting the cheap foreign ships, half-paid and ill-fed foreign seamen, of which your memorialists have the most correct personal knowledge, it will reduce, by a competition, the lowest in the world, the condition of your memorialists, and their families, and strike a blow at their very existence.

"That thus your memorialists will be driven to seek employment in another state, speaking the same language and possessing similar laws, where seamen's interests and seamen's rights are carefully attended to, and where thousands of British seamen have already found protection—so weakening your majesty's empire, and giving additional strength to an already great maritime competitor.

"Your memorialists, therefore, urgently pray your majesty to throw your royal protection around your memorialists, and the commercial marine of Great Britain, whose predecessors in all ages in time of war and danger, your ancestors and this kingdom have ever found their best protection and their greatest glory.

"God bless your majesty, and counsel you in wisdom, your petitioners will ever pray."

This demonstration, while it postponed the repeal of the navigation laws, did not avert various modifications in our maritime code, which were made in the ensuing year. The consequences were not so disadvantageous as those who objected to the experiment feared, whereas the abettors of repeal contend that free trade in ships and sailors has proved, like free trade in corn, advantageous to the country.

Soon after the demonstration, Sir George Grey wrote to Mr. Mather, assuring him that her majesty had received the memorial in the most gracious manner.



REWARDS FOR INDIA SERVICE.

The conduct of the officers and men, who had served so gallantly in the Punjaub, received the approval of the country, parliament, and the throne. Medals were struck off for officers and privates alike, and clasps appended for the separate battles of Sobraon, Aliwal, and Perozashooshah. Honours of various kinds were conferred upon the officers who had distinguished themselves. Lieutenant Edwardes was promoted to the rank of major; but the Company's being a seniority service, the friends of routine vigorously opposed the gallant and skilful young lieutenant's promotion. He was also made a C.B. The Company, in other and substantial forms, indicated its approval of this officer's very valuable services.



REFORM OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY.

The syndicate, regarding the study of classics and mathematics as the basis of a superior education, yet nevertheless was of opinion that greater encouragement ought to be afforded to the pursuit of various other branches of learning, which in the general community were acquiring more importance, recommended various improvements in the curriculum to that end. The study of mental and moral philosophy, natural history, chemistry, &c, were in future to be stimulated, and every facility afforded to those who desired high attainments in these and some other branches of learning. This movement was not very popular in the university, but gave great satisfaction to the general public.



THE COURT.

There were but few incidents which especially concerned the royal family, but these were important. On the 18th of March her majesty gave birth to a princess, her fourth daughter. The baptism took place on the 13th of May, in the private chapel at Buckingham Palace. The Archbishop of Canterbury officiated. The Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the Duchess of Saxe-Meinengen, and the Grandduchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, were the sponsors, represented by Prince Albert, the queen-dowager, and the Duchess of Cambridge, as proxies. The name of the princess was Louisa Carolina Alberta. The queen gave a state banquet in the picture-gallery, in honour of the occasion, and afterwards an evening party..

On the 27th of May her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia died at Kensington Palace. She expired in her arm-chair, painlessly, at the age of seventy-one. She was the twelfth daughter of George III., and was born on the 3rd of November, 1777.



PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

West-India Interest.—On the 3rd of February parliament reassembled after the Christmas recess. When the usual preliminaries on those occasions were over, the first matter of business was in connection with the West India interest, which complained much of distress, and attributed it to imperial legislation. Lord George Bentinck, who became the leader of the West-India, as well as of the country party, moved for a select committee of inquiry into the condition of the West-India colonies. Mr. James Wilson and Mr. Bernai delivered themselves more happily than the other honourable members who engaged in the discussion. The motion was agreed to without a division. This was followed by a motion on the part of the chancellor of the exchequer for a loan of L200,000 to certain of the West-India colonies. On the 10th of June Lord John Russell proposed certain remedial measures for the West-India colonies, which gave rise to long and intensely bitter discussions; but the government succeeded in carrying substantially through parliament its proposals. During these discussions Mr. Hume made himself very conspicuous as a champion of the West-India planters, and showed an indifference to the rights, liberties, and interests of the labourers, irreconcilable with correct views of civil and religious liberty, and with the honourable member's own professed liberalism where popular claims were concerned. The part taken by Mr. Bright gave great offence to the anti-slavery party, who considered it more consistent with his interests as a Lancashire cottonspinner, than with his profession as a quaker and an antislavery man. In the course of these debates, Lord George Bentinck, in indignant terms, denounced Lord Grey, as the head of the Colonial-office, for returning to parliament garbled extracts from the reports and despatches of colonial governors. In the lords, Earl Grey defended his conduct from this imputation; but Lord Stanley, with uncommon eloquence, reiterated the charge. No public man ever came out of a personal discussion less favourable than the noble minister for the colonies on this occasion. The simple truth evoked was, that while a committee of the house supposed that they were possessed of full and complete reports, they were supplied with only curt and crude extracts, calculated to place matters in the ministerial light, but not really affording the committee the opinions of those whose views they purported to be. This practice was, unfortunately, common with great officers of state; but it seemed to be so much beneath the high reputation of Earl Grey, that the public were astonished and scandalised. Few modern events tended more to destroy the popular confidence in eminent public men, and with the people Lord Grey never recovered his popularity. He had been guilty of a trick which ought to have been punishable by parliament, for it was incompatible with all just views of ministerial responsibility.

Financial Measures of the Government.—The Whigs had for some time proved themselves to be indifferent financiers. In this respect Sir R. Peel had for years maintained a reputation superior to that acquired by any of the whig leaders. During this year the government was not successful in reconciling either parliament or the country to their plans of revenue. Their defeats were signal, and their victories very hardly won. Soon after the meeting of parliament, Lord John Russell made a financial statement, from which it appeared the income fell short of the expenditure by nearly three millions. Lord John estimated that the balance for the year 1848-9 would show a deficiency of more than two millions. To meet these adverse balances upon two years, his lordship proposed that the income-tax, which was to expire in April, should be continued for five years, and be increased from sevenpence in the pound to one shilling. This proposal was received by a burst of ironical cheers, and other sounds indicative of the strong disapprobation of the house. His lordship stated that Ireland would not be included in the measure, as from her recent and present sufferings, she was unable to bear increased taxation. This statement was received with the most violent and vehement shouts of disapprobation from the English and Scotch members on the ministerial side of the house, and the most boisterous cheers from the Irish members on both sides—the opposition, generally (with the exception of the exultant Irish conservative members), remaining silent. The opposition to the income-tax out of doors was very energetic, so that on the 28th of February the chancellor of the exchequer came forward with an amended budget. He proposed that the income-tax should continue at the same rate for three years. After a warm parliamentary opposition, led by Mr. Hume, the government resolutions were carried.

Bill to legalise diplomatic intercourse with Rome.—A bill for this purpose was introduced in the lords by the Marquis of Lansdowne. It was opposed by the Duke of Newcastle and the Bishop of Winchester with great earnestness, the latter particularly objecting to the expression "sovereign pontiff" in the bill. The influence of the Duke of Wellington secured the second reading without a division. On the committal of the bill, the illustrious duke proposed the substitution of the words "sovereign of the Roman states" for those of "sovereign pontiff." The Whigs, always ready to conciliate their Roman Catholic supporters at the expense of principle, offered the utmost resistance to the duke's proposal, which, in spite of his great authority in the house, was only carried by a majority of three. In the commons the bill was also carried, and by large majorities. The opposition to it was badly led by Mr. Anstey; the chief champion of the measure was the celebrated Irish orator, Richard Lalor Shiel. During these debates the Whigs, and especially the members of government, adopted the vocabulary of Roman Catholics, such as "the holy father," "the holy see," "the head of the church," &c. Mr. Shiel exceeded the bounds of prudence in this respect. Still, while from some quarters a warm opposition out of doors was offered, the great bulk of the people in Great Britain regarded the progress of the measure with indifference.

Bill for the Alteration op the Navigation Laws.—It has been already shown that the intention of the government to make some alteration in these laws was the occasion of a fierce agitation, and of one of the most remarkable popular demonstrations ever made in this country. A variety of circumstances tended to determine the government. The free-trade party insisted upon it as necessary to carry out their principle; and the legislative council and assembly of Canada, had, in 1847, adopted a joint address to the queen, praying for the opening of the St. Lawrence to all nations, and the abolition of the navigation laws. From various other colonies remonstrances as to the operations of these laws were constantly arriving at the Colonial office; foreign powers had also expressed complaints and offered reciprocity. On these grounds, as well as on sound principles of political economy, the government pressed for a decision of the house against the continuance of the state of the laws as they stood. Sir Robert Peel gave the government a very effective support, declaring that these laws could not possibly be preserved on their present basis. Mr. Hume, who was a very forward champion of English radicalism and colonial monopoly, at first objected to the new policy, but in equivocal and undecided terms, and finally supported the government. Mr. Gladstone spoke as if for the purpose of showing that he could consistently support either side, as he practically opposed both. Mr. Cobden made a "peace-society" speech, as illogical as it was inappropriate, in reply to which Mr. Disraeli delivered an oration, the statistics of which were for him unusually accurate; and confuted the allegations upon which Mr. Cobden based his theory, that we did not require to nurse a marine for martial purposes. Mr. Disraeli satirised with great effect the representations of the quies gentium sine armis, which Mr. Cobden had been so much in the habit of making before 1848. The appeal to the patriotism and glory of the country, with which the honourable member concluded his speech, was followed by the cheers of the whole house The government, however, triumphed, but was deterred by the opposition out of doors, and the feelings of the seamen, which their demonstration had so plainly indicated, from pressing forward its views in the form of a bill. Leave, however, was granted to bring in a bill on the subject, the consideration of which was postponed to another session.

Bill for the Removal of Jewish Disabilities.—The impossibility of a Jew sitting in parliament, in consequence of the form of oath containing the expression "upon the true faith of a Christian," gave much umbrage to the Israelitish community, and the general public sympathised. The election of Baron Rothschild, along with the premier, in the representation of the city of London, drew attention to this subject with revived force. The government brought in a bill to enable Jews to sit in parliament, the house, in their case, dispensing with the form of oath to which they were opposed. Mr. Augustus Stafford proposed that the bill be read a second time that day six months. He was very ably and eloquently answered by Mr. Monckton Milnes. After adjournments and fierce discussions the government, as usual, triumphed by a large majority. In the House of Lords it was especially opposed by the Earl of Ellenborough. The most effective speech delivered by the opposition was that made by the Bishop of Oxford; but it was marked by a party acrimony so intense as to weaken much the force of its eloquence.

He accused the premier of having gained his return for the city by the bribery to which rich Jews resorted on his behalf. This he found it necessary to apologise for and withdraw. The bill was lost by a considerable majority against it.

Irish Encumbered Estates Bill.—Very early in the session the lord-chancellor introduced a measure to facilitate the sale of encumbered estates in Ireland. This bill was resisted chiefly by those it was designed most to benefit; it was, however, ultimately carried, and under its administration a very large portion of landed property in Ireland changed hands. The operation of the measure was beneficial, but was not sufficiently sweeping in its powers, and failed to produce all the good that a better concerted scheme might have worked out.

Measures for Repressing Insurrection in Ireland.—On other pages a minute account of Irish suffering and sedition has been given, and references were then made to the proceedings in parliament which had reference to these transactions. On the 21st of July, Lord John Russell, amidst the cheers of the house, gave notice of motion to enable the lord-lieutenant of Ireland to arrest and detain persons suspected of treasonable designs against her majesty's throne and government. The same night the Earl of Glengall brought under the notice of the peers the existence of treasonable clubs, the manufacture of pikes and the importation of fire-arms, the treasonable correspondence with France and America, the denunciations made by the rebel press and rebel orators, and the atrocious anti-social doctrines propounded—among others, the right and duty of exterminating the eight thousand Protestant landlords. Lord Brougham startled the house by reading a private letter, written to a friend by Daniel O'Connell a short time before his death, in which he declared it necessary for Ireland that coercion should be employed, and that the suspension of the habeas corpus was, in his opinion, the best and least oppressive way of putting down Irish disturbance. The publicly expressed opinions of the agitator had been so very adverse to those conveyed in this private communication, that its perusal caused a great sensation in the house. As O'Connell's writing was well known to Lord Brougham, and most of the noble lords who sat around him, there could be neither misapprehension nor imposition. The government measures were opposed by some Irish members, but their opposition was deficient in dignity and good sense. Mr. Fergus O'Connor so nearly approached treason in one of his speeches, that the premier was obliged to interfere formally, as did Sir Robert Peel on another occasion. Mr. Sharman Crawford, with excellent temper, but substantially with absurdity and impracticability, rivalled Mr. O'Connor in the earnestness of his opposition. The measure of the ministry was carried, much to the satisfaction of the country.

Bill for the better Security of the Crown and Government—This measure was introduced by Sir George Grey, for the double purpose of quelling Irish insurrection, and repressing the disturbances caused by the English Chartists. One of the clauses of the bill was for the suppression of "open and unadvised speakings."

This gave offence to the liberal party, and there was a general suspicion throughout the country that under the disguise of putting down chartism, the government was solicitous to check the increase of public meetings for reform in church and state, which became very numerous, especially in the north of England, and most especially in Lancashire. In those parts of the country, the disapprobation of the clause was very strong, and occasion was taken at public meetings, even of a religious nature, to denounce it. Mr. Hume, Mr. G. Thompson, and Mr. Fox argued well against the "gagging clause" as it was called, and eloquently pointed out the consequences which, upon a forced construction, might ensue. Mr. M. J. O'Connell declared that some such measure was necessary to the peace of Ireland, and he would give the government his support. This circumstance, taken in connection with the private letter read by Lord Brougham in the House of Lords, left a strong impression among liberal members of the commons, and of the community, that the O'Connells had been insincere in their professions to Ireland. The press, both in the Old and Young Ireland interest, censured Mr. M. J. O'Connell, in terms of bitter severity, and the cry was raised that the younger O'Connells were more of place-hunters than patriots. After some warm personal altercations, the bill passed.

Mr. Samuel Martin, afterwards Sir Samuel Martin, and a baron of the exchequer, much increased his personal and legal reputation by opposing "the gagging clause." This, however, he did in a temper and mode which secured the respect of the government as well as of the country.

Alien removal Bill.—The vast number of foreigners in England, and especially in London, was at that time a source of uneasiness to the well-disposed, and eventually became so to the government. These immigrants so conducted themselves as to expose the country to the danger of being embroiled with foreign powers; and they expressed openly their sympathy with English Chartists and Irish Confederates. A bill was brought into the House of Lords by the Marquis of Lansdowne, giving power to the home secretary to remove foreigners whose presence might be an inconvenience. Their removal was to be determined by their conduct in England, not in the place from which they had come. This bill was introduced in the middle of April. It readily passed the lords. On the first of May it was introduced to the commons by the home secretary, and after an opposition of great force, from Sir William Molesworth and others, was carried.

Motion for Extension of the Franchise, Triennial Parliaments, and Apportionment of Members to Population.—A very extensive and influential agitation for these objects, headed by Mr. Hume, was maintained throughout the country, by persons much opposed to the socialist doctrines and riotous practices of the Chartists. On the 21st of June, Mr. Hume moved a resolution declaring the opinion of the house to be in favour of these measures, It was seconded by Dr. Bowring, afterwards so famous in connection with the government of Hong-Kong. Mr Henry Drummond partly supported the views of those gentlemen, but nevertheless exposed, in very able and eloquent terms, the inconsistencies of Mr. Hume's speech, who seemed to have no clear and definite notions of the way in which his own theory should be carried out. Lord John Russell opposed the resolution in a speech as anti-reform in its character as if it had been made by Sir Charles Wetherell. Mr. Fergus O'Connor bitterly opposed Mr. Hume's motion, and afterwards voted for it. Mr. Urquhart and Mr. Anstey offered to it an opposition foolish and factious. Mr. Cobden supported Mr. Hume's resolution, but not upon any political principle, but exclusively in reference to his own economical views, which he considered it would, if carried, promote. Mr. Cobden was ably answered and exposed by Mr. Sidney Herbert. The resolution found only eighty-four supporters in a house of four hundred and thirty-five members.

Discussions on Foreign Policy.—The conduct of the government in sending Lord Minto to Italy, as a sort of quasi-envoy, and its interference in the quarrel between Sicily and Naples, led to long discussions, in which Lord Stanley and Mr. Disraeli laboured with unusual energy to gain a party victory over the government. The reply of Lord Palmerston was, however, so luminous and convincing that it dispelled all doubt of the wisdom of the policy which he had pursued. His lordship resumed his seat amidst cheers from both sides of the house—the government was triumphant. Nevertheless there existed throughout the country a strong antipathy to the mission of Lord Minto; nor did the public feel quite sure that the management of the Sicilian affair was discreet—and it certainly was not successful.

The differences with Spain, in connection with the dismission of our ambassador, gave rise to another warm debate. The wisdom of the ambassador and of the foreign minister was impeached, while the conduct of the Spanish government was deemed rash, unnecessary, and insulting. The conduct of the government in exposing the country and its queen to such insult was now called in question. Lord Stanley on the 6th of May, called for the correspondence between Lord Palmerston, Mr. Bulwer, and the Duke of Soto Mayer. In his speech, which was very eloquent, the noble lord expressed the highest respect for the person and powers of Lord Palmerston, but considered that, in this particular case, he had erred. It was evoked, during the discussion, that the published despatch of Lord Palmerston did not contain certain words used by the noble foreign secretary, which gave to the ambassador a discretion as to the propriety of making the communication dependent upon the tone of public opinion in Spain, and the nature of events. It was generally considered by the lords, that any indiscretion which had taken place was at the embassy in Madrid, and not in the Foreign-office. The ambassador at the court of Madrid had been appointed by the Earl of Aberdeen, whose management of the Foreign-office was in every direction disastrous. The Peel foreign policy required men of a certain stamp, whose agency little suited the policy or character of Lord Palmerston's foreign-office administration. Mr. Bankes withdrew his motion, and Mr. Urquhart was clamoured down in a subsequent attempt to address the house upon the subject. That gentleman seized every opportunity, in and out of the house, to vituperate Lord Palmerston, and persisted in reiterating as facts, fallacies which had been many times exposed. The house and the country became utterly weary of his absurd harangues, hence the extraordinary ebullition of feeling among honourable members on that occasion.



CLOSE OF THE SESSION.

On the 30th of August, Mr. Disraeli reviewed the labours of the session after the manner so effectively observed by Lord Lyndhurst in the other house. The oration was ingenious, and eloquently amusing; it entertained honourable members very much, but it neither instructed nor edified the commons or the country. Some curiosity was entertained as to how he would notice the measure for removing Jewish disabilities; he declared that he "personally approved of that measure, but condemned the policy of government in bringing it forward without the hope of carrying it, for by that means the cause lost ground." This was mere pretence on the part of the honourable and rhetorical leader of the opposition; he knew well that, assured of the support of the commons, the government acted justly to the country and to those aggrieved by bringing the measure through the lower house, and throwing the responsibility of rejecting it upon the lords. Besides, the election of Baron Rothschild for the city of London constrained the government to adopt some course, and that which they chose was the most dignified and constitutional. Mr. Hume made some able strictures on the speech of "the reviewer of the session," and Lord John Russell replied to it at length with skill and dignity. Nevertheless, the brilliant periods of "the oriental orator" had their effect on both sides of the house; and Mr. Disraeli was on the whole a more popular man, so far as admiration of his genius was concerned.

On the 5th of September the house closed its labours. It had been one of the longest sessions on record; but from various causes, such as the indifferent management of the government, the failure of the chancellor of the exchequer, the obstructions offered by the opposition, and the disturbed state of public affairs, very little was accomplished. Her majesty prorogued parliament in person in the new chamber of peers, which was made ready for the occasion. The Dukes of Nemours and Joinville (sons of the fallen French monarch) were present. The usual formalities on these occasions took place, rendered remarkable only by the congratulations expressed in the address to her majesty, delivered by the speaker of the House of Commons, on the loyalty of her majesty's people, notwithstanding the efforts of some "misguided men." Her majesty's speech briefly, and in the usual common-place terms, referred to the various legislative measures of the session, and she alluded, in terms of strong approbation, to the conduct of the lordlieutenant of Ireland (the Earl of Clarendon), and to the loyalty of her people, in promptly suppressing the efforts of evil-disposed persons to disturb the public peace, for purposes of malice and pillage. The parliament stood prorogued to the 2nd of November.

The wearied members, after ten months' almost unremitting and patient exertions, went to the moors, the seaside, and upon excursions of pleasure at home and abroad, to prepare themselves for renewed labour. Many went to Paris, to study the progress of the revolution there, and the practical working of those recent changes which had shaken the world. Probably that capital was never before, at one time, visited by so many English senators.

Although tranquillity was not perfectly established in either England or Ireland, and there was rioting in the former and assassination in the latter, yet the executive was left strong to cope with any old or new form of turbulence and crime, and the confidence of parliament and people was firm, that the executive would be found equal to any emergencies that might arise.



DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS.

Many persons celebrated in arts and arms were removed by death in this eventful year. On the 6th of January the country lost the services of Sir Thomas Usher, C.B., K.C.H., Rear-admiral of the White, and naval commanderin-chief on the Irish station. This gallant sailor was born near Dublin, in the year 1779, and was said to have been a descendant of the great Archbishop of Armagh, whose name he bore. He was the officer who, when a post-captain, brought the great Napoleon to Elba after his abdication. The day following saw the decease of Admiral Sir Robert Laurie, who had also seen much service.

On the 19th of January, at Bradenham House, Buckinghamshire, died Isaac Disraeli, Esq., aged eighty-two. This gentleman was the son of a Venetian merchant, who had long been settled in this country, and was the father of Benjamin Disraeli, who occupies so important a place in the politics and literature of the day. Mr. Isaac Disraeli was a literary man of much eminence, his chief work, "The Curiosities of Literature," having won for him a great reputation. In his day, literary history and criticism were but little valued, and he conduced much to a higher appreciation of that department of letters. He was the author of many pieces of great merit in the periodicals of the day. He also published many separate treatises which met with great public favour, such as "A Dissertation on Anecdotes," "Essay on the Manners and Genius of the Literary Character," "Miscellanies, or Literary Recreations," "Calamities of Authors; including some Inquiries respecting their Moral and Literary Characters," "Quarrels of Authors, or some Memoirs for our Literary History; including Specimens of Controversy to the Reign of Elizabeth," "Inquiry into the Literary and Political Character of King James the First," "Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles the First,"—the University of Oxford conferred upon him the degree of a doctor of the civil law for this production, which it absurdly called "Optimi regis, optimo defensori" "Amenities of Literature,"—this work he wrote when blind, his daughter acting as his amanuensis; he notices eloquently and feelingly her devoted services. Mr. Disraeli was the friend, of literary merit in the obscure and unfortunate, in which he was the rival of Sir Robert Peel, as his son Benjamin became in the career of parliamentary oratory and politics. He married, in 1802, Miss Basseni, of Brighton, aunt to the celebrated architect Basseni, and who became the mother of the celebrated leader of the tory and protection party in the commons, after the decease of his less able predecessor, Lord George Bentinck. Few men ever pursued literature, for its own sake, with more heartiness than Isaac Disraeli. It was no wonder that his son should set out in life with the ambition of writing a great book, and being a great orator—an ambition which can seldom be realised by the same man, requiring mental qualities so different.

At Tunbridge Wells, in his eighty-fifth year, died General Frederick Maitland, who had seen many fields of war, and had always distinguished himself. During this month, in which death was so busy with eminent persons, especially in the profession of arms, there died also, at Edinburgh, Pringle Stoddardt, Rear-admiral of the White, and Lieutenant-general Sir John Maclean, officers who had served in almost every clime, and always with honour.

The eminent persons who died in February were Majorgeneral Carlo Joseph Doyle; Major-general William Goodday Scott, Governor of Quebec; Lieutenant-general Sir Thomas Reynel, the sixth baronet of the kingdom of Ireland, K.C.B., and K.C.H.; Dr. Hamley, Archbishop of Canterbury, and primate of all England; the Honourable James William King, Rear-admiral of the Red, seventh son of the second Earl of Kingstown, of Mitchelston Castle, Ireland; the Right Honourable Lord Graville Charles Henry Somerset, a privy-councillor, and M.P. for Monmouthshire; Rear-admiral Inglefield.

In March, Rear-admiral Warren; Major-general Sir W. Gosset, Bart., Serjeant-at-arms attending the House of Commons—he was a native of Jersey, and had seen some active service; at Aix-la-Chapelle, John Burke, Esq., the compiler of the "Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Peerage and Baronetage of the United Kingdom," "The Commoners of Great Britain," "A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the landed gentry of Great Britain and Ireland," "A Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Extinct and Dormant Baronetcies of England," "A general Armoury of England, Scotland, and Ireland," republished under the title of "Burke's Encyclopaedia of Heraldry," "Heraldic Illustrations, comprising the Armorial Bearings of all the principal Families of the Empire, with Pedigrees and Annotations," "The Royal Families of England, Scotland, and Wales, and the Families descended from them." This learned and laboriously-compiled collection of heraldic works gained for the author great and well-merited fame.

At Brompton, a western suburb of the great metropolis, died Madame Guizot, at the age of eighty-three. This lady was a native of France, but joined her son, who was exiled with his king, Louis Philippe, whom he had served too faithfully, but faithlessly to his country. Madame Guizot was a lady of indomitable will, and abounding charity; she was most remarkable for her unconquerable and zealous attachment to the Protestant Church of France.

In April several very eminent persons were removed by death: among them was Sir Samuel Rush Meyrick, LL.D., F.S.A. He was the author of several works of considerable reputation: "The History and Antiquities of the County of Cardigan;" he united with Captain Smith in producing a book on the subject of the costume of the early inhabitants of these islands. He also published "A critical Inquiry into ancient Armour as it existed in Europe, but particularly in England, from the Norman Conquest to the Reign of King Charles the First, with a Glossary of Military Terms of the Middle Ages." Several arch geological works were subsequently written by him, and he left behind him the reputation of a profound antiquarian.

In May, the death of some valuable persons took place. Baron Ashburton, who, as a cabinet minister and a financier, and in one instance as a negotiator, earned distinction. Sir Thomas Dick Lauder, of Haddington, distinguished as a writer, especially in the region of fiction; also Sir William Hotham, Admiral of the Red.

June saw an equal number of famous men laid low. Among them none was more remarkable than Tom Steele, an ardent follower of O'Connell, and his "head pacificator." Steele was a gentleman and a Protestant; he had studied with great success at Cambridge University, and was a proficient in mathematics. He began life with bright prospects; talents, education, connections, and property—all were his. He wrecked all in the service of Ireland, as he believed—in the service of an Irish faction, as the event proved. Steele burned with indignation at the disabilities of his Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen, and joined in every exertion to obtain them justice. He conscientiously believed that Ireland could never prosper while in connection with England, and he struggled for their separation. O'Connell and his party had ulterior objects—the ascendancy of their religion, and the persecution of Protestants; but Steele's honest nature refused to believe what was so opposed to their professions, notwithstanding the warnings which he received from many whose experience of that party, and of Ireland, qualified them to offer him counsel. He was only undeceived shortly before his death, which took place at Peel's Coffee House, Fleet Street, London, where he had taken up his abode in sickness and in poverty, his fortune and his heart broken. He felt bitterly the desertion of his old confederates, and much bitter censure has been heaped upon the Irish Catholic and Repeal party, for thus abandoning the man they had flattered and used when he was in the heyday of his prosperity. It must be admitted that every one in Ireland said "poor Tom Steele!" when his sorrows were heard of, and his death was announced; but none came to the rescue, and few words of sympathy were afforded to him. It is but just to say that Ireland was at that time in the throes of a revolutionary struggle, and all were forgotten who dropped for a moment out of public view. Besides, the distress of the country spread alarm and grief on every side. These circumstances will, in great measure, account for the neglect which Ireland showed to her sinking patriot. But a similar excuse cannot be offered on behalf of the eminent and wealthy Roman Catholics of England, of Irish repeal members of parliament, and of other prosperous Irishmen in England attached to that party. As soon as the distress of the brave and patriotic man was known to his former opponents, English and Irish, they literally rushed to his relief, for all believed him to be an honest man and a pure patriot. Among the first in the work of kindness was Lord Brougham, an inflexible and terrible opponent. May the generosity of the deed be ever recorded to his honour! Colonel Perceval, one of the chief ringleaders of the Irish Orangemen was another; he sought the bedside of the sufferer, and consoled his closing hours. Proffers of aid on a large scale were made by his old opponents; but the stern and disinterested man died in his poverty, accepting only those acts which aided and soothed the closing scene. It was bitterly but too justly said by an eloquent writer, an old opponent of poor Steele, "Ireland gave him words, England deeds; Ireland took his life, England gave him a grave."

In August, Captain Marryat of the royal navy, whose early life had been full of heroic adventure, and whose latter days were honoured by successful authorship. His "Diary in America" gave just displeasure to the American people, and betrayed a national invidiousness unworthy of a literary man and a British naval officer.

Mr. Edward Baines, the proprietor of the Leeds Mercury, and for many years M.P. for Leeds. This indefatigable and able man entered the town of Leeds a poor printer, and earned his first wages there through the influence of Mr. Obadiah Williams, a cloth manufacturer, a man of shrewd judgment of character, and whose benevolent disposition prompted him continually to generous actions. Mr. Baines worked as a journeyman-printer on the Leeds Mercury, then a mere local paper; he ultimately became the proprietor, and under his management it became one of the most ably conducted papers in the kingdom, and had a wide-spread circulation. Mr. Baines represented Leeds as successor to Mr. Macaulay, and as representative of that town was one of the most useful members of parliament. He was not a man of refined bearing or mental cultivation; as a public speaker he was ungainly in manner, his pronunciation common and provincial, his voice monotonous, and his style dry and commonplace; but he was serviceable, practical, pertinent, experienced; and the soundness of his judgment, and the weight of his character, gave force to what he said. His son, Matthew Baines, Esq., a barrister, became a member of the cabinet, and another son, Edward, became proprietor of the Leeds Mercury, and an enlightened leader of the dissenters of the west riding of York. He sustained the business reputation of the paper, after his father's decease, and raised it to a much higher place as a literary journal. Few good men have had sons so worthy of their sire.

In August also died George Stephenson, Knight of the Order of Leopold, F.B.S., the originator of our railway system. This eminent engineer is a rare example of a self-taught genius. Born of parents too poor to give him any schooling, at eighteen years of age, when full grown, and following the occupation of a fireman, he was not ashamed to commence his education at an evening school. His steady industry and unconquerable perseverance ultimately won for him a position second to none in his profession. Looking at the influence of his labours on the whole human race, there are few names on the pages of history so pre-eminent as that of George Stephenson.

On the 21st of September, Lord William George Frederick Cavendish Bentinck, M.P. for Lynn, was suddenly removed by death. He was found dead in the grounds where he had been walking alone. As leader of the opposition, his death, so unexpected and so painfully sudden, made a great sensation.

In November Lord Melbourne, who had filled the office of premier in the beginning of her majesty's reign, departed this life. The queen was much indebted to the courtly and constitutional skill of this nobleman in her first essays of government. He was her majesty's faithful subject, minister, and friend, and she was justly much attached to her preceptor. He was too indolent, and too little acquainted with the tone and temper of the whole people for the office of premier. He was, however, a man of superior intellect and extensive culture, and was well versed in constitutional law.

Dr. James Pritchard, the celebrated naturalist and ethnologist, died in this month.

The death of Colonel Sir Frederick Augustus D'Este, K.C.B., son of the Duke of Sussex by Lady Augustus Murray, daughter of the Earl of Dunmore, was the last decease of a remarkable person publicly noted in this year. The marriage of his royal highness without the consent of the crown rendered it invalid, and Sir Augustus was unable to obtain the inheritance or title of his father.

Thus terminated the events of 1848 which admit of record in a work like the present. The year expired leaving England on the whole stronger, and more confident in her stability and power. The whirlwind which had swept over the nations, shaking down the trophies and glories of antiquity which had remained after the first great French revolution, did not affect England—she heard its fury, but felt not its power.



CHAPTER LXI.

{VICTORIA. 1849}

Colonial Affairs..... Termination of the War in the Punjaub..... Operations against Borneo Pirates, and in the Chinese Seas..... Cape of Good Hope; Agitation against making it a Penal Colony..... Canada: Disturbances..... West Indies: Economical Discussions; Discontent of the Planters..... Ionian Isles: Insurrection..... Foreign Affairs..... General State of the Continent, and Relations to England..... Naples and Sicily: Interference of England and France..... Demand upon Turkey by Russia and Austria for Extradition of Refugees; Interposition of England..... Ireland: Potato Blight; Great Distress of the People; Cholera; Political Agita-tion; Continuance of Crime and Outrage..... Great Britain: Prevalence of Cholera; State of Trade and Agriculture; Parliamentary Debates; Deaths of Eminent Persons.

{1849}

The year 1849 was one of more importance to continental Europe than to the nations of any other portion of the world. It was, however, a year of considerable events for the British empire. In India a sanguinary war was brought to a successful termination, and a large and fertile territory added to the British dominions. At the Cape of Good Hope the colonists successfully resisted the authority of the mother country. In Canada, insurrectionary violence interrupted the usual order of government. In Cephalonia the disloyalty and fanaticism of the Greek population found violent vent, and generally the greatest circumspection was required on the part of the home government in reference to our vast colonial empire. In foreign affairs England preserved a dignified non-interference, except in the case of Naples and Sicily, where her interposition brought neither honour nor profit. In the case of Turkey it was otherwise; the advice tendered to the Porte by the British ambassador averted conflict, and saved an ancient ally from humiliation. The chief difficulty of the empire was Ireland. Constitutional government was there impossible, crime was rampant, distress all-penetrating, and the people seditious. At home the visitation of a fearful pestilence caused distress and sorrow, while party fury rent the parliament and disturbed the repose of the country. Through every trial to which she was put, the genius and resolution of England conducted her, under the care and blessing of Him who can elevate and abase empires, and the great law of whose moral government is, "Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people."



PROSECUTION OF THE WAR IN INDIA, AND ANNEXATION OF THE PUNJAUB.

The general consequences of the battle of Chillianwallah (an account of which engagement concluded our relation of the war in India, in the last chapter) were the encouragement of the Sikh sirdars, soldiery, and people, and the renewal of exertion on the part of the civil and military authorities of India for the vigorous continuance of the war. In England the news of the battle produced sensations of alarm, and indignant dissatisfaction. In parliament the subject was mooted angrily, not only by the opposition, but by the more radical supporters of the government. Lord John Russell, however, quieted many fears by announcing, which he did in his most pompous manner, that Sir Charles Napier had been selected to command the army in India. This was received with loud cheers and every demonstration of confidence. Had Lord John stated that an army of thirty thousand European soldiers was about to be dispatched to save the glory of the British arms in India, the tidings could not have inspired a sense of security more complete than appeared to be entertained by the house from the announcement of this one name. Sir Charles had retired from the government of Scinde, having quarrelled with the Company and the governor-general. No two human beings could be assorted with less likelihood of concord than Lord Dalhousie and Sir Charles Napier. With Lord Hardinge the eccentric general could have agreed better; but he was a man so much more just than that nobleman, and so much more able and original in his conceptions as a military man and a statesman, that they also would have been very ill-assorted. Sir Charles Napier, during his government of Scinde, had acquired such a knowledge of the government of India, civil and military, and differed so widely from the principles applied to that government, that there could be little hope of his long retaining any command or government in India. Sir Charles had complained warmly of the way in which the army of India was officered; of the love of ease, and the indulgence in luxury which had begun to characterise the officers of that service; of the little sympathy with their men which the officers of some portions of the Company's troops betrayed; and of the mode of recruiting, especially in selecting soldiers from the Brahmin caste, rather than from Ghoorkhas, Beloochees, and low-caste Hindoos. These views were so distasteful to the governor-general and chief officers of state in India, that the gallant general was set down as a very troublesome fellow, whose presence in India was more mischievous than useful, who prided himself more on Meannee than Scinde was worth, and whose essays of government there were odd, oppressive, and out of the routine of Indian government. Sir Charles had given just cause for as many complaints against himself as he had made of others; this the government at home knew well; but the board of control, and the board of directors also, felt that the public dissatisfaction caused by the battle of Chillianwallah, must be soothed, and knowing the supreme confidence which the public felt in the eccentric but heroic and intellectual general, they nominated him to the post of commander-in-chief of the army in India. Sir Charles was very unwilling to accept this command, and it was alleged that he only yielded to the importunities of his friend, the Duke of Wellington, then commander-in-chief of the army, who was represented as having said, "Either you go, or I go." This high compliment was so felt by the sturdy old warrior, that he is said to have instantly acquiesced. The opinions of this brave chief on Indian affairs were much canvassed at the time, and much more canvassed since. Circumstances arose to justify many of them, and in few instances did his predictions fail. It was supposed that the Punjaub would be the earliest scene of his exploits, and concerning it he thus expressed himself:—"A large country full of rivers, mountains, climates, plains, deserts, supplies scarce, and a hostile, well-armed, brave people, apparently resolved to wage a partizan warfare." The population was, on the whole, better inclined to us than the army, nor did they show so much a disposition to wage what is called a partizan war, as to risk the fate of their country and the endurance of their power upon regular warfare, conducted in well-arranged campaigns and general battle. So far Sir Charles somewhat mistook the people against whom he was sent out as the especial champion of his country, but whom he was never destined to encounter.

His opinion on the constitution of the army has been already glanced at. Concerning its dangers in a campaign, involving long marches and distant operations, he thus wrote:—"Suppose the army in march, and to consist of ten thousand fighting men, and that an enemy attacks the fighting men and camp followers, amounting in the mass to forty thousand or sixty thousand men, of which thirty thousand or fifty thousand are unorganised, unmanageable camp-followers; suppose them to be attacked suddenly, and that when so attacked, they all rush back upon the column of fighting men, as they always do, and always will do, until well organised. When you have painted this pretty picture in your mind—this picture of noise, confusion, danger, and slaughter—I will ask you how the column of ten thousand fighting men are to fight? borne down by multitudes—confused by noise—how are they to form in order of battle? If once, by the exertion of their officers, they do form, how are they to fire?—on their own followers! their own animals! What may happen no one can tell; but human foresight says that the whole will stand a fair chance of being utterly defeated. It is said that this took place, and caused, in a great measure, the Cabul massacre. I can easily believe it."

The following warnings were prophetic:—"Let the army be in every way worthy of the empire that it won and holds—holds by discipline! Let not the word become an empty boast. Let it not lose its reality. Let not victory lull our soldiers to sleep. Let every British officer recollect that powerful nations surround our Indian empire; that they are rapidly acquiring our military system, our tactics, our arms. Let him compare our earlier battles with our last—Plassey with Ferozashooshah and Sobraon—setting our losses in killed and wounded at each battle in juxta-position. Let us look to these matters, that we may not have to exclaim with Pyrrhus at Asculum, 'Another such victory will undo us!'"

But notwithstanding the dangers which were thus the subject of the military seer's discourse, he had a high opinion of the Indian army as a whole, as the following quotation proves:—"The Indian army, when well commanded is indomitable: it is capable of subjugating all the countries between the Black and Yellow Seas. The population from which it is drawn is so numerous and warlike—the land so wealthy—that the noble Indian army may vie with any force existing, in numbers, courage, and equipment. Its discipline and intelligence are in proportion. The European officers are all English, Irish, and Scotch gentlemen, whose honour and courage have created in their troops such an intrepid spirit as to render India secure against every evil from which an army can protect a country."

Notwithstanding the supposed necessity of Sir Charles Napier's appointment, no great dispatch was used in his departure, and the public began to suppose that the object of the government in this delay was to gain time for Lord Gough to redeem his honour. This increased the public irritation, which was exasperated by the private letters that reached England from Lahore, and from Lord Gough's own camp. These letters led the English public to believe that a general panic prevailed, not only in the Punjaub, but at the head-quarters of Lord Gough's army. The following are specimens of the letters, which, on their arrival in England, so disturbed the public mind:—

"I have much pleasure in giving you the following latest information from the commander-in-chief's camp, dated 16th instant; it indeed has been a sad business, and it is impossible to predict when our mishaps, and such fearful butchery and wanton sacrifice of life will end or stop, under such a commander-in-chief. Unless the governor-general recalls Lord Gough to the provinces, the chances ate he will not only lose the splendid army under his command, which he has already done his best to cripple and weaken, but he will so compromise the government that the most serious apprehension may be entertained as to the ultimate result of this contest.

"I told you Gholab Singh had an army of ten thousand men not far in advance of the commander-in-chief's camp, doing nothing, but alive and awake to take every advantage of the first serious mishap that might occur to our army under its present chief; in addition to which Dost Mohammed has a force of ten thousand to twelve thousand Affghans, at a short distance from Attock, ready to cooperate with Chuttur Singh. Gholab. Singh has fourteen pieces of cannon with his ten thousand men, but he is not present in person; the wary chief is abiding his time in the hills; he has, however, deputed a vakeel to offer a nuzzur at Lahore to our resident; but deep craftiness and the most wily treachery are at the bottom of this proceeding. The vakeel has been instructed to apprise his master of every single occurrence that takes place at Lahore, and to keep him well informed of all movements on our part. It is extremely strange our government will not believe in the treacherous intentions of Gholab Singh.

"There are from thirty to forty thousand men in arms leagued against our power and supremacy north of the Jhelum, with a park of artillery, varying, according to reports, from fifty to seventy guns.

"In a letter from Lahore of yesterday's date, which reached me this morning, it is stated that the commanderin-chief has ordered Brigadier-general Wheeler's force to join him, but of course, I suppose, not until after the general has taken Ram Singh. This proceeding has been rendered necessary and urgent in consequence of her majesty's 24th, the 36th, and 58th regiments of native infantry having been rendered next to useless. Sir Dudley Hill's reserve force of eight thousand five hundred men will have to be brought into active service yet, as troops are required not to proceed against, and be the aggressors of the enemy, but to act on the defensive, and hold our active, brave, and courageous foe in check until General Whish's force joins, to enable the whole army to advance to Peshawur.

"Our government appear now to be so afraid of the issue of our contest with the Sikhs (as they have neither troops sufficient to conquer them and hold the country, nor money to pay the enormous expenses of this prolonged campaign), that I should not be at all surprised they will do their utmost to patch up a peace, which will, to say the least, be not only humiliating to our arms, but disgraceful to British feelings. I am perfectly certain, however, that the Sikhs will entertain no terms with us, except they are based on our quitting the Punjaub, and retiring across the Sutlej; this is a sine qua non with them." The same letter from Lahore mentions, "You have, no doubt, heard of the late awful butchery of human life. As usual, the troops advanced without order or any arrangement. The 14th Dragoons led the advance, and, on the Goorchurrahs advancing, the brigade of cavalry, it is said, retreated, afraid, apparently, of being led into another trap like the Eumnuggur one. The cavalry brigade overthrew the artillery, and, galloping right through them, was the cause of our loss of six guns, two of which, however, were since retaken. Brigadier Pope was mortally wounded (since dead), and the cavalry were only brought up by the Doolies at the general hospital. Of the 24th foot, four field-officers, one captain, and seven subalterns, were killed, together with four hundred men. The 30th, the 36th, and 56th regiments behaved well, but lost so many officers, killed and wounded, that they must be sent back, and some other corps sent to supply their place. There were twenty-four officers buried the day after the fight, and many more since. The chief was strongly advised to defer the engagement until next day, but it was of no use. Two shots fell near him, and he ordered an immediate attack, left his position, and joined the melee, and was not to be found anywhere to give directions. A more undisciplined attack, or less tactics, was never heard of. He swears that the first officer who presumes to give advice, he will put in close arrest! Poor Eikins was killed in endeavouring to rally the 14th Dragoons. The artillery have demanded a court of inquiry, but I suppose the business will be hushed up, as it it was in the 62nd foot."

A second letter, dated Lahore, the 18th, gave the following extract of a letter from camp Chillianwallah, 16th January:—

"On the 12th we marched to Dingee, on the 13th we marched again, and at 11 a.m. came upon one of the enemy's outposts. The 3rd light field-batteries and heavy guns were brought to the front to drive them in, which they did in about five minutes. The infantry was then brought up, and each regiment deployed into line. The commander-in-chief meant to have encamped here, and sent for quartermasters of corps to mark the ground. The enemy, however, about two o'clock, fired a few shots, which came in beyond our flags, and the commander-inchief resolved to attack them at once. The whole line then advanced, getting into thicker and thicker jungle every minute; all this time our heavy guns, which were in the centre, opened their fire, and were answered by every one of the enemy's, about sixty in number. It would be impossible to describe the action. There was no plan of attack. The three light field-batteries were at one time close to the enemy without any support near them. These were at last ordered to advance at a gallop to support Hoggan's brigade, and the 46th regiment of native infantry assured the officers of these light field-batteries that their fire alone saved them. The action lasted until dark.

"At four o'clock in the afternoon we were completely surrounded by the enemy, and our artillery firing at the same time to the front, to the rear, and to the flank. Our loss has been tremendous—one thousand nine hundred killed and wounded: we have taken twelve guns and lost six (two of which have been recovered). The loss of our guns was owing to the cowardice of —— who (you will hardly believe it) ran away from a party of the enemy's cavalry right through Christie's and Huish's troops of horse-artillery, knocking over every one of Christie's waggons, horses and all! They were so crowded among the guns, that the gunners could not unlimber. The result was that the enemy's cavalry got among our guns, and cut our men down right and left. The —— never drew reign until they got right through the general hospital in the rear, knocking over the Doolies and everything that came in their way. What caused this panic no one knows.

"Of the above one thousand nine hundred killed and wounded, nine hundred and fifty are Europeans. Above thirty-six officers have been buried. Her majesty's 24th foot lost their regimental colour. The 25th regiment native infantry lost a colour. The 30th regiment native infantry lost a colour—some say two colours. The 56th regiment native infantry lost the standard they took at Gwalior. Her majesty's 24th foot lost thirteen officers killed, including every one in the list above the junior captain. The enemy are now encamped at Eussool, four miles only from the commander-in-chief's camp. A letter that I have just seen states that Major Loftie, of the 30th native infantry, was not killed but only wounded, and that Major Ramfield, commanding the 56th regiment native infantry, was killed. In the 2nd Europeans, which behaved nobly, one officer was severely wounded, Lieutenant Nightingale."

Another letter, dated camp, the 15th January, stated:—

"I dare say you will have heard of the battle fought by our army on the 13th instant. It commenced about 1 p.m., and fasted till after dark. It was a devil of a battle, and many hard knocks and wounds were received, as the casualty list will show. The Sikhs fought with the greatest gallantry, and, as for our men and infantry generally, they were quite heroes. The 2nd Europeans displayed great bravery; they advanced to the charge and drove the Sikhs back at the point of the bayonet; and after this found another body of Sikhs, a regularly organised battalion, armed and dressed like our troops, in their rear. There were also some of the enemy on the right flank. This regiment had to right-about-face and charge to the rear, which they did, killing and wounding a great many of the Sikhs, and took and spiked four of their guns. Nightingale was wounded when about to do this, and Gaynor, who did it, had a most narrow escape. The former is the only severely wounded officer in that regiment, but I trust not dangerously, the ball having passed out in coming round the head, but the bone is fractured. One or two officers had narrow escapes. The 2nd Europeans had but fifty men wounded, and five killed; the cases of the former, some of them very severe, are mostly in the body and legs. There has been a fearful mortality in the 24th foot, thirteen officers killed and eight wounded, while the men said to be killed and wounded amount to four hundred. The 29th foot also suffered much, and the artillery a good deal. All our wounded are doing well, I rejoice to say. The doctors were at one time quite within range of the enemy's shot, and a bheestie of the 2nd European regiment had his arm knocked off just behind where the surgeons of that corps were riding: a spent ball rolled under my horse's feet. Lieutenant Weston and Godby, of the 36th native infantry, were wounded, but not severely. Brigadier Pennycuick and his son both killed. I believe we have gained a regular victory, though at first it was doubtful. I hear Pope's brigade of cavalry got a kind of panic at one time, and came to the rear, but afterwards moved up in good style: there was something wrong with the —— for they drove us in from the rear and dispersed all the doctors, &c., at the field hospital, where I had just arrived to see if any assistance was required. There was an alarm of the Sikhs being in our rear, and then there was a regular 'bolt.' Such a night we all passed is better imagined than described—it was so very cold and rainy, with a high wind blowing, enough to cut one in two. Several Doolies were captured by the enemy, and the band instruments of the 2nd Europeans are missing.