During the month of September panic pervaded the monetary and commercial world. Failures in every branch of business in London and in the provinces were numerous and disastrous. The following were among the most extensive in London:—

Liabilities.

Sanderson and Co...................... L1,725,900

J. and S. Woolley ..................... 90,500

Reid, Irving, and Co................... 1,500,000

Gower, Nephews........................ 450,000

Cockerell and Co...................... 600,000

Bensusan and Co...................... 60,000

Perkins, Schlusser, and Mullens...... 150,000

Luall, Brothers, and Co................ 400,000

Philips and Co......................... 150,000

Prime, Ward, and Co................... 100,000

Robinson and Co......................... 96,000

Castellain................................. 100,000

Giles and Co............................ 160,000

Some of these persons, and many others who incurred like misfortune, had been regarded as opulent merchants or bankers, and were men of position and influence. Mr. Robinson was, at the time of his failure, a governor of the Bank of England; Sir John Rae Reid had lately filled that office. Mr. Gomer and Mr. Settle were bank directors at the time of their stoppage.

The Bank of England not only raised its rate of interest to eight per cent., but contracted the time of accommodation to thirty days. The funds, always susceptible of the influence of an uneasy state of public affairs, and of violent changes in the money market, were at this juncture peculiarly so, falling as much as two per cent, in a single day. Consols were as low as eighty-four. Railway shares suffered more than any other kind of stock or scrip, becoming so depreciated in the market as to be unsaleable. A great outcry was raised against the monetary policy which had been initiated by Sir Robert Peel. "Peel's bill" was the subject of unmeasured denunciation by all who were accustomed to obtain bank accommodation, but to whom that advantage was no longer open. Early in October a deputation from the city bankers waited upon the government for the purpose of inducing some relaxation upon the stringency of Sir Robert Peel's bill. The deputation consisted of most influential men—such as Mr. Masterman, Mr. Abel Smith, Mr. Glynn, Mr. Bevan, Mr. Barnett. The chancellor of the exchequer addressed the deputation in terms which led them to expect that the object for which they were deputed would be accomplished. Their expectations were not disappointed, for the following letter was addressed to the governors of the Bank:—

"Her majesty's government have seen with the deepest regret the pressure which has existed for some weeks upon the commercial interests of the country, and that this pressure has been aggravated by a want of that confidence which is necessary for carrying on the ordinary dealings of trade. They have been in hopes that the check given to transactions of a speculative character, the transfer of capital from other countries, the influx of bullion, and the feeling which a knowledge of these circumstances might have been expected to produce, would have removed the prevailing distrust. They were encouraged in this expectation by the speedy cessation of a similar state of feeling in the month of April last. These hopes, however, have been disappointed, and her majesty's government have come to the conclusion that the time has arrived when they ought to attempt, by some extraordinary and temporary measure, to restore confidence to the mercantile and manufacturing community. For this purpose, they recommend to the directors of the Bank of England, in the present emergency, to enlarge the amount of their discounts and advances upon approved security; but that, in order to retain this operation within reasonable limits, a high rate of interest should be charged. In present circumstances they would suggest that the rate of interest should not be less than eight per cent. If this course should lead to any infringement of the existing law, her majesty's government will be prepared to propose to parliament, on its meeting, a bill of indemnity. They will rely upon the discretion of the directors to reduce as soon as possible the amount of their notes, if any extraordinary issues should take place within the limits pi escribed by law. Her majesty's government are of opinion that any extra profit derived from this measure should be carried to the account of the public, but the precise mode of doing so must be left to future arrangement. Her majesty's government are not insensible to the evil of any departure from the law which has placed the currency of this country upon a sound basis; but they feel confident that, in the present circumstances, the measure which they have proposed may be safely adopted; and that, at the same time, the main provision of that law and the vital principle of preserving the convertibility of the bank-note may be firmly maintained."

The Bank directors passed resolutions consequent upon this letter, which were of great importance to the trading community. These resolutions were conveyed to the government by a letter from the governor and deputy governor of the Bank:—

Bank Resolutions.

"Resolved,—That this Court do accede to the recommendation contained in the letter from the First Lord of the Treasury and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, dated this day, and addressed to the Governor and Deputy Governor of the Bank of England, which has been read;

"That the minimum rate of discount on bills not having more than 95 days to run be 8 per cent;

"That advances be made on Bills of Exchange, Stock, Exchequer Bills, and other approved securities, in sums of not less than L2000, and for periods to be fixed by the Governors, at the rate of 8 per cent, per annum."

The immediate effects of this measure can be most briefly shown by the following reference made a few days afterwards by an authority in such matters:—"As soon as the correspondence between the Bank of England and the Government was made public, a rise of nearly two and a half per cent, immediately ensued. Consols on Saturday left off at 80 3/4 to 7/8, and on Monday 83 1/2 5/8. Several fluctuations, however, occurred in the course of the day; and a fall of one per cent, on the announcement by the Bank broker of the truth of the correspondence alluded to above, excited much surprise. On Tuesday, the market was very unsettled, operations being nearly confined to Consols. The opening quotation was 83 5/8, and the highest quotation 84 3/8, with numerous fluctuations. A tendency to reaction was visible on Wednesday; the first price was 83 1/4 for money, which declined to 82 3/8, but afterwards rallied to 82 1/2-3/4, at which price they closed. On Thursday, there was scarcely any fluctuation until towards the close of business. The news of a banking failure in the West of England caused a fall of nearly 1/2 per cent.; and, at closing, 82 1/4 for Money, to 82 3/8 to 1/2 for Time, were the current quotations. Exchequer Bills have considerably fluctuated during the week; about 20s. dis. for large bills is the closing quotation. Bank Stock has rather improved, but India Bonds continue very much depressed, quoting about 30s. dis."

The prevailing feeling among political economists was unfavourable to the measure; and there were many effects attending upon it which vindicated their judgment. In the provinces banks gave way, and mercantile houses of eminence were closed; a general apprehension among the more skilful financiers was entertained that no ultimate benefit, but considerable ultimate injury, would ensue. The judgment of this class of persons may be best combed in the following review of the event:—"On this resolve being generally circulated, nothing could exceed the agitation that prevailed. Everywhere it became the engrossing subject of conversation; and, while many who were favourable to the 'expansion' objected to the high rate of interest, others, more experienced, remembering 1825 and 1836, with all the train of evils that resulted upon the withdrawal of the notes then issued, loudly expressed their disapprobation of this invasion of the most valuable clause in the Bank charter bill. Its mere relaxation, it was observed, robs the measure, at once and for ever, of the powerful check to over-trading that a knowledge that, under no circumstances whatever, a relaxation would be resorted to, was calculated to produce. The immediate effect in Liverpool has been to raise the value of cotton one per cent. This is a direct hindrance to manufacturing, and Manchester, Leeds, &c, consequently suffer. It is remarked at Liverpool that eight per cent., although high, is nothing in comparison with being obliged to sell. It follows, therefore, that, when sold, all the charges incident to withholding must be paid by the purchaser, and ultimately by the consumer. From Manchester, advices have been received of the failure of Messrs. Fairbridge and Mr. Robert Gardner (the latter is greatly regretted); from Leeds, of a firm it would be premature to mention. In the meantime, money in London is rather dearer than cheaper. Discount houses, and the joint-stock banks, are taking money repayable at short dates at six percent., five having hitherto been the current rate. Good bills will not be done under eight per cent., and second-rate at scarcely any price. The Directors of the Bank of England at present have not been subject to any great demands since Monday; the difficulty of offering good security being at once an obstacle to firms partially insolvent. At present, it is almost premature to judge, but doubts are entertained whether the benefits resulting, even for the present, from the 'relaxation,' will at all balance the baleful effects anticipated."

The government did not expect that such opinions would be entertained by so large and influential a portion of the public, and were desirous to retrace their steps as soon as they could do so with a good grace, for before a month had passed measures were taken to that effect. The following letter was addressed by the cabinet to the governors of the Bank:—

"Her majesty's government have watched with the deepest interest the gradual revival of confidence in the commercial classes of the country. They have the satisfaction of believing that the course adopted by the Bank of England on their recommendation, has contributed to produce this result, whilst it has led to no infringement of the law. It appears, from the accounts which you have transmitted to us, that the reserve of the Bank of England has been for some time steadily increasing, and now amounts to L5,000,000. This increase has in great measure arisen from the return of notes and coin from the country. The bullion exceeds L10,000,000, and the state of the exchange promises a further influx of the precious metals. The knowledge of these facts by the public is calculated to inspire still further confidence. In these circumstances it appears to her majesty's government that the purpose which they had in view in the letter which we addressed to you on the 25th October has been fully answered, and that it is unnecessary to continue that letter any longer in force."

The harvest of 1847 was such as to restore confidence in some degree, and from that and other causes, especially the cessation of all speculative undertakings, money became easier. The government, however, claimed credit for their plan, which, in the opinion of so many qualified to judge, did more harm in some directions than it did good in others. If the number and magnitude of the different commercial failures were to be taken into account, there appeared as much necessity for the government measure when it was withdrawn, as when, twenty-eight days before, it was introduced. The following were announced to the end of November:—

IN GLASGOW. Liabilities.

Campbell of May......................... L600,000

A. and J. Bournie...................... 200,000

IN LIVERPOOL.

Ashburner ............................ 30,000

Napier of Camlachie..................... 40,000

IN NEWCASTLE.

Carrand Co.............................. 70,000

IN MANCHESTER.

David Ainsworth ..................... 30,000

IN BLACKBURN.

Roget and Co............................. 76,000

IN LONDON.

Freemanand Cook.......................... 350,000

Sargeant, Garden, and Co................. 150,000

Thurbonand Co............................ 120,000

Coates and Co............................ 100,000

Leaf, Barnet, and Co..................... 100,000

Farmer and Ward......................... 55,000

Ryder, Wimbolt, and Co.................. 50,000

Pemberton and Co........................ 30,000

Abbot and Co............................ 30,000

Besides the great number of mercantile firms which failed, several banks were reduced to the same necessity: the West India, the Shrewsbury, Market Drayton, and the Honiton, were among the principal. Many foreign mercantile establishments which had connections with British houses also stopped payment, adding to the distress and alarm.

During the ensuing month large imports of bullion arrived from the continent and America, and the aspect of affairs became more hopeful.

Throughout the year the English populace experienced much distress, and bore it with patience; still there were food riots and disturbances of various sorts, which had to be put down by the strong arm of the law.

Notwithstanding the gloomy condition of all monetary and mercantile transactions, there were men of enterprise, who contemplated future undertakings of great magnitude. Among these projects was one proposing the formation of a ship canal across the Isthmus of Suez, which, however, was not carried into effect. The French government and people were very desirous to have such a work accomplished; but English politicians regarded it with jealousy, especially Lord Palmerston, then the highest authority in England on foreign affairs. By him the measure was regarded as impracticable, at all events, as a pecuniary speculation; and in its political tendency, likely to separate Egypt from Turkey, and to give France, as a great Mediterranean power, an undue preponderance. He also regarded it as endangering, and not remotely, English empire in India. At all events, Mr. Stephenson, the great English engineer, investigated the subject, and surveyed the line through which certain French speculators proposed that the canal should be cut. As the subject is technical, Mr. Stephenson's views are given in his own words, used ten years afterwards:—

"In 1847, in conjunction with a French and Austrian engineer, he investigated the matter, feeling how important would be the establishment, if possible, of a communication between the Red Sea and Mediterranean. The levels given by a French engineer, who visited Egypt in 1801, during the French invasion, indicated a difference between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean of something like thirty-two feet. It was suggested that if the old canal of Ptolemy were opened again, a current might be established between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, which would not impede steam navigation, and would at the same time scour the canal and enable a perfect channel to be maintained. However, after investigation, he and the other engineers found that, instead of there being thirty-two feet difference of level between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, there was no difference at all, though the notion of that difference of level had been entertained for upwards of fifty years. While that notion existed it was believed by professional men that a canal, or a new Bosphorus, as it was called, might be maintained between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean; but the difference of level being found to be nil, the engineers with whom he was associated abandoned the project altogether, and he believed justly. Since that time he had walked over the district, at some considerable inconvenience, and investigated the feasibility of opening a canal between the two seas, assuming them to be on a level, and supposing the canal to be supplied with water from the higher level of the Nile, but he had come to the conclusion that the thing was, he would say, absurd, were it not that other engineers, whose opinion he respected, had been to the spot since and declared it to be practicable. He coincided in opinion with the first lord of the Treasury. Money, it was true, would overcome any difficulty, but, commercially speaking, he must frankly declare that he believed this scheme to be unfeasible. Whatever its political import might be, he believed it to be an undesirable scheme, speaking as an engineer. In his opinion, the railway now nearly completed would be more effective, as far as India and postal arrangements were concerned, than this new Bosphorus between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean."



POLITICAL AGITATION IN ENGLAND.

The commercial distress gave an opportunity for certain political charlatans to stir up the minds of the people. The Chartists, headed by Fergus O'Connor, took advantage of the privations of the populace by appealing to their passions and their sufferings, representing them as the dupes of the upper and middle classes, especially the latter, who were described as enriching themselves at the expense of the poor. The "people's charter" was declared to be the panacea; all social evils were to vanish before the application of that political remedy. Some of the political demands of the chartists were just; all classes of liberal politicals felt that the people were entitled to a wider distribution of the franchise, but many who thus felt were deterred from the concession by the intemperate language and impracticable schemes of Fergus O'Connor and the lesser leaders of the confederacy. Whatever might be supposed imprudent as a measure of political agitation in a rich country, and where the vast mass of the people had a strong aversion to all constitutional, or as it was the fashion to name them, "organic changes," by sanguinary or violent means, was resorted to by Mr. O'Connor and his coadjutors. He propounded principles of political economy so absurd, that it was difficult to suppose he could have any faith in his own theories,—holding out the hope of an ultimate division of the land among the people: others propounded the doctrine of a law by which every man should be provided with "a fair day's wages for a fair day's work," and the duty of supplying that "fair day's work" for him rested, it was alleged, with the government. These men, in fact, did their utmost to bring about a social war, and the doctrines of communism were actively propagated and eagerly received among large numbers of the operatives in the metropolis and the north of England, and among the labourers elsewhere. There was, probably, no important town in England that had not its chartist association, which looked forward to a violent political revolution by which high wages could be procured by little labour. The Chartists, like the Irish repealers, were divided into sections, characterised respectively by their profession of physical force or moral force. The moral force Chartists were like the Old Irelanders, not generally very sincere in their belief of its efficacy. They professed it merely as a cover to conceal what they meditated; they were as much physical-force men as those who were so designated, but did not deem it politic to make the avowal.

After the dissolution of parliament (which will be recorded in its details upon another page), Mr. O'Connor succeeded in gaining his election. This circumstance filled his followers with revived hopes, and the agitation became more enthusiastic and demonstrative. Large public meetings were convened, which were conducted with order, and dispersed peaceably, although the speeches on these occasions were very inflammatory. The government regarded these "monster meetings" with uneasiness, and they were closely watched. The loyalty of the middle and of large sections of the poorer classes, however, gave the government a sense of security, notwithstanding the menacing attitude of the Chartists; and this loyal feeling was extended as the peaceably disposed became alarmed by the seditious and unprincipled harangues which the chartist orators addressed to such large assemblages. Many of the most active Chartists were socialists, and used the confederacy as a means of propagating their atrocious doctrines. As a specimen of the tone and method which characterised the chartist gatherings where order was maintained, the following account of one which took place after the elections will suffice:—"A meeting of Chartists, to the number of nearly ten thousand, took place at Newton Common, on Sunday. The object was to address the operatives in the manufacturing districts of Manchester, Oldham, Rochdale, Bolton, Buy, Preston, Liverpool, Wigan, &c., on the land and labour questions. Shortly after one o'clock, Mr. Fergus O'Connor, M.P., accompanied by Mr. W. H. Roberts, the miners' attorney-general, appeared in the crowd, on their way to the platform. Both these gentlemen were received amidst the loudest demonstrations of applause. Mr. Roberts having been duly proposed and seconded, assumed the office of chairman. He addressed the meeting at much length, on the progress and prospects of Chartism, and encouraged the vast multitude then before him to take courage from the past, and work with determination and zeal for effecting the great cause of the people's charter. A resolution, proposing that a committee, or a conference of delegates, should go to London, to escort Mr. O'Connor into Parliament on its opening, was agreed to. Mr. O'Connor then came forward and spoke at great length. He reviewed the great progress of Chartism, abused the Whigs, and browbeat the press. He next narrated the plans he had adopted, and was adopting, for the benefit of all who became Chartists. He anticipated great results from his scheme of labour palaces—denied the propriety of being placed in the election returns as a feather in the quill of Whiggery—was an earnest advocate for the amelioration of Ireland, and still willing and determined to agitate for their cause. He would go to parliament, and record his first motion for 'The people's charter, and no surrender.' The meeting was conducted in a very orderly manner."

As very considerable numbers of the working classes in Lancashire and Yorkshire had been taught in Sunday-schools, and the Sabbath day was much regarded in that part of the country, the collection of such a vast concourse of persons from great distances, on a day so sacred, created prejudices against the chartist confederacies even in their own strongholds, which, irrespective of every other difficulty, ensured their defeat. The agitation, however, did not come to a head during the year of which we write, and it is unnecessary further to trace its progress in this chapter.

This was not the only agitation which disturbed the equanimity of Great Britain throughout the year. The Protectionists, led by Lord George Bentinck, were active and acrimonious. Agricultural dinners and public meetings gave opportunities for the most violent denunciations against Sir Robert Peel, the government, and free trade. The manufacturers—the creators of wealth, and who sustained so large a portion of the public burdens—were represented as a selfish, callous set of men, eager only to acquire riches, even at the expense of all other classes of the community. They were described as disloyal and revolutionary, and bent upon the destruction of throne and constitution. It would be difficult to determine whether the orations at the protectionist groupings, or those at the chartist gatherings were most characterised by class invidiousness; nor could it be adjudged in which the less sound views of political economy were enunciated. The eloquence greatly preponderated on the side of the Chartists. Cotton was also quite as patriotic as corn. The operatives declared that "the country" was ruined by class legislation, and therefore desired that their own class should thenceforward possess the legislative power. The landowners declared that "the country" although not yet destroyed, was on the brink of destruction, and must speedily perish amidst blood and bankruptcy, unless the landed interest had again the power to make laws of which the Reform Bill had deprived it, and unless agricultural produce was "protected," by legislatively enhancing its price for the benefit of the producers. "A fair day's wages for a fair day's work," and the state to have the responsibility of securing it to the liking of those who made the demand, was as much the principle of squires as of operative cotton-spinners. Lord George Bentinck was a Fergus O'Connor for "the country party," and Fergus was the Lord George Bentinck of the labouring town populations.

The public demonstrations of both these parties were often very unfortunate, in consequence of mismanagement by those to whom the getting up of these affairs were committed. These occurrences tended to lower both Chartists and Protectionists in public estimation, as various witty publications lampooned the prominent actors, and exposed them to overwhelming ridicule. The most signal opportunity afforded to the wits in this way was by the Chartists. On the 25th of October they announced a great public dinner to be given in London to eighteen members of parliament, whom they alleged had been returned to the House of Commons by their influence, and to represent their opinions. When the dinner-party assembled, not one of the eighteen honourable gentlemen appeared, nor did it transpire that even one had given any acceptance of the invitation! Fergus O'Connor was an exception from the application of these remarks. He was there as a matter of course, and elaborately puffed his absurd land scheme, by which so many were afterwards ruined.

The anti-slavery party were in many respects active, notwithstanding the home incidents which occupied the public mind. It was necessary to watch the conduct of government in reference to the recent enactment concerning the sugar duties, and also their general policy in regard to the sugar question, and the West India interest. The conduct of the West India party was suspicious, and required the vigilance of the anti-slavery men; and the coalition between that party and Lord George Ben thick added another motive still for watchfulness. Many of the anti-slavery people turned their attention to India, and were supported by gentlemen of influence, military and mercantile, in efforts to rouse public interest in the resources of India, and the adaptation of these resources to English requirements, rendering the importation of commodities produced by slave labour unnecessary. George Thompson, Esq., who had been returned for the Tower Hamlets, one of the largest and most influential constituencies in the kingdom, a man of surpassing eloquence, took a very active part in this movement. A correct insight as to its object and spirit may be imparted to the reader by a resolution passed at a great meeting of the inhabitants of the Tower Hamlets on the 26th of October:—"After an eloquent address, expository of the subject, G.Thompson, Esq., M.P., moved a resolution to the general effect that it had been demonstrated that India had the capacity of producing every tropical raw commodity required by England for the constant and profitable employment of her population. That England, although mistress of India, was rendered year by year more dependent upon the United States for her supply of raw cotton and tobacco; both being the produce of slave labour. That, consequently, the prosperity of this country, and the stability of a large portion of the public revenue, were made dependent upon the vicissitudes of the seasons, upon the maintenance of peace between England and America, and upon the continuance of internal peace among the Slave States. That such dependence, besides perpetuating slavery, was to a great extent, the source of existing calamities, and pregnant with future evils to the interests of England. That the free agricultural population of British India would become the natural customers of this country in the exact measure that they would if permitted to become the producers of commodities for the wants of England, but that they were rendered incapable of competing with the United States, by reason of the burdens imposed upon their soil and industry. Therefore, resolved—That it is the duty of the people of England, for the sake alike of England, of India, and of the enslaved throughout the world, to require of the legislature the immediate removal of all imposts which depress the agricultural energies of the native population; and the institution of a strict and impartial inquiry, in India, into the condition of the natives, and into the conduct and the acts arising out of the peculiar government ruling over them, which affect their wellbeing, and retard their prosperity. Mr. W. Howitt seconded the resolutions, which were carried unanimously, and the meeting separated."



THE COURT.

There were few incidents of interest connected with the court during the year. In February Prince Albert was proposed to the University of Cambridge as candidate for the chancellorship. He was opposed by Earl Powis, and with such effect as to prove very mortifying to the court.. Prince Albert was elected by a majority of only one hundred and sixteen votes, and it was obvious that but for the prodigious exertion of government patronage, that result would not have been obtained. His royal highness was installed publicly at Cambridge early in July. Her majesty, having determined to accompany her husband on this occasion, a vast concourse of persons repaired to Cambridge, and the government made every effort to give eclat to the event. The royal party travelled by the Eastern Counties railway, and were received by the mayor and corporation of Cambridge with much pomp. Repairing to the Hall of Trinity, they were received by the dignitaries of the university. There her majesty took her seat on a chair of state on a dais. The new chancellor, accompanied by the Duke of Wellington (Chancellor of Oxford), and other great personages, presented an address to her majesty, congratulating her on her arrival. The prince, having read the address, retired with the usual profound obeisances, which not only amused the spectators, but afforded much diversion to her majesty, whose mode of smiling indicated how much she enjoyed the burlesque of the scene.

The following day, the Installation Ode was performed in the presence of the new chancellor. Her majesty was present as a visitor. The ode was composed by Wordsworth, the poet-laureate, and set to music by Professor Walmisley. Flower-shows, public breakfasts, concerts, levees, grand university dinners, entertained the numerous visitors of rank during the stay of the royal party. Her majesty had seldom before been attended by so august and splendid a retinue, consisting of Prince Waldemar of Prussia, Prince Laurenstein, Prince Peter of Oldenburg, the Prince of Saxe-Weimar, Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith (the hero of Aliwal), the Bishop of Oxford, and nearly all the gentry of the eastern counties. Cambridge had probably never witnessed such a festal occasion, and never before did her majesty seem so much to enjoy herself. It was generally observed that her fondness for the prince was carried to excess, and that her enjoyment was mainly derived from the honour done to him. That this amiable character, so much calculated to ensure her own domestic happiness, and to set a good example to her people, belonged to her majesty in a degree seldom evinced by royal personages, many proofs had been given before, and many were given after, the visit to Cambridge. A work entitled "The Journal of Thomas Baikes, Esq.," professed to make many singular revelations to that effect. Mr. Baikes, the son of a wealthy London merchant, had somehow an early introduction to haut ton, and continued, in London and Paris, to live in the society of men of rank and fashion, a species of Beau Brummel. The Duke of Wellington gave to Mr. Baikes the following incident, which took place at the marriage of the Princess Augusta: "When we proceeded to the signatures, the King of Hanover was very anxious to sign before Prince Albert, and when the queen approached the latter, he placed himself by her side, watching the opportunity. She knew very well what he was about; and just as the archbishop was giving her the pen, she suddenly dodged round the table, placed herself next the prince, then quickly took the pen from the archbishop, signed, and gave it to Prince Albert, who also signed next, before it could be prevented. The queen was also very anxious to give the precedence at court to King Leopold before the King of Hanover, and she consulted me about it, and how it should be arranged. I told her majesty that I supposed it should be settled as we did at the Congress of Vienna. 'How was that,' said she, 'by first arrival?'—'No, ma'am,' said I, 'alphabetically, and then, you know B comes before H.' This pleased her very much, and it was done."

This was hardly fair to the Duke of Cumberland, and shows her majesty's strong attachment to the Cobourgs; but his grace of Cumberland and majesty of Hanover never acted as an uncle to the queen, and would have gladly made the Orange party available to mount her throne. The Duke of Wellington knew all this; and as he regarded it to be one of his especial missions to watch over her majesty, he willingly lent himself to those little artifices which tended to place the King of Hanover in an inferior position relative to that of Prince Albert, or of the King of the Belgians.

The only other event connected with the court, except such as will appear in the history of parliamentary transactions, was the visit to Scotland in August. This visit was paid in compliance with the wishes of the prince, who had on a previous occasion greatly enjoyed the opportunities of sporting which Scotland afforded. On the 11th of August, the queen, the prince, the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and suite left Osborne House in the Victoria and Albert yacht, with the Fairy as tender, and escorted by a fleet of war-steamers. Her majesty stayed one night at the Scilly Islands, then passed through the Menai Straits, and steered for the Isle of Man. The fleet sailed close to the island, but her majesty did not land. On Monday, the 16th, the fleet anchored in Loch Ryan: their entrance to the mouth of the Clyde was very picturesque, and was observed by great numbers, in yachts and steamers, who had made excursions for the purpose. On the following day her majesty landed at Dumbarton, and inspected the old castle. The squadron anchored for the night under the castle of Rothsay, from which place the Prince of Wales derives his Scottish ducal title. On the Wednesday they proceeded up Loch Fyne; at Tarbut her majesty gazed with long and deep interest upon the glorious scenery. The royal party landed at Inverary, where the Duke of Argyll and the Campbells paid feudal homage, the clansmen assembling in their national costume.

From Inverary the court proceeded to Staffa, where they examined the cave. The prince also landed at Iona, where so many ancient kings and heroes of Scotland found sepulture. On Friday morning they arrived off Fort William, where, on Saturday morning, her majesty and suite left the squadron and proceeded by land to her Scottish autumn residence. The accounts of this expedition published in the journals of the day greatly interested the British public. A periodical not remarkable for its loyalty thus referred to the voyage:—"Never, certainly, were the habitual life and disposition of a sovereign exhibited to a nation in more favourable guise than those of Queen Victoria during her sea voyages. The history of the cruise to Scotland is like those which have preceded it. It displays the chief traveller in the most engaging light. We see her, the ruler of a maritime people, recurring for her holiday pleasures to the enjoyment of the sea; riding the waves with a fearless familiarity that yet has in it nothing unfeminine. The sovereign is pleased to gratify her people by going among them and reciprocating courtesies. Less reserved than some other predecessors, Queen Victoria, surrounded by her family, still seems attended by a thoroughly English spirit of domesticity; the manner in which the children accompany their parents, share the walks of their father on shore, and enter into the whole spirit of the voyage, is simply a model of the national manners according to their best type. And while her husband and the children are 'stretching their legs' on shore, the accomplished lady is seen with her pencil, exercising her talents by sketching the scenery around."

Her majesty's progress after the landing was such as to give her the happiest assurances of the loyalty and love of the Scottish people. The following description of the latter part of her journey is picturesque:—"The road to Ardverikie passes round the north end of Loch Laggan, crossing the Padtock Water by an ingenious boat bridge. At this point Macpherson, of Cluny Macpherson, with about thirty of his tenantry in the costume of his clan; Duncan Davidson, of Tulloch, and a few of his followers; Sir John Mackenzie, of Selvin, and others, were assembled, the Highlandmen armed with broadsword and target. About eighty, thus armed, lined one side of the road, and the same number, unarmed, lined the other; while about five hundred persons of both sexes, in holiday costume, posted themselves on the face of the hill. The Marquis of Abercorn, in full Highland costume, and wearing the order of the garter, with the Duchess of Bedford, was also present. Shortly after eleven o'clock a signal was made from Ben Nead that the royal party were approaching, and' presently the royal carriages were seen rounding a hill half a mile distant. Cluny then put himself at the head of the Highlandmen, and behind him stood the standard-bearer, with the venerable green silk flag of the Macphersons, which was 'out' in the rebellions of 1715 and 1745. Cluny himself wore the shield which Prince Charles Stewart carried at Culloden. The royal carriage drew up opposite the bridge, the path to which, as well as the bridge, was carpeted. Having greeted the marquis and Cluny, her majesty shook hands with the Duchess of Bedford, and, with the prince, repeatedly acknowledged the cheering of the people. Prince Leinengen was also in the royal carriage, and shared the attentions of the people. Next to her majesty and her royal consort, the Prince of Wales was the object of interest, as, led by his royal father, and wrapped in a tartan cloak, he walked down to the bridge. The royal party then entered a carriage in waiting on the south shore, and drove slowly off to the lodge. The Duchess of Norfolk and Lady Jocelyn followed; and in a third carriage came the Duke of Norfolk, Earl Grey. General Wemyss, and Sir J. Clark, who were received with demonstrations of respect. The last carriage having passed, an anker of whiskey was brought forth, with cakes and cheese, to feast both great and small. Cluny then proposed 'Health and happiness to her majesty,' which was drank with nine cheers enthusiastically given; and the crowd, after discussing some forty gallons of whiskey, dispersed.

"Her majesty was not accompanied by military, and in the evening all the county police were dismissed, the force of seven London police being considered more than sufficient for the protection of her majesty and the royal party."

Ardverikie, where her majesty sojourned during her visit to the north, was formerly a hunting park of Fergus, King of Scotland. In front is Loch Laggan, which is very extensive, being about eight miles in length, although not so picturesque as most of the Highland lochs.

On the 17th of September, her majesty left her Highland residence, and sailed from Fort William to the Isle of Man, where the prince landed. Thence the royal party steered to Fleetwood, in Morecomb Bay, Lancashire, whence they proceeded by rail to London.

The conjugal and parental love shown by her majesty, and, indeed, her affectionate interest in all her royal relatives, endeared her to her people, the more so because it was the general impression that the house of Brunswick was deficient in these virtues. In proof of that absence of family kindness which has in most instances characterised her majesty's royal predecessors, the following was extensively circulated in the periodicals of the day, which, at the same time, held up the queen's loving spirit to public admiration:—"Ever since the accession of the house of Guelph royalty has freed itself from one of the most universal and honourable, though somewhat expensive duties of kindred, and this, too, without observation, much less censure. The poorest of mankind mark the grave of parents, wife, and children by some humble memorial; the richer place tablets or raise tombs to their relatives. So gratifying to the heart is this duty, that rarely, if ever, is it omitted from any other cause than poverty. A foreigner visits the royal depository in St. George's Chapel, and asks where are the royal monuments? But no son, daughter, brother, nephew, or niece of the present dynasty has erected a funeral monument of any kind to the kindred dead. Even if affection did not produce such a testimonial, it might have been expected from regard to ancient custom, and from desire to conform to the habits of civilised life. The only monuments to our kings and their descendants, with the exception of the statue to George III. in Windsor Park, by George IV., and of the beautiful mausoleum which the King of Hanover is building in memory of his consort, have been erected by the public; and in the instance only of the Princess Charlotte's monument, which was raised by subscription, has one been placed in church or chapel. There is absolutely nothing—not even an engraved slab—to tell where the ashes of George I., II., III., and IV., and William IV., or of any one of all their numerous progeny, repose. No doubt the world knows; and the omission is only remarkable or important from its being at variance with the custom of the country, from the injury which it has caused to art, and from the idea which it creates of heartlessness in the survivors; not one of whom has expended a shilling on what would appear to be the most natural of social duties."



HOME NAVAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS.

The naval and military incidents of the year at home, which were of a nature to record in history, were not numerous. The most important of them was the organization of a coast defence, which was thus described in a paper of the day, having a character for accurate naval and military intelligence:—"The organization of the coast-guard for the national defence, is the plan of the Earl of Auckland, first lord of the Admiralty, under the approbation of the commissioners of customs. The carrying out of the system is vested entirely in the hands of Captain Houston Stewart, C.B., the controller-general of the coastguard, in whose hands a sum of money has been placed for the purpose. It will be recollected that this gallant officer commanded the Benbow, 72, at the siege of Acre. Commander Jerningham is an additional commander appointed to the Excellent gunnery-ship, and has been selected for the purpose of carrying into operation the plans and arrangements of Captain Stewart, and to superintend the system of instruction of the men at great gun exercise, which is precisely the same as that laid down in the 'Rules for exercise and service of great guns in her majesty's ships.' Wherever guns have been placed for the instruction of the coast-guard, warranted gunners from the Excellent have been appointed to instruct the men, under the superintendence of Commander Jerningham, who was gunnery-lieutenant of the Wellesley, in China. They receive four shillings a day, in addition to their present pay, and the men who are brought to the guns for instruction receive one shilling a day for six days, during which time they are excused from all other duty. It is proposed to instruct the coast-guard by means of ship platform batteries of one gun each, constructed exactly similar to the ports of a man-of-war, placed in a position in each district convenient for the drill of fifty men, and in a situation in which it may be rendered available for defence, as well as affording a range to sea for practice."

In after years this institution proved of great value. Lord Auckland's administration of the Admiralty will, on this account, be memorable, although certainly on no other.

The return of Sir Harry Smith from India was hailed by the public, who sought every opportunity of demonstrating their respect for a hero who had so nobly sustained the military reputation of England. Theregiment of lancers, upon which so much depended in Sir Harry's separate command connected with the events of Loodiana and Aliwal, had also returned to England. The following exciting and singular scene occurred in the autumn at Brighton. The address delivered by the general was remarkable for the interesting incidents which it brought out, and its reference to the opinion of the Duke of Wellington:—"On Friday afternoon, Sir Harry Smith paid a visit of inspection to the 16th Lancers at Brighton. The gallant general arrived by railway at two o'clock, and was met at the terminus by Colonel M'Dowall who went out with the regiment in 1822 as a lieutenant. He accompanied the general to the cavalry barracks, situate a mile north-west of Brighton. Shortly after his arrival at the barracks, Sir Harry and Colonel M'Dowall, went into the barrack yard, where the regiment was drawn up for an undress parade. As soon as the general made his appearance the band struck up, 'See, the conquering hero comes.' The regiment was drawn up in squadrons by Lieutenant-colonel Smithe, who so gallantly led it into the field at Aliwal. Sir Harry inspected the troops, occasionally stooping as he proceeded down the line, addressing some of the veterans, who bore upon their breasts medals and stars, presented to them for their victories in India. Sir Harry inspected them on foot; but afterwards mounted a horse, and put the regiment through a variety of evolutions, which were performed to his great satisfaction. This done, the regiment was drawn up in close column. Sir Harry rode up to the front, and addressed the troops as follows:—'Soldiers of the 16th Lancers, I hope you are now as happy as you made your enemies unhappy. You served in India with the highest honour. Whenever you were called on, you were ready to obey your officers, either in the field or in quarters. If I have not this day addressed each separate individual whom I know, it is not because I do not feel towards you all as I know you all feel towards me, but because I do not keep you and your officers on the ground. I have served many years, and commanded many soldiers; but never did I know a regiment of dragoons or of infantry superior, either in the field or in quarters, to my gallant comrades of the 16th Lancers. I think I now see you on the morning of Aliwal, marching in that order which would have done honour to a barrack parade—your hearts in the right place, your hands on your lances, and doing what I believe was never before done—charging twice through a dense mass of infantry. On the following morning I saw half of you, I believe, with your heads bound up, looking in the field of battle for your dead and wounded comrades. I saw you also, when the enemy had taken your baggage, with a cheerful heart and ready hand, willing to redeem what was considered to be a reverse, when I asked you to do it, and to make the enemy and the world know that you were equal to all trials. The Duke of Wellington has often talked to me about this regiment of dragoons, who have frequently distinguished themselves under his command, and also of the memorable morning of Aliwal. Soldiers of the 16th, I have on this occasion more particularly addressed you. I beg to address Colonel M'Dowall and the officers of the 16th Lancers: That you are gentlemen we all know, and none know it more than the privates of the regiment, and that they have a commander and officers who will ask nothing of them which they will not obey. I regard the 16th Lancers as the nucleus of another corps, which in future times will achieve another Aliwal. I tell you again, what I told you at Lahore, where Runjeet Singh asked if you were all gentlemen, and if her majesty had many such regiments of gentlemen; on that morning I told you I loved you. I repeat it, and the love of a comrade is known to none but to soldiers. My dear fellows, I rejoice to be amongst you again.' Sir Harry then said (turning to Colonel M'Dowall)—' Pray do not let them be kept any longer.' The troops then gave a loud huzza, and marched off the ground with the band playing."

On the 1st of June a general order was issued from the Horse-guards, to the following effect:—"Her majesty having been graciously pleased to command that a medal should be struck to record the services of her fleets and armies during the wars, commencing 1793, and ending in 1814, and that one should be conferred on every officer, non-commissioned officer, and soldier of the army who was present in any battle or siege, to commemorate which medals had been struck by command of her majesty's royal predecessors, and had been distributed to the general or superior officers of the several armies and corps of troops engaged, in conformity with the regulations of the service at that time in force,—general and other officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, who consider that they have claims to receive this mark of their sovereign's respect, are each to apply to the secretary of the board of general officers, Whitehall, London, and to send in writing a statement of their claim, for what action, at what period of time, and the names of the persons, and the titles of the documents by which their claim can be proved."

The occasions for which medals were granted, in pursuance of the general order of which the above is an ex~ tract, were:—

Maida, 4th July, 1806.

Bolein, 17th August, 1808.

Vimeira, 21st August, 1808.

Sahagun Benevento, December and January, 1809.

Corunna, 16th January, 1809.

Martinique, February, 1809.

Talaveia, 27th and 28th July, 1809.

Guadaloupe, January and February, 1810.

Busaco, 27th September, 1810.

Barrosa, 5th March, 1811.

Fuentes d'Onor, 5th May, 1811.

Albuera, 10th May, 1811.

Java, August and September, 1811.

Ciuclad Rodrigo, January, 1812.

Badajoz, 17th March and 10th April, 1812.

Salamanca, 22nd July, 1812.

Fort Detroit, America, August, 1812.

Vittoria, 21st June, 1813.

Chateauguay, America, 26th October, 1813.

Nivelle, 10th November, 1813.

Chrystler's Farm, America, 11th November, 1813.

Nive, 9th to 13th December, 1813.

Orthes, 27th February, 1814.

Toulouse, 10th April, 1814.

The Admiralty issued an order similar to that of the Horse-guards. Gold medals to flag officers and captains were issued by the Admiralty for the actions undermentioned:—

Lord Howe's victory over the French fleet, 1st June, 1794.

Lord St. Vincent's victory over the Spanish fleet, 14th February, 1797.

Lord Duncan's victory over the Dutch fleet, 11th October, 1797.

Captain Sir Edward Hamilton. Surprise and recapture of the Hermione, 15th October, 1799.

Lord Nelson. Battle of Trafalgar, 21st October, 1805.

Sir R. Strachan. French squadron taken, 4th November, 1805.

Sir J. Duckworth. Action off St. Domingo, 6th February, 1806.

Captain Bresbane, of the Arethusa, and three other ships, take Curacoa.

Captain M. Seymour, of the Thetis, captured the Amethyst, 10th November, 1808.

Captain Stewart, of the Seahorse, captured Turkish frigate, Badere Zaffer, 6th July, 1809.

Captain Mounsey, of the Bonne Citoyenne, captured the Furieuse, 6th July, 1809.

Captain C. Cole, of the Caroline, captured the Banda Neira, 9th August, 1810.

Captain W. Hoste, with the Antphion and three other ships, action off Lissa, 13th March, 1811.

Captain Talbot, Victorious, captured Rivoli, 22nd February, 1812.

Captain Broke, of the Shannon, captured the Chesapeake, 1st June, 1813.

Captain E. Palmer, of the Helvis, captured L'Etoile, 27th March, 1814.

Captain E. Hope, of the Endymion, defeated the President, 25th January, 1815.

The issue of these orders, and the grant of the medals, gave general satisfaction; but severe animadversions were offered in the London press against the want of public spirit, on the part of successive governments, in allowing such actions so long to remain without the honour thus tardily accorded. Many of the heroes who contributed to this glorious list of victories by sea and land, had passed away, their breasts unhonoured by the badge which they would have prized so much. It was no new thing for England's braves to be neglected by their country, or rather, by those to whom the government of the country was so often unworthily committed.



GENERAL HOME INCIDENTS.

The year was remarkable for many railway accidents, resulting from the carelessness and mismanagement of the various companies, exciting public indignation, and causing uneasiness generally, in respect to personal safety in railway travelling. In the first six months of the year, according to parliamentary returns, one hundred persons were killed, and an equal number more or less injured.

In September an interesting event occurred in connection with the memory of the great national poet. In pursuance of the will of the deceased owner, the house at Stratford-upon-Avon, popularly known as the birthplace of Shakspere, was sold by public auction. When the writer of these lines visited the place, the house had nothing very remarkable in its appearance. It was old, of course, but did not look so venerable as might be expected. It was situated in the High Street of the obscure little town. It had been originally a mansion, but, at the date of its sale, part had been removed and the rest was let in small tenements. It was "knocked down," in auctioneers' phraseology, for the price of L3000, the purchasers being a committee appointed by an association formed for the purpose of obtaining possession of the building. The house was given to the government in trust to be preserved as a public memorial of the great man who first saw the light beneath its roof. This proceeding was very creditable to the national feeling, for though no certain proof exists that Shakspere was born there, still, as it was in possession of his father before, at, and after the birth of the great dramatist, there is probable ground for believing that it was his birthplace. It had been purchased from the descendants of the original possessor for L250, by the gentleman under whose will it was put up to auction.

During the autumn and winter, numerous disasters occurred at sea, especially on the east coasts of England and Scotland. By these wrecks many lives and much property were lost.

Few events in England excited such general interest among all classes as the arrival of Jenny Lind, the celebrated vocalist and actress. She made her first appearance at the Italian Opera House on the 4th of May, and was received with an enthusiasm never before lavished on any performer: during her stay in England this enthusiasm never abated.

Under the head of "General Home Incidents," seems hardly the most suitable place to record the proceedings of the Hudson's Bay Arctic Expedition. Yet, as it did not belong to the foreign or colonial affairs of the country, and as the expedition had been determined upon and ordered at home, this may be the most appropriate place in which to introduce it. From the nature of the transactions, it is necessary to give the relation in the words of the authorised report:—

"In July, 1846, the Company dispatched an expedition of thirteen persons, under the command of Doctor John Rae, from Fort Churchill, in Hudson's Bay, for the purpose of surveying the unexplored portion of the Arctic coast, at the north-eastern point of the American continent. The expedition, which has just returned, has traced the coast all along from the Lord Mayor's Bay, of Sir John Ross, to within a few miles of the Straits of the Fury and Hecla, proving thereby the correctness of Sir John Ross's statement that Boothia Felix is a peninsula. From Doctor Rae's Report to the Company the following interesting details are gathered:—Having divided his men into watches, the doctor started from Churchill on the 5th of July, 1846, and reached the most southerly opening of Wager River on the 22nd, where they were detained all day by immense quantities of heavy ice driving in with the flood and out again with the ebb tide, which ran at the rate of seven or eight miles an hour, forcing up the ice and grinding it against the rocks, causing a noise resembling thunder. On the 24th the party succeeded in making Repulse Bay, and cast anchor within eight miles of the head of the bay under shelter of a small island. Here Doctor Rae found some Esquimaux Indians, with whom he quickly established friendly relations, and from a chart drawn by one of the party he inferred that the Arctic Sea (named Akhoolee) to the west of Melville Peninsula was not more than forty miles distant, in a N.N.W. direction, and that about thirty-five miles of the distance was occupied by deep lakes; so that they would have only five miles of land to drag their boat over—a mode of proceeding he had decided upon even had the distance been much greater, in preference to going round by the Fury and Hecla Strait. Here he established a wintering party, and having unloaded the boats, and placed one of them, with the greater part of her cargo, in security, the other was hauled three miles up a rapid and narrow river which flowed from one of the lakes they were to pass through. This work occupied them the whole of the 26th, as the current was very strong, and the channel so full of large boulder stones, that the men were frequently up to the waist in ice-cold water whilst lifting or launching the boat over these impediments. Their landing-place was found to be in latitude 66 deg. 32' 1" north. The rate of the chronometer had become so irregular that it could not be depended upon for finding the longitude, and during the winter it stopped altogether.

"Proceeding according to the course he had adopted, the party and their adventurous leader on the 3rd of August, at 11 o'clock a.m., rounded a high bluff cape, which they called after the lady of Sir John Henry Pelly, Bart., Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company. It is situated in latitude 67 deg. 28' 00" north; longitude, by account, 87 deg. 40' west.

"Having succeeded, after surmounting many difficulties, in reaching Melville Peninsula, he was ultimately obliged to retreat from the numerous obstacles that rendered his progress impossible; he therefore paid a short visit to the wintering party at Repulse Bay, to ascertain how they were getting on. Ultimately he found himself obliged to give up all hope of prosecuting the survey on that occasion. His reasons we give in his own words:—' My reasons for arriving at this conclusion I shall here briefly mention, as such a step may seem somewhat premature. I saw, from the state of the ice, and the prevalence of northerly winds, that there was no likelihood of our completing the whole of the proposed survey this season; and although part of the coast, either towards the Strait of the Fury and Hecla or towards Dease and Simpson's furthest, might be traced, yet to accomplish even this might detain us so long, that there would be no time to make the necessary preparations for wintering, and we should thus be under the necessity of returning to Churchill without accomplishing the object of the expedition; or, if we remained at Repulse Bay, run the risk of starving, for I could obtain no promise of supplies from the natives, and all the provisions that we carried with us amounted to not more than four months' expenditure, which was all that our boats could carry. We should have thus to depend almost altogether on our own exertions for the means of existence, both in regard to food and fuel.'

"The party, therefore, commenced preparations for passing the winter, and on the 2nd of September their house was furnished. Its internal dimensions were 20 feet long by 14 feet broad; height in front, 7 1/2 feet, sloping to 5 1/2 at the back. The roof was formed of oil-cloths and morse skin coverings, the masts and oars of our boats serving as rafters. The door was made of parchment deer skins stretched over a frame of wood. It was named Fort Hope, and was situated in latitude 66 deg. 32' 16" north, longitude (by a number of sets of lunar distances) 86 deg. 55' 51" west. The variation of the compass on the 30th August, 1846, was 62 deg. 50' 30" west; dip of the needle, 88 deg. 14'; and the mean time of 100 vertical vibrations in the line of declination 226.

"On the 5th of April in the present year, Doctor Rae commenced his spring journeys in company with three men, the Esquimaux, Ibit-Chuck, and Oulibuck's son, as interpreter; and, on the 15th, which was very stormy, with a temperature of 20 deg. below zero, they arrived at the steep mud banks of a bay, called by their guide Ak-ku-li-guwiak. Its surface was marked with a number of high rocky islands, towards the highest of which (six or seven miles distant) they directed their course, and were, before sunset, comfortably housed under a snow roof. Early in the morning of the 17th, he set out in company with two of the men, for the purpose of following the coast to some point surveyed by Sir John Ross, as he felt confident that the veteran discoverer was correct in his opinion as to Boothia Felix being part of the American continent. They directed their course to the furthest visible land, which bore N.W. (true). Cape Berens (the point alluded to) is equated in latitude 69 deg. 4' 12" north, and longitude 90 deg. 35' west. It is formed entirely of granite partially covered with moss. Thirteen miles beyond this they arrived at two narrow points in the small bay, between which they built their snow hut.

"As they were now near the latitude and longitude of Lord Mayor's Bay of Sir John Ross, he struck across land nearly in a north direction, and at noon, when passing over a considerable lake, the latitude of 69 deg. 26' 1" north was observed. Advancing three miles beyond this, he reached another lake. A walk of twenty minutes brought him to an inlet not more than a quarter of a mile wide. This he traced to the westward for three miles, when his course was again obstructed by land. Ascending some high rocks, from which a good view could be obtained, he thought he could distinguish rough ice in the desired direction. With renewed hopes, he set out at a rapid pace, plunging among deep snow, scrambling over rocks and through rough ice, until he gained some rising ground close to the beach. From the spot where he now stood, as far as the eye could see to the north-west, lay a large extent of ice-covered sea, studded with innumerable islands. Lord Mayor's Bay was before him, and the islands were those named by Sir John Ross 'The Sons of the Clergy of the Church of Scotland.'

"The isthmus which connects the land to the northward with Boothia Felix is only one mile broad, and, judging by the number of stone marks set up on it, it appeared to him to be a favourite resort of the natives. Its latitude is 69 deg. 31' north; longitude, by account, 91 deg. 29' 30" west.

"After taking possession of his discoveries with the usual formalities, the Doctor returned to his quarters on the island above-mentioned, where, as they were all more or less affected with snow-blindness, and the dogs were still weak, they remained on the island, which he found to be situated in latitude 68 deg. 53' 44" north; longitude, by account, 89 deg. 56' 00" west. It is formed almost entirely of granite, and is upwards of seven hundred and thirty feet above the level of the sea. From the highest point of it, he obtained a fine view of the bay, and was thus saved the trouble of tracing its shores. It extends sixteen or eighteen miles to the southward, and contains a number of rocky islands, the highest of them being that on which they encamped. The bay was named Pelly Bay, after the governor of the company; and the group of islands, Harrison Islands.

"The party, on their return, traced the shores of the tracts across which they had made overland journeys when coming out. The country was low, flat, and very regular in outline. They arrived at Repulse Bay on the 5th of May, all safe and well, but as black as negroes, from the combined effects of frost-bites and oil-smoke. The Doctor subsequently traced the west shore of Melville Bay, and for that purpose started on the evening of the 13th of May.

"The nature of the service, and the hardships to be endured on such expeditions, may be understood from the few short extracts from the report in reference to this last exploring visit:—'Our snow-house, on the 25th, was built in lat. 68 deg. 48' N., long. 85 deg. 4' W., near a small stream, frozen (like all others that we had passed) to the bottom. We had not yet obtained a drop of water of nature's thawing, and fuel being rather a scarce article, we sometimes took small kettles of snow under the blanket with us, to thaw it with the heat of our bodies. Leaving two men to endeavour to fish and shoot, I went forward with the others, and crossed Garry Bay, passing inside a number of islets.'

"The party returned to their snow hut on the 25th, where, says the report—' The men we had left here were well, but very thin, as they had neither caught nor shot anything eatable, except two marmots. Had we been absent twelve hours more, they were to have cooked a piece of parchment skin for supper.' The whole party returned safe and well to York Factory on the 6th of September last."

During the year 1847, several eminent men were called away from the sphere of their earthly honour and usefulness. Among these was Mr. Gurney, of Norwich, a man who attracted a considerable share of public attention by his talents, energies, and benevolence. As a member of the Society of Friends, he became very influential in that body, and was recognised as one of the most enlightened of their ministers. He took part with his sister, the celebrated Mrs. Fry, in prison visitations. His interviews with M. Guizot concerning negro slavery were very influential with that statesman. Mr. Gurney was an author, especially on Biblical and polemical topics. He also wrote on scientific subjects, but chiefly in their relation to theology. As a writer he was more scholarly than elegant, more learned than profound, more discursive than logical. He lived and died an eminently good man.

On the 13th of February, in the 66th year of his age, Sharon Turner, the historian of the Anglo-Saxons, departed this life. He was a distinguished archaeologist and historian.

On the 22nd April, Thomas B. Martin, Esq., M.P. for Galway, died. He was the largest landed proprietor in Ireland, and a very noted man in the political and social affairs of that country.

The 27th of April witnessed the death of a very remarkable man, Lord Cowley, in the 75th year of his age. He was the youngest son of the first Earl of Mornington, and consequently youngest brother of the Duke of Wellington. Mr. Henry Wellesley began professional life as aprecis writer in the Foreign Office. After serving for two years there, he accompanied the embassy of Lord Malmesbury to Lisle. In 1797 he accompanied his brother, the Marquis Wellesley to India, as private secretary. He was, after twelve months' service in that capacity, appointed one of the commissioners to Mysore. In that office he showed not only talent but genius. Subsequently he was sent to Oude, on an especial mission, and conducted his diplomacy with so much tact, that he obtained the cession of territory which brought the company a revenue of nearly a million sterling. He was subsequently appointed to the government of the country thus ceded. On his return from India he entered parliament, where his mode of speaking very much resembled that of his brother Arthurshort, pointed, and to the purpose. He resumed his diplomatic engagements, and was appointed envoy to Spain. He resigned his position in the treasury, under the government of the Duke of Portland, for this office, in 1809, and continued in it until 1811, when he was directed to continue his services at that court, with the title of ambassador. In 1812 he was made a Knight of the Bath. He continued in Spain until 1822. He was then sent to Vienna, and ultimately to the court of the Tuileries, as the representative of his country. He was made a peer, and various other public honours were conferred upon him. Upon the breaking up of Sir Robert Peel's administration, he gave place to the Marquis of Normanby, but took up his residence at Paris, and remained there until the time of his decease. He was twice married; in the first instance to Lady Charlotte Cadogan, which marriage was dissolved. His second wife was Lady Georgiana Cecil, daughter of the Marquis of Salisbury. The talent which characterised the whole of the Wellesley family was very extraordinary; every member of it distinguished himself in some way in the service of his country, and obtained honour, won by his own assiduity and genius.

Sir Robert Stopford, admiral of the red, vice-admiral of the United Kingdom, and governor of Greenwich Hospital, died on June 25, in the 88th year of his age. This distinguished sailor had entered the navy in very early youth, and was in most of the great actions that were fought during his eventful life. He was much beloved by the navy. His life was remarkably free from disputes with public men, especially in his own profession. There was one notable instance, however, to the contrary. Sir Charles Napier, who served under him off the coast of Syria, disobeyed orders, and added to the disobedience fierce attacks upon the gallant old admiral, who came out of the discussion with honour, while his disputatious antagonist suffered much in public opinion by the attacks which he made upon his superior officer.

On the 28th of July, the death of John Walter, of Bearwood, Berkshire, caused a great sensation. To that gentleman the Times newspaper owes its progressive power. His inventive genius, his business habits, dispatch, punctuality, and enterprise, raised the paper to the pitch of popularity it afterwards attained, and which it has ever since preserved.

On the same day another eminent man passed away, Sir George Martin, G.C.B., admiral of the fleet, and viceadmiral of the United Kingdom. His services were innumerable. Through a long life he endured the perils and shared the glory of naval war, and died regretted by his country.

On the 7th of December, Mr. B. Liston, the celebrated surgeon, died; and during the same month many professional men, and many men of letters.

The space allotted to this history would not allow of even a brief notice of all the eminent persons who passed from life during this year in the British Isles, and subjects of Great Britain in other countries. Many distinguished men were lost to the navy and army, whose valour and renown were precious in the esteem of the nation; but so numerous are the heroes of Great Britain, in all ages, that the names of deceased warriors are only noticed with ordinary respect and regret, whose death would, in any other nation, be an event to attract the sustained attention of the people. The year made sad havoc especially in the navy list, from which the names of many of the best and bravest were removed.



PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY OF THE YEAR.

The distressed condition of the poor of the British Isles, the disarrangement of commercial affairs, the famine in Ireland, and the crime prevailing in that country, rendered it necessary to open the session of 1847 earlier than usual. Accordingly, on the 19th of January her majesty, in person, read the speech from the throne. It referred to all these subjects in a manner appropriate to the occasion. The marriage of the Infanta of Spain to the Duke of Montpensier, was simply noticed as having given rise to a correspondence between her majesty's government and that of France. When her majesty came to the passage referring to the Montpensier marriage, the house was intensely still, and every eye watched the royal countenance to see if any indication of her private feelings would be given. This portion of the royal speech was read with a peculiar expression of displeasure by her majesty, never before witnessed in her countenance on a public occasion. In private, the royal lady did not hesitate to denounce the conduct of Louis Philippe as utterly faithless, and she was accustomed to refer to him as incapable of acting with the honour of a private gentleman, for he had given his hand to her while making a solemn promise that this marriage should not take place. This state of feeling on the part of her majesty was well known to the King of the French, who, while he regretted it, took credit to himself for having frustrated her majesty's own intention to have the infanta married to a Cobourg. Her reference to the extinction of the free city and state of Cracow was made in terms of great severity, as a manifest violation of the treaty of Vienna, and her intention of laying before the house copies of her protests to the three states was expressed. Allusion was made to the action of the combined squadrons of France and England in the River Plate. Her majesty read the passages which described the condition of Ireland with a subdued tone, as if mingled shame and sympathy struggled within her breast.

The debates which ensued upon the address were neither remarkable for judgment nor eloquence. Lord Stanley, in the lords, was, as usual, apt, ready, and ingenious, but dealt in platitudes unworthy of his reputation. Lord Brougham was bitter against his former friends, allowing his personal spleen to interfere with his patriotism and the public welfare. He did not succeed either in embarrassing the ministry or enlightening the lords. The debates in the commons were regarded with more interest by the country than those in the lords. Mr. Disraeli's sarcasm that the house of lords had become "the high court of registry," had truth in it. The address gave rise to much animated discussion, envenomed by party spirit. Smith O'Brien laid the grievances of Ireland before the house in terms more patriotic and honest than wise. Lord George Bentinck taunted the government with the failure of their remedial measures for Ireland, political and material, and his taunts were keenly felt. The cabinet was not equal to the crisis.

On the 21st of January Lord John Russell moved that the house should go into committee on the corn importation acts; and he announced his intention to follow that up by a motion on the navigation laws, by which they should be suspended until the 6th of November. He accordingly first proposed the suspension of the duties on the importation of foreign corn until September. Bills were brought in, and passed both houses with the utmost rapidity, the standing orders being waived. On the 25th they received the royal assent. On that day ministers communicated their plans for the melioration of Irish suffering. So overwhelming was the wretchedness of Ireland, that the amount of relief for January was calculated by Lord John Russell at three-quarters of a million sterling. Colonel Jones, who was at the head of the board of works in Ireland, with very little advantage to his country, and no moral advantage to himself, had, in a letter dated the 19th, stated the difficulties which were admitted to stand in the way of employing labourers. The people were so reduced by famine that task-work could not be imposed upon them, and Colonel Jones was therefore of opinion that to give food was, on the whole, cheaper than to employ such labour. Lord John Russell made very effective use of this letter in support of the views which he presented to the house. He stated that the money advanced for public works should not be exacted in full, but half remitted upon the payment of each instalment. The next proposal of the premier was for a grant of L50,000 in advance, to enable proprietors to procure seed for the land. His lordship animadverted in very indignant terms upon the conduct of men of mark in Ireland, who, instead of paying their rates for the relief of the poor, invited them to make demands with which no government could comply. He instanced the union of Castlebar, in the county of Mayo, where there was room in the workhouse for six hundred persons, and only one hundred and twenty were admitted, while the Marquis of Sligo and Mr. Moore addressed a letter to the people of the district, calling upon them to meet at Castlebar and "demand their rights." Lord John dwelt eloquently upon the want of self-reliance and co-operation displayed in Ireland, and affirmed the utter impossibility of government or any human power interposing so as to prevent the continuance of many of the painful consequences of harvest failure already experienced. His lordship's counsels and cautions were badly received, both by the Irish members and by the people of Ireland, and notwithstanding his liberal measures of relief, his speech added to his unpopularity in that country. The Irish were very unwilling to adopt the philosophy of Mr. Disraeli, "Whether, under any circumstances, it should be the office of a government to supply the people with food is a very interesting question. When famine prevails there will always be a numerous party who will maintain the affirmative. Death and decimation are stern facts which seem to bring conviction. Yet it is the duty of a minister to consider whether, if the government were to interfere, the death might not be increased, and the rate of mortality aggravated."

Another measure for the relief of Ireland was proposed by ministers to enable government to make advances from the treasury on the security of the rates, and excited a debate, when its committal was moved on the 8th of February. This debate was remarkable as giving an opportunity to the great agitator for his last parliamentary effort. He declared that two millions of the Irish population must perish if the parliament did not come forward with adequate relief; while he proclaimed their measures totally inadequate, and showing either ignorance of the state of the country, or want of sympathy for its sufferings. He affirmed that in the ruin which had fallen on the land, any attempt to levy rates would be abortive, and drive the people to desperation. The honourable and venerable member depicted the condition of the people with truthful eloquence, and he was no less correct in showing the shortcomings of the government schemes of relief. His speech was delivered in a faint voice, and with every symptom of physical exhaustion. He was heard with the most profound attention and respect. His predictions, unfortunately, came to pass. His dissolution was hastened by his inability to procure an assent to his views in the house, and by the consequences which he so clearly foresaw.

Lord John's measures for the relief of Ireland having been carried, he on the 1st of March proposed a permanent measure to compel the land to support the pauper poor. On the 12th of March his lordship made an elaborate defence of his scheme, which wras warmly debated, Mr. Roebuck acrimoniously attacking Irish landlords, and Mr. Smith O'Brien insisting that the blame of the condition of Ireland rested upon the government. Government, however, was not left alone to initiate measures of Irish relief. Lord George Bentinck, on the 4th of February, brought forward a motion for the reproductive employment of Irish labour by the construction of railways in Ireland. This motion his lordship advocated eloquently, and it has been agreed that his oration was the best he ever delivered. His plan was in all respects sound considered in reference to the principles of political economy, and more useful, practically, than any which the government had devised; yet the ministerial side of the house treated it with ridicule. An advance of sixteen millions sterling to promote railways in Ireland they scouted as preposterous; but no effective answer was given to the facts and figures of Lord George, who was singularly careful on this occasion in his preparation of both. The bill was brought in without any opposition from the government, but it was foreseen that the influence of the cabinet would be used for its defeat. Accordingly, on the 12th of February, on the proposal of the second reading, government opposition was offered: the debate, after an adjournment, was resumed on the 15th, and continued through that day and the next, when the bill was thrown out by an overwhelming majority.

On the 22nd of February the chancellor of the exchequer made his financial statement, and made a demand for an eight millions loan on behalf of Ireland, noticed elsewhere. He gave an appalling picture of the state of the English poor, showing that, in Manchester alone, nearly thirty thousand workmen and labourers were out of employment, while the prospect of the augmentation of the unemployed there was disheartening. The grant for Ireland was especially opposed by two members of the house, who, while they sympathised beyond most other members with the political agitators of Ireland, looked upon her material condition without an equally warm interest, and regarded her rather from an English than an imperial point of view; these members were Mr. Hume and Mr. Roebuck. Government was triumphant in those measures, so far as the support of a majority in the commons was concerned. It was, however, felt that neither the men nor the measures were adequate to the exigencies of party, any more than to the magnitude of the occasion. Lord John Russell was vacillating and time-serving, although with a show of resolution in resisting and defeating measures which afterwards met, at all events, his qualified approval. This was most singularly exemplified in connection with Lord George Bentinck's measure for an advance of money to create railways in Ireland. On the 26th of April the house was taken by surprise when the chancellor of the exchequer proposed a loan to certain Irish railways. The proposed sum was L620,000, half a million of which was to be advanced to one particular railway—"the great South Western." This gave great offence to many. Mr. Hume led off the opposition, Mr. Roebuck followed, of course, with fiery impetuosity; Sir Robert Peel disapproved of it, and the whole Peel party echoed his objections. Lord George Bentinck exulted in the homage paid to his counsels by the tardy, trimming, half measure, or less than half measure of her majesty's advisers. Notwithstanding so rigorous an opposition from so many quarters, government was so well backed by the Irish members and the ministerial hacks who represented British constituencies, that they carried this and several other measures to which a similar opposition was offered. The remark that the railway scheme of Sir Charles Wood was the fag-end of Lord George Bentinck's measure, was received with loud cheers by the house, and was repeated much "out of doors." During these debates the grossest ignorance of Ireland, her people, resources, and financial relation to Great Britain, was evinced by English representatives. Mr. Hume and Mr. Roebuck were very conspicuous in this respect. Mr. Disraeli had the folly to say that the railway scheme of Lord George Bentinck would be beneficial to Ireland, in a political, moral, and social point of view, irrespective of material advantage, because the Roman Catholic and Protestant populations would be brought to work together as "navvies!" Mr. Disraeli did not know that not one man, probably, out of five thousand in that class of labourers in Ireland was a Protestant, and that if working together in the same employments would be sufficient to reconcile them, the reconciliation must have been long ago effected—over the whole of Ulster, at least. The differences between Irish Protestants and Roman Catholics were founded in principle, cherished deeply and warmly by them respectively, and were not, and are not, to be healed by the political or economical quackery of Mr. Disraeli, or politicians who, like him, share with neither party in the earnestness of their opinions. The Irish Protestant and the Irish Roman Catholic believe that the political ascendancy of their respective creeds is necessary to the development of their power and usefulness, and strive, therefore, with jealous eagerness and honesty for that ascendancy. Whatever concessions on this ground the Protestants might be induced to make, the spirit of Irish Romanism is ultramontane in every province and in every social grade of the people.

The Earl of Lincoln and Lord Monteagle united in bringing under the notice of the commons and lords the subject of Irish emigration, and each of these noble persons occupied the time and attention of parliament with an impracticable measure. The general want of parliamentary tact and practical sagacity evinced by the members of both houses at this juncture was discouraging to those who regarded parliament as the hope of the nation.

Parliament was much occupied with Irish and financial questions during the session; several other matters, however, occupied earnest attention. Mr. Fielden, member for Oldham, brought before the commons a measure for shortening the hours of labour of women and children, and young persons in factories. His agitation of this subject derived additional interest from the fact that he himself had been a poor factory boy, and had, to use his own expression, always "stood by his order." His measure proposed the limitation of labour to twelve hours a clay, allowing two hours out of the twelve for meals, and he would apply this rule to all young persons between the ages of thirteen and eighteen. On Saturday, however, he would limit the hours to eight, making a total of sixty-three hours in the week until the 1st of May, 1848, after which the total hours of labour for each young person in the week should be fifty-eight. These restrictions he would apply to all females, of whatever age, engaged in factory labour. The working-classes were strongly in favour of Mr. Fielden's motion. Mr. Cobden had said the previous year that, if the matter was postponed for twelve months, the feelings of the working-classes would change; but that eloquent and philanthropic man very often proved himself a bad prophet, and never more signally than in this instance. The desire of the working-classes for some such law had greatly increased since the time Mr. Cobden declared that it would abate. On the second reading of the bill a fierce opposition was offered, based upon principles of political economy. Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Hume, Mr. Trelawney, Sir Charles Wood, Mr. Mark Philips, and Mr. Bright, were the chief opponents of the measure. Mr. Bright very ably animadverted upon the vacillation of Lord John Russell upon this subject, and the mischief inflicted upon the interests in question by the noble lord's indecision.

Lord John Russell avowed his support of the principle of the measure, because parliament had already given its sanction to that principle, but he objected to the details. The bill was very ably supported by Mr. Ricardo and Mr. Duncombe. Several speeches were made on its behalf, which were calculated to damage it, and to awaken the alarm of the manufacturing interest; these were made by Mr. Sharman Crawford, Mr. Ferrand, Mr. Borthwick, Sir Robert Inglis, and Mr. Newdegate. Mr. Roebuck offered an able and formidable opposition to it. Mr. Brotherton made a feeling appeal to the house, assuring it that the working-classes were borne down by the oppressive number of their hours of toil; that it was impossible for them to accomplish a better arrangement by voluntary agreement; that he himself had worked in a factory, and felt the oppressiveness of the burden, resolving, if ever he could, to contribute to the emancipation of the workmen from so great an evil, and declaring that he still retained in their original freshness the feelings he then cherished. This noble appeal was received by the house with warm demonstrations of applause. Sir James Graham endeavoured to remove the effect which it produced, setting out with the paltry sophism that Mr. Brotherton had risen by the long-hour system, ergo, he should not oppose it! The fair implication of Mr. Brotherton's speech was that he had risen in spite of the long-hour system, and if Sir James could have regarded the arguments of the honourable member for Salford with common candour, he must have drawn that inference. The bill was carried through both houses with rapid success, after undergoing certain modifications. Lord Brougham took occasion to launch his thunders against his former friends in the ministry for their varying opinions, forgetful that from him this reproach, however well founded, came with the worst possible grace.

On the 22nd of March Mr. Fox Maule moved the second reading of a bill for shortening the period of service in the army. The bill was opposed by Sir Howard Douglas, who did not on this occasion give his last mistaken opinion on military affairs. Colonel Sibthorp, the opponent of every improvement in the law, was an appropriate companion for Sir Howard Douglas in this opposition. Colonel Reid also denounced the measure. It received support from Major Layard, who exposed the injustice of the Duke of Wellington's Horse-guards' administration by instances of the gross political partiality displayed in the promotion of officers. Sir De Lacy Evans, the friend of the soldier, the supporter of every liberal opinion and just law, supported Mr. Maule. Mr. Sidney Herbert afforded a qualified support. The measure passed the commons, and received an eloquent and powerful advocacy in the lords from the Duke of Wellington. This mainly contributed to the success of the bill, for the lords were disposed to throw it out. The Earl of Lucan proposed a plan calculated to reconcile parties; but the Duke of Wellington was so strenuously in favour of the plan of the government, that it was carried, but by a very small majority.



GOVERNMENT PLAN OF EDUCATION.

Few subjects had engaged the attention of the country more than that of popular education. The government resolved upon an enlarged scheme, and submitted their views to parliament. The plan was essentially in the interest of the Established Church, and had the appearance of being intended not only as a means of proselytizing dissenters, but also to disparage them. No measure could be more adapted to aggravate the differences between the two great sections of English Protestants. An opposition was awakened among all the dissenting communities of the most hearty nature, and the government sowed the seeds of distrust of the whig party, which their old abettors, the dissenters, have cherished to this day, although ten years have since elapsed. It is unlikely that the Whigs, as a party, will ever regain the confidence of the Protestant dissenters of Great Britain. The whig government showed its usual inaptitude to perceive the real state of public feeling among the lower strata of the middle classes, and the unhappy faculty of making unpalatable measures, as mal apropos as possible in the time and mode of their introduction.

Lord Lansdowne introduced the measure to the lords. Upon certain minutes emanating from the privy council the government based their measure. It comprised a system of educational grants, and of school inspection, which virtually consigned the education of the country to the custody of the clergy of the Established Church. In the lords the measure of the ministers passed with little question; in the commons numerous and stormy debates ensued. Mr. Macaulay, on the one hand, and Mr. Bright, on the other, threw some acrimony into these debates, but probably the former never appeared to less advantage in parliament, nor the latter to more advantage than in this discussion. Government succeeded in disarming the Roman Catholic members from opposition by a private understanding that, although by the minutes of the educational committee of the privy council then under consideration, they were debarred from any grant, separate minutes would afterwards be introduced in their especial behalf. There was also an understanding with the Wesleyan Methodists on the principle of the grants to their schools, the inspection to be exercised, and the selection of pupil teachers, which disarmed the opposition of that numerous and energetic body. The Unitarians were also conciliated by the explanations which were offered to them, and that body was so extremely anxious for the spread of education, that they were ready to accept a position of great denominational disadvantage, in order to see the extension of some plan that would conduce to the mitigation of popular ignorance. The Congregationalists and Baptists, Presbyterians and Friends, and various other bodies of Methodists who adopted the voluntary principle, were beyond conciliation. They boldly demanded equal rights for all, and perfect freedom of education. This large class of persons were much maligned by the Earl of Surrey, when he consented to have Boman Catholics excluded from the minutes, because, in his opinion, if they were placed within the circle of advantage which the government was willing to accord, all the dissenting sects would assail them with an increased and perhaps successful opposition. The objections of the "voluntary dissenters," and more liberal sections of churchmen, were unaffected by theological considerations; they desired that their schools should be protected from government interference, and remain uncorrupted by government patronage, and they objected to the unconstitutional authority, as they deemed it, exercised by the privy council. No public man out of their own party ever had so much intercourse with those classes as Lord Brougham, who, at the same time, understood them so little. His lordship affected to "live and move and have his being" in an atmosphere of liberality and enlightenment too high for the earnestly religious men of the country to attain. From this elevation he looked down upon their conflicts with an affected compassion, which if meant to cover his disdain was very unsuccessful, and it brought out more prominently his lordship's thorough ignorance of the tone and principles of these classes, many of whom had studied the merits of the whole question with far more undivided attention, and not less capacity, than he had.

Lord Lansdowne could not introduce a more comprehensive plan, but he admitted the impossibility of his so doing, because society was divided into two great classes, churchmen and dissenters, who loved education much, but controversy more. Never was a sentence uttered in parliament where the religious feelings and opinions of the people were concerned, even by Lord Brougham himself, more unfounded in fact. The assertion was certainly true of a great many, both churchmen and dissenters, but there was a far greater number of each who loved education very much, and who did not regard controversy with any favour—men of strong conscientious principles, and of deep and earnest piety, who were not prepared to sacrifice their opinions to any government, or to any view of expediency, whatever the end proposed.

Instead of making these classes the object of his constant sneers, Lord Brougham would have rendered more service to his country, and have been more just, had he honoured their scruples, and devoted himself to the production of some scheme which, whether successful or not in passing the legislature, would have laid the basis of an ultimate acceptance by its respect for the religious rights of all. No plan of education will ever gain acceptance in England, so long as there is freedom of discussion and religious liberty, which recognises either a sectarian or a state ascendancy in education. As the Bishop of Oxford once said, as to the feasibility of a compulsory system of education—"We are too free a people for such a scheme ever to be carried out amongst us." Carlisle showed his philosophy and accuracy of historical knowledge when he described the Roundheads and Cavaliers as honest, earnest men,— heroes, because nobly true to the principles they had espoused, and fearless of all consequences in their avowal; but that eloquent writer showed, like Lord Brougham, his ignorance of the classes of men which, in the present age, succeed to the opinions of Roundheads and Cavaliers, when he declares that there are no such men in the England of to-day. They are now as earnest and more numerous: let the same circumstances call them forth and they will be found. A superior civilisation, a clearer understanding of the principles of civil and religious liberty, a more tolerant temper now prevail, but there is as much conscientiousness still; and now as ever, in this and in every land, men, deeply imbued with the principles of Christianity, will be found ready to bear the testimony of the advocate or the confessor, as events demand. The spirit evinced by Lord Brougham pervaded, to a less extent, a large number of the members of both houses, and produced impressions amongst the numerous classes thus contemptuously treated, which worked deeply into their hearts, and influenced for many a year the votes at elections, and the general feeling of the people towards the great historical parties by which parliament had been divided.