After this decision ministers expressed a hope that the opponents of the resolutions would not throw any obstacle in the way of government. Delay, however, was the object of the Canadian party, apparently in the hope of giving time for a demonstration of popular feeling on the other side of the Atlantic. The committee was not resumed till the 14th of April, and then the fifth resolution came under consideration. This was to the effect, "That while it is expedient to improve the composition of the executive council in Lower Canada, it is unadvisable to subject it to the responsibility demanded by the house of assembly of that province." On this occasion Mr. Roebuck again opposed government, and intimated that the loss of the colony would be the certain eventual consequence of their adoption. At the same time he disclaimed all interest in, or desire to accelerate this consummation. Mr. Roebuck broached a plan of his own for the settlement of the dispute. Since the house would not make the legislative council elective, he proposed to abolish it altogether. The only useful power at present exercised by the legislative council was that of proposing amendments on the bills passed by the house of assembly. This office he proposed to transfer to an executive council of twelve persons, to be named by the governor, who might amend any measure sent up from the assembly, but not to have the power of rejecting it; that would rest with the governor. The great object of this scheme was, he said, to concentrate responsibility, and to bring it to bear on known individuals; but it was plain that the effect of it would be to bring the executive in constant and direct collision with the popular branch of the legislature by doing away every intermediate power. The other principal feature of Mr. Roebuck's scheme was, the establishment of a general assembly at Montreal, composed of delegates chosen by the houses of assembly of each of our North American colonies, and clothed with certain judicial and legislative powers. In its judicial capacity this assembly was to constitute the tribunal before which the judges of the various provinces might be impeached; and, moreover, might act as a court of appeal, and exercise the functions now performed by our privy-council. Its legislative offices would relate to all matters of dispute or communication between two or more provinces. Lord John Russell remarked, in reply, that whatever might be the merits of Mr. Roebuck's propositions, he had no authority from the colony to make them, and therefore parliament could not think of making them the basis of pacification, As for the threat that the people of Lower Canada would, if their demands were rejected, throw themselves into the arms of their republican neighbours, his lordship contented himself with saying, that it would not be their interest to act thus; nor did he think that the United States would be anxious to seek a quarrel on this question. Mr. Robinson supported and Mr. Charles Buller opposed the resolution. Mr. Roebuck again spoke in reply, and complained that Lord John Russell was doing all in his power to insult and vilify the people of Canada. He doubted, if Sir Robert Peel was in power, that with his wary prudence and caution, he would carry out these resolutions. The right honourable baronet and his friends, he said, were silent on certain questions; they no doubt acted so that they might come into office with clean hands. Sir Robert Peel said that he did not desire to withhold his sentiments on this subject. In his speech, the right honourable baronet took the same view of the policy of the government that had been expressed by Lord Stanley. He observed, that if no other, interests but those of the French Canadians were involved in the question, and if the continuation of British connexion were unpalatable to them, he would say, "God forbid that we should force it upon them." In that case he should think it more for our interest than theirs that the connexion should be dissolved. But he-doubted, if he were to make the people of Lower Canada an offer of establishing their own government, that they would be disposed to accept it. At any rate the question could only be considered in reference to the French Canadians: there was a British population in the province, which had a right to look up to this country for a continuance of the connexion and protection on the faith of which they had established themselves in it. On a division the resolution was carried by a majority of two hundred and sixty-nine against forty-six.

On the 21st of April Mr. Leader moved the postponement of the further consideration of the resolutions, in order to give time to the Canadian people to state whether or not they agreed to Mr. Roebuck's scheme for the settlement of the existing differences between the province and the mother country. This motion was negatived by a large majority; and the house then went into committee on the sixth resolution, which declared the necessity of maintaining inviolate the privileges conferred by an act of parliament on the North American Loan Company. Mr. Roebuck moved as an amendment, deferring all resolutions on the subject of the land company "until an inquiry shall have been instituted into the circumstances under which the land held by that company had been obtained." The company found supporters in Lord Stanley, Sir George Grey, and Mr. Robinson; and even Mr. Grote, and others of the radical section, declined voting for the amendment. On a division the resolution was carried by one hundred and sixty-six against six; and this closed the discussion on this subject in the house of commons. On the 1st of May the resolutions were communicated to the house of lords in a conference.

The subject was brought before the house of lords by Lord Glenelg on the 9th of May, in a speech of considerable length, but which contained the same arguments which had been so frequently urged in favour of the resolutions in the house of commons. The resolutions were supported by Lord Ripon, although he objected to the wording of the fourth resolution, in which it was declared that "in the existing state" of Lower Canada, it was not advisable to introduce the elective principle into the formation of the legislative council. The inference from this mode of expression was, that a state of things might arise when it would be considered advisable to do so; but he could not acquiesce in the principle under any circumstances. The only opposition to the resolutions came from Lord Brougham, who objected to them entirely, as well to the principles as to the policy of them. His lordship chiefly dwelt upon the violation of the Canadian constitution by the advance of moneys, without the consent of the house of assembly. Under the eighth resolution it was intended to replace the L30,000 advanced out of the military chest, to provide the means of defraying colonial expenses. Lord Aberdeen remarked that Lord Brougham, who seemed so shocked at the idea of interfering with the rights of the assembly, had himself been a member of that government which made this advance; and the house of assembly had designated it as a monstrous, and unconstitutional interference, and had prayed that an impeachment might be instituted against the noble and learned lord, and his late colleagues, for committing it. The resolutions were agreed to without a division, Lord Brougham alone saying, "Not content."



STATE OF THE BANKING SYSTEM, ETC.

At this time there was a general impression that there was something in the constitution of the joint-stock banks, that imperatively called for legislative interference. This, indeed, was one of the subjects immediately pressed upon the investigation of parliament, by the speech of the lords commissioners at the opening of the session. In the preceding session a select committee had been appointed to consider the state of the law in reference to this subject. This committee began its inquiries in the month of May, and continued them till the close of the session. In their report to the house, they stated that they saw so many difficulties in the way of immediate legislation, and so many objections to imperfect legislation, that they would content themselves with merely recommending that the committee should be revived in the following session. On the 6th of February the chancellor of the exchequer made a motion to that effect, on which occasion he observed that he did not mean in any way to anticipate the decision of the committee; but he should be greatly misconceived, if it were supposed that his motion was made in hostility to the general principle of joint-stock banks. It had been suggested, he said, that the range of inquiry should be extended; but he considered the subjects already before them were sufficiently complicated and difficult, without the committee embarrassing themselves with other and still more delicate matters of investigation. He should, however, propose the extension of the committee's inquiries to Ireland; and with that view would move the addition to its number of four Irish members, two from each side of the house. Mr. Hume expressed himself satisfied that the source of the difficulty lay, not in the conduct of the joint-stock banks, but in that of the Bank of England; and he was therefore anxious that the inquiries of the committee should be extended to the proceedings of that establishment, and generally to the banking system of the country. The conduct of the Bank of England, he contended, should form a principal object of investigation; and he moved as an amendment, "that there be an inquiry into the state of banking, and the causes for the changes of the circulation since the year 1833." Mr. Williams seconded the amendment, and urged that the Bank of England had displayed a more reckless disregard of the interests of the country than had ever been shown by any public body intrusted with the management of its financial resources. On the 28th of December, 1833, the issues of the Bank were L32,600,000, and their stock L10,000,000. On the 28th of March, 1835, a reduction appeared on those issues of no less than four millions and a half. Nine months afterwards of the same year, there appeared an increased issue of nearly nine millions, being more than one-fourth of their circulation. What was the consequence? Such an advance in prices, that in September last the cost of every article of import was raised from forty to one hundred per cent. This caused a falling off of trade. Then again in January last the circulation of the Bank of England was L31,000,000, and they had four millions to pay that amount, being little more than half-a-crown in the pound to meet their engagements. The directors professed to have discovered that the true principle for regulating their issues was to keep gold to the amount of one-third of those issues; in so doing they would be safe. But had they acted upon that principle? At that moment, instead of having one-third, they had only about one-seventh or one-eighth of their issues in gold. Mr. Gisborne took a similar view of the conduct of the Bank of England, and urged the necessity of an inquiry into it by the committee, if, at least, any inquiry into the banking system was at all necessary. For his own part he did not think it was; it would only lead to expectations which it would be impossible to satisfy. The debate was closed by the chancellor of the exchequer, who objected to an extended inquiry, and on a division, the original motion was carried by one hundred and twenty-one to forty-two.



CONSIDERATION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF ENGLAND UNDER THE WHIG ADMINISTRATION.

There was no part of the conduct of the Whig administration which had been made the subject of more incessant attack than that which related to their foreign policy. This session the line of policy followed by Lord Palmerston in reference to Spain afforded a subject for declamation against him and his coadjutors in the government. At this time British soldiers were fighting in that country without the protection of the British flag, exposed to all the shame and hardships of a disastrous and disgraceful war. In the midst of the public anxiety on this subject, it was brought forward in the house of commons by Lord Mahon, who had been under-secretary for foreign affairs during Sir Robert Peel's administration. His lordship began by expressing a want of confidence in government, and especially in Lord Palmerston: the country, he said, had too long reposed a confidence in his exertions, to which he was neither entitled by prudence nor success. He complained that the public had been kept in a state of ignorance as to whether they were in peace or at war: in his opinion it was a peace without tranquillity, and a war without honour. The object of the quadruple alliance had been to appease the civil dissensions in Portugal; not to sanction the intervention of France and England in Spain. He did not object to this, but he lamented the policy which led to the additional articles signed in 1834, which stipulated for a certain degree of interference. The Duke of Wellington, during the four months he had been in office, had acted up to the spirit of those articles, as he was bound to do; but Lord Palmerston had thought proper to proceed still further, in suspending the foreign enlistment act, and allowing twelve thousand Englishmen to enlist under the banners of the queen. Lord Mahon went on to contrast our position throughout the peninsular campaign. The great object had then been to drive the French out of the Peninsula, an object which had been sanctioned by all our greatest statesmen for more than a century and a half. Lord Palmerston had, however, departed from this line of policy. Count Mole, the prime minister of France, said in the chamber of deputies that "Lord Palmerston considered that circumstances justified the co-operation of France; and that in March, 1836, he notified to General Sebastiani, that it was his intention to land a certain force of marines on the coast of Spain, and invited France to join in that co-operation." At the same time he had offered France the occupation of the port of Passages, and left to her own option the mode and extent of co-operation. M. Thiers had, however, declined the invitation. Next came the revolution of La Grunja, and soon after that event, an increased force was sent to relieve 'Bilboa. More than L540,000 had already been expended in the war, and all the accounts were not as yet sent in. In Lord Mahon's opinion, the influence of Great Britain in Spain had not been augmented by these measures; and in proof of it, he quoted a memorial presented by the British merchants of Alicant, complaining that their interests had been neglected; and that while England carried away three-fourths of the produce of Spain, that country took very little in return. To illustrate still further the decline of our influence with the court of Madrid, Lord Mali on alluded to a tax imposed on British subjects. "For the liberation of the king," originally levied during the captivity of King Ferdinand. This impost had been kept up though the king was now dead. There were other grievances of a similar kind: the only one redressed was a tax on military quarters, which had been ceded to the English residents. Lord Mahon concluded by calling Lord Palmerston's attention to the provinces of Biscay and Navarre, which had been deprived of their legal rights and privileges; and by stating that in bringing the subject forward, he was not actuated by any partiality for the character of Don Carlos, or any desire of advocating his claims on the crown of Spain. Mr. Cutlar Fergusson, while he admired the moderate and gentlemanly tone of Lord Mahon's speech, yet differed from his views. He defended the alteration which Ferdinand had made in the succession, and which had been approved of by the Cortes, while they looked upon Don Carlos as a pretender. The question for the house was whether this country was not justified in abiding by the terms of the quadripartite treaty. We had done no more, he said, till Don Carlos had published the edict of Durango: after that infamous act an important article had been appended to the treaty, stipulating that arms and stores should be supplied for the maintenance of the war, and, if necessary, a naval force. Mr. Gaily Knight also dissented from Mr. Fergusson's views; while Mr. Fenton expressed his disapprobation of Lord Palmerston's policy. Lord Francis Egerton said that in his opinion we were not the proper judges of the value of those rights and privileges for which the Basques were contending; if they themselves held them dear, every Englishman must feel a sympathy in their cause. Mr. Fergusson had admitted, that could we have foreseen the failure of the Spanish generals, it would have altered the question as to the policy of suspending the foreign enlistment act: were not ministers culpable for such a want of foresight? Surely Lord Palmerston and his colleagues might have distinguished between Spain in the sixteenth century, when her troops were the first in Europe, and Spain during the peninsular war. Had not Lord Palmerston been in office during the war of independence? And had not its records taught him something of Spanish generals and Spanish promises? At any rate, a glance at the pages of a Napier, or a word from the Duke of Wellington would have enlightened him on the subject. Mr. Cutlar Fergusson explained, and Mr. Poulter protested against the doctrine which stigmatized the conduct of government as intervention. Mr. Grove Price defended the character of Don Carlos from the aspersions which had been cast upon it, but he did not attempt to contradict or justify the fact that the Don had issued the edict of Durango; and that, in virtue of the same, some English soldiers had already been executed. He concluded with a tribute to his virtue and magnanimity: so far was he from desiring to establish the Inquisition, that his prime-minister, the Bishop of Leon, had spent his whole life in writing against it, and had obtained a decree from his sovereign for its abolition. This was denied by Mr. O'Connell, whom Mr. Grove Price allowed to be a competent judge, because he was acquainted with the Bishop of Leon. He added, "If it were supposed that Don Carlos admitted Mr. O'Connell to his councils, then no English Protestant gentleman would for a moment countenance the pretensions of that sovereign."

Lord Palmerston ably defended the policy of government. He added, if he could contribute to the establishment of the same happy things in Spain as existed in Belgium and Portugal, he should esteem it a proud satisfaction to the latest hour of his life. Sir Robert Peel complained of the line of argument which had been adopted by Lord Palmerston. He, for one, he said, openly disavowed all participation in the principles, or sympathy with the cause of Don Carlos. He would not say that the objects of British policy would be advanced by the success of that prince; and he begged most distinctly to state that he wished to see Spain in the settled enjoyment of a free and enlightened form of civil government. His belief was, however, that the course adopted by ministers was defeating its professed objects; it was obstructing the cause of improvement, and was calculated neither to raise our own character as a nation, nor to gain the affections of Spain. Mr. O'Connell spoke against Don Carlos, dwelling at length upon the atrocities which had been committed by his partisans.

Lord Mahon did not press any motion on the house, he being satisfied with the expression of opinion that had taken place. Within a fortnight after the debate the news of the defeat at Hernani arrived; and the political opponents of government eagerly embraced this opportunity of renewing the discussion. Immediately after the Easter recess, Sir Henry Hardinge gave notice of a motion on the subject, which motion he brought forward on the 18th of April. He moved an address to the king, "praying his majesty not to renew the order in council of the 10th of June, 1835, granting permission to British subjects to enlist in the service of the Queen of Spain, which order in council would expire on the 10th of June next following; and praying also that directions be given that his majesty's marine forces shall not be employed in the civil contests now prevailing in Spain, otherwise than in that naval co-operation which his majesty has engaged to afford, if necessary, under the stipulations of the treaty." The motion was seconded by Sir Stratford Canning, who argued that the terms of the quadruple treaty did not justify the interference which government had sanctioned. On the other hand Lord Leveson contended that government had gained great credit on the continent by the part they had taken in the affairs of the Peninsula. Mr. Charles Wood defended ministers: it was not uncommon, he said, for British officers to enter into the service of foreign powers. Mr. O'Connell remarked on the eagerness with which the recent disasters of the legion had been seized upon by gentlemen on the opposite side. The actions in which they had clone honour to the British name were forgotten: nothing was said of their victories; but not a moment was lost in bringing forward their defeat. On the second night of the debate, Sir Robert Inglis adverted to the imputation which had been cast against his party—that they were the enemies of the church of Rome in their own country, but its friends in every other—from its association with despotism. He disclaimed any such feeling on their part. Mr. Ward considered that opposition tried this question merely by the test of success. Why did not Sir Henry Hardinge bring forward his motion soon after the victory at Bilboa? This was the first time that he had heard in the house of commons the misfortunes of an ally urged as a reason for abandoning him. No doubt the legion had suffered a defeat; but not such as to disable their continuance of the contest. General Evans had admitted his losses; yet it was at this moment that an old brother officer in arms had chosen to aggravate his difficulties, and to cast against him the weight of his authority in military matters. In reply to the imputation as to the motives in bringing forward the motion at this particular time, Lord Mahon contended that he and his friends had hitherto exercised the utmost forbearance on the subject. He contended, further, that the country had a right to know whether there was any limit to the expense which we might be called upon to incur: twenty millions might be required by Spain; and did the treaty oblige us to furnish that sum? Dr. Lushington followed, and endeavoured to show that the naval co-operation which we had afforded was precisely that contemplated by the treaty. It could not be supposed that the British fleet was to encounter that of Don Carlos, and drive it off the seas; the only object could be a naval warfare along the coast. He considered the existence of the present government depended on this motion: if the reformed parliament of Great Britain should now abandon those principles of liberty and independence which they had hitherto advocated, the news would be hailed at St. Petersburg by bonfires. Mr. Grove Price supported the motion, and Mr. Shiel opposed it. The latter argued that the government had put a right construction on the stipulations of the quadruple treaty; and he entered into a long apology for the ill success of General Evans, and for the excesses and insubordination of his troops. With respect to the naval co-operation of the mariners, he referred to their motto, Per mare 'per terras, as of itself setting that question at rest. He continued:—"But it is alleged that the measures of the government have not produced any good result. I ask if those measures had not been adopted, what would have befallen the Spanish people? Would not Bilboa have been taken by assault, and the standard of Don Carlos at this moment have been floating from the castle of St Sebastian? Or try the allegation by another test. Let me suppose this motion carried. The courier that will convey the intelligence will carry tidings of great joy to St. Petersburg, to Vienna, to Berlin; and he will convey tidings of great dismay wherever men value the possession of liberty, or pant for its enjoyment. It will palsy the arm of freedom in Spain—a terrible revulsion will be produced: from Calpe to the Pyrenees the cry, 'We are betrayed by England!' will be heard; and over that nation which you indeed have betrayed, Don Carlos will march without an obstacle to Madrid." In conclusion, Mr. Shiel said:—"I have heard it asked whether it be befitting that in Spain, the theatre of so many of their best exploits, British soldiers should give way before bands of mountain peasants? I feel the force of that question; but there is another which I venture to put to every man who hears me, and, above all, to the gallant officer by whom the motion has been brought forward: I invoke the same recollections; I appeal to the same glorious remembrances, and in the name of those scenes, of which he was not only an eye-witness, but a sharer, I ask, whether it be befitting that in that land, consecrated as it is in the annals of England's glory, a terrible, remorseless, relentless despotism should be established; and that the throne which England saved should be filled by the tyrant by whom your own countrymen, after the heat of battle, have been savagely and deliberately murdered? Never! the people of this country are averse, indeed, to wanton and unnecessary war; but where the honour of England is at stake, there is no consequence which they are not prepared to meet—no hazard which they will not be prompt to encounter." The debate was protracted by another adjournment to a third night.

Lord Palmerston, who had been repeatedly called upon in the course of the debates, at length arose to defend government from the imputations of their opponents. The manner, he said, in which the question had been dealt with by opposition was not fitted to impress other people with a notion that their own convictions were very strong in respect to it. Having made a few observations on the conduct of General Evans, on the sufferings of the British soldiers, and on the atrocities which had been committed, he came to the question of the quadruple treaty. Every one knew, he said, under what circumstances, and for what purpose it was concluded. The most superficial observer must have perceived that the change that had been made in the accession to the Spanish throne, though accompanied by every circumstance cf legality and regularity, yet laid the foundation for a great revolution in that country. It was not merely the substitution of an infant female for a grown man; out of that change must spring a great alteration in the internal constitutions of Spain, and a change too in the tendencies of its external policy. What happened on the death of Ferdinand? A Spanish minister came to London to request of the English government a force to assist in expelling Don Miguel from Portugal. This was refused; but we said:—"Though we will not give you an army, we will give you a treaty." Accordingly, we joined with the three "great powers" of the west of Europe in one alliance. This was the quadruple treaty; and such was its effect, that even before the ratifications were exchanged, Don Miguel's army of twelve thousand men laid down their arms, and the two pretenders abandoned Portugal. Then came the escape of Don Carlos, and his placing himself at the head of the insurgents in the Basque provinces. The four contracting parties considered the treaty to be fully in force, and that it was only necessary to prepare new articles in order to provide for the altered circumstances of the war, which articles, however, should be considered merely as complementary of the original treaty. The noble lord proceeded to defend the manner in which those articles had been carried into execution; and, in conclusion, he observed, that however skilfully the question before them might be disguised, it involved no less than, whether England should continue to fulfil her engagement with the Queen of Spain, or should disgracefully abandon an ally whom she had pledged herself to succour. But this was far short of the real and ultimate tendency of the motion. The contest now waging in Spain was but a portion of that great conflict which was going on elsewhere throughout the world. The house had to decide that night between two opposite systems of foreign policy. Even these were not isolated principles, which might be taken or neglected by themselves: they were intimately connected with, and affected also our domestic interests. The object of the one party was to support Don Carlos and despotism; the other to uphold Isabella and the constitution. Sir Robert Peel replied to Lord Palmerston, reproducing the arguments and facts already urged; and the discussion was closed by Lord John Russell, who defended the existing state of our foreign relations, by contrasting it with that in which they had been left by the right honourable baronet and his friends in 1830, when they quitted office. On a division Sir Henry Hardinge's motion was rejected by two hundred and seventy-eight against two hundred and forty-two. The same subject was brought under the consideration of the lords, April 21st, by Lord Alvanley, in a motion for the dispatches of Lord John Hay relative to the affair at Hernani.

A circumstance occurred which brought the state of our relations with Russia under the attention of parliament. A mercantile house, Messrs. Bell, of London, had fitted out a vessel laden with goods for the coast of Circassia. On attempting to land her cargo she was seized by a Russian man-of-war and confiscated, first, on the ground of the violation of the blockade, to which the Russian government had subjected the whole of the Circassian coast; and, secondly, for an alleged violation of the custom-house regulations established by the same authority in the ports of that country. This proceeding of the Russian government was generally denounced as unjustifiable; and the subject was brought before parliament on the 17th of March by Mr. Roebuck, who moved for copies of all the correspondence which had taken place between the British and Russian government on this transaction. Lord Palmerston entered into a lengthy statement of the occurrence; but the papers were refused, on the ground that the question was still under negotiation. Mr. Roebuck repeated his inquiries on the subject, when Lord Palmerston stated that, upon a full consideration of all the circumstances of the case, the government had come to the conclusion that there was no room for making any further demand upon the Russian government. Another matter, in which our relations with Russia were concerned, was brought before the house of commons on the 22nd of March by Lord Dudley, who inquired of Lord Palmerston whether any consular agent had been appointed to the state of Cracow. Lord Dudley Stuart said, that in the preceding session a motion had been made by the member for Lancaster for an address to the king, praying that his majesty would appoint a consul to reside in that city; and that the noble secretary for foreign affairs had stated that it was the intention of government to make such appointment, on which the motion for an address was withdrawn. *Lord Palmerston admitted the correctness of this statement. It had been his intention, he said, to send a consular agent to Cracow; but he had since been induced to depart from his purpose, finding that greater difficulties would attend it than he had anticipated. His lordship did not state what those difficulties were, and the house seems not to have thought it expedient to press the government further upon the subject.

A more important point of our foreign policy considered this session was the situation of the province of Texas. On the 9th of March, Mr. Barlow Hay moved for "copies of all correspondence which had taken place between our government and those of Mexico and of the United States on this subject;" stating at the same time his sense of its importance, and the suspicions he entertained of the ambitious project of the American government in respect to it. Lord Palmerston admitted the importance of the subject, and its claim on the anxious attention both of the government and the public; but he resisted the production of the papers moved for, and on a division the motion was rejected by a majority of forty-one to twenty-eight.



MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NATION.

{WILLIAM IV. 1836—1837}

At this time the state of public affairs was such as to induce Mr. Roebuck to bring the subject before parliament. On the 9th of June, when the order of the day had been moved for the second reading of the Irish tithe bill, Mr. Roebuck moved an amendment that the house should resolve itself into a committee for considering the state of the nation. He made some observations upon the extraordinary position in which the representatives of the people were placed. Two bills had been sent to the other house of parliament, but they were told that the house of lords would not take them into consideration until something had been done by that house to please them. He contended that there was no government in the country: ministers were no longer in the position in which they were at the beginning of the session. They stated then that they would place their existence as ministers on the fate of the Irish corporation bill. What had become of that bill? It was laid on the shelf till the lords knew what that house was about. The other house virtually said, "If you do not what we like, we will not pass your bill." What good could be got from playing over the farce of discussing the Irish tithe bill? Did they not know that if it passed that house, defeat awaited it elsewhere. Ministers, in fact, were useless for good purposes; and as far as the people were concerned, they were mischievous. Mr. Roebuck's motion was seconded by Colonel Thompson, who said that ministers had started with a large stock of popular energy in their favour; but, in their fear of the boiler bursting, they had let the fire go out. Like Spanish generals, they had always one eye in their own camp, and the other in the enemy's; and all their efforts were paralysed by their fear of being too successful. Their situation had become desperate: if any event in the chapter of human accidents should fall out to give them a reprieve, the only consequences would be, that as they had dwindled, dwindled before, they would dwindle, dwindle again. There was no stock of good luck which such conduct would not run out. It was clear what was coming: the Tories must return to power. How long they would stay there was another question; but their return was a phasis, a phenomenon which ministers had rendered it inevitable to go through. Mr. O'Connell eschewed the doctrines of Mr. Roebuck and Colonel Thompson. It was his duty, he said, in the name of the people of Ireland, to protest against his majesty's government being blamed for not doing more. Government had the confidence and the affections of the people; and whatever might be the opinions of others, he, for one, hoped that they would long continue to occupy their present situations. Lord John Russell, in reply, disclaimed any community of sentiment with Mr. Roebuck in the constitutional views he had broached, either in reference to church or state. He was decidedly opposed to the voluntary system, and to the abolition of the house of lords. As for the doctrine of the honourable member for Bath, that men of moderation and compromise never succeed in establishing anything good or useful, his lordship said it was, on the contrary, his decided conviction that to the moderation and mediation between violent or extreme opinions on both sides, which had been exercised by Lord Somers, and the great Whig leaders at the Revolution, the country was indebted for all her subsequent prosperity. In reference to Mr. Roebuck's reproach against ministers for not having conciliated the dissenters and popular favour generally by adopting the voluntary principle in church matters, his lordship said that such a course would not have that effect: his own opinion was not in favour of the voluntary system, and he believed that the people of this country were, like himself, still attached to the established church. The opposition, properly so called, took no part in this discussion, and Mr. Roebuck's motion was negatived without a division. The discussion proved one great fact, namely, that between the extremes of opposition, the Whigs might for a long period maintain their places on the treasury benches; but at the same time they could not but feel embarrassment in a position which left them dependent on their opponents, now on the Radicals and now on the Tories. Had it been possible for the two to have united on any great question, the Whig ministry would soon have been no more; but oil and water might almost as soon have commingled, as the Tories and the Radicals agree.



ILLNESS AND DEATH OF THE KING—REMARKS ON HIS CHARACTER.

Ever since his accession to the throne, the king's health had in general been good. In the course of the present spring, however, symptoms of decline began to show themselves; and they increased so rapidly, that by the beginning of June his situation became one of serious alarm to his family. His majesty continued to transact business, but it was under such oppressive weakness, that it was clear to his medical attendants that his end was approaching. There was no active disease, indeed, but a general languor and weakness, which foretokened dissolution. His last days were spent in preparing for eternity; nothing seemed to give him greater pleasure than the presence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who attended him, and from whose hands he received the sacrament. His deportment at this solemn ceremony, as related by a church dignitary, was fully edifying. He says:—"His majesty had already experienced the blessed consolations of religion, and removed the doubts his anxious attendants were entertaining, by eagerly desiring the queen to send for the archbishop, seeming, as it were, anxious to ratify the discharge of his earthly by the performance of his spiritual duties. His grace promptly attended, attired in his robes, and at a quarter to eleven administered the sacrament to his majesty and the queen, Lady Mary Fox communicating at the same time. The king was very calm and collected; his faculties were quite clear, and he paid the greatest attention to the service, following it in the prayer-book, which lay on the table before him. His voice indeed failed, but his humble demeanour and uplifted eyes gave expression to the feeling of devotion and of gratitude to the Almighty which his faltering lips refused to utter. The performance of this act of religion, and this public attestation of his communion with that church, for the welfare and prosperity of which he had more than once during his illness ejaculated short but fervent prayers, was the source of great and manifest comfort to his majesty. Though the shorter form had been adopted by the archbishop, his majesty was nevertheless rather exhausted by the duration and solemnity of the ceremony; but as his grace retired, the king said, with that peculiar kindness of manner by which he was so much distinguished, and at the same time gently moving his hand and inclining his head, 'God bless you! a thousand, thousand thanks!' There cannot be more certain evidence of the inward strength and satisfaction which the king derived from this office of religion than that, in spite of great physical exertion, his majesty, after the lapse of an hour, again requested the attendance of the archbishop, who, in compliance with the wishes of the queen, read the prayer for the evening service, with the happiest effect on the king's spirits. This being done, the archbishop, naturally fearing the consequences of so much mental exertion on his majesty's debilitated frame, was about to retire, when the king motioned him to sit down at the table, on the opposite side of which he himself was seated. His majesty was too weak to hold any conversation, but his spirits seemed soothed and comforted by the presence of the archbishop, on whose venerable, benign countenance his majesty's eye reposed with real pleasure. The king at this interview stretched his hand across the table, and taking that of the archbishop, pressed it fervently, saying in a tone of voice which was only audible to the queen, who was seated near his majesty, 'I am sure the archbishop is one of those persons who pray for me.' The afternoon of this day witnessed a still further diminution of his majesty's strength; but in proportion to the decay of his bodily power, was the increase of his spiritual hope and consolation. At nine o'clock in the evening the archbishop was again summoned by his majesty's desire. The king was now still less able to converse than on the last occasion; but his grace remained more than three quarters of an hour, supplying by his presence the same comfort to the king, and receiving from his majesty the same silent though expressive proof of his satisfaction and gratitude. At length, on the suggestion of the queen that it was already late, and the archbishop might become fatigued, the king immediately signified his assent that he should retire; and crossing his hands upon his breast, and inclining his head, said, as his grace left the room, 'God bless thee, dear, excellent, worthy man! a thousand, thousand thanks!'" This was on Sunday, the 18th of June, the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo, which the king remembered, expressing his desire that the Duke of Wellington should hold his usual banquet on the morrow. That was the day on which his majesty breathed his last. He had spent a tranquil night, but no corresponding effect was produced upon his health. Decaying nature could no longer be recruited by ordinary sources of strength and sustenance. His majesty rose at seven o'clock, for during his illness he had not been wholly confined to his bed, but there was much in his language and manner which bespoke his sense of approaching death. "I shall get up once more," he said to the queen, "to do the business of the country." After joining in the service for the visitation of the sick, performed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, in which his majesty's demeanour was characterised by the most genuine spirit of devotion. Sir Herbert Taylor was summoned, and was directed to get all things ready. As it was Monday, however, there were no papers, and consequently there was no business to transact. In the evening the archbishop visited his majesty for the last time: at half-past ten the king was seized with a fainting fit, on which he was removed into his bed, and from this time his voice was not heard, except to pronounce the name of his valet. In less than an hour death reigned in the palace of the English monarchs. His majesty expired without a struggle, and without a groan, the queen kneeling at the bedside and still affectionately holding his hand, unwilling to believe the reality of the sad event. "Thus expired, in the seventy-third year of his age, in firm reliance on the merits of his Redeemer, King William IV., a just and upright king, a forgiving enemy, a sincere friend, and a most gracious and indulgent master."

Few monarchs, indeed, have possessed the love of their subjects in a greater degree than King William IV. By the common consent of all parties he had the welfare of his country truly at heart. There was but one opinion of his character, and that was expressive of his kindness and amiability. He does not appear to have had a personal enemy in the world, although he sanctioned measures to which a large section of the community were inimical: this is praise as singular as it is high when applied to a king. His intellectual faculties may not have been of a superior order; but he had what more than counterbalanced this defect—a heart which beat high with love for his country.



CONTINUATION

OF

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

By E. H. Nolan



CHAPTER XLVIII.

{VICTORIA. 1837—1838}

The Accession of Queen Victoria..... The Queen's Message to both Houses: Eulogies of the late Sovereign in both Houses of Parliament..... Bill for providing the Succession to the Crown..... The Budget, &c...... Alterations in the Criminal Law, &c...... Prorogation of Parliament..... State of Parties and Elections..... City Banquet to the Queen..... Opening of the New Parliament..... The Subject of the Civil List debated..... The Subject of the Pension List..... Intelligence from Canada: Discussion on the Subject..... Adjournment of the House..... State of the Continent



THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA.

{A.D. 1837}

On the arrival of the news in town of the death of King William, orders were immediately issued for summoning a privy-council, which was assembled before noon on Tuesday, at the palace of Kensington. At this council directions were given for proclaiming Queen Victoria, and the act of allegiance was signed by all present, the first name on the list being that of "Ernest, King of Hanover." When the ceremony of signing the act of allegiance had been performed, the queen made the following declaration to the country:—"The severe and afflicting loss which the nation has sustained by the death of his majesty, my beloved uncle, has devolved upon me the duty of administering the government of this empire. This awful responsibility is imposed upon me so suddenly, and at so early a period of my life, that I should feel myself utterly oppressed by the burden, were I not sustained by the hope that Divine Providence, which has called me to this work, will give me strength for the performance of it: and that I shall find in the purity of my intentions, and in my zeal for the public welfare, that support and those resources which usually belong to a more mature age, and to long experience. I place my firm reliance on the wisdom of parliament, and upon the loyalty and affection of my people. I esteem it also a peculiar advantage, that I succeed to a sovereign whose constant regards for the rights and liberties of his subjects, and whose desire to promote the amelioration of the laws and institutions of the country, have rendered his name the object of general attachment and veneration. Educated in England, under the tender and enlightened care of a most affectionate mother, I have learned from my infancy to respect and love the constitution of my native country. It will be my unceasing study to maintain the reformed religion as by law established, securing at the same time to all the full enjoyment of religious liberty. And I shall steadily protect the rights, and promote to the utmost of my power the happiness and welfare of all classes of my subjects." On this occasion her majesty is described as displaying extraordinary self-possession: the dignified composure and firmness of voice with which she pronounced the above declaration were indeed a theme of admiration with those who were present at the scene. Thus commenced the reign of Queen Victoria over the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland.

One effect of the descent of the crown to a female was the separation from it of Hanover, after an union which had lasted for nearly a century and a quarter. This abscission of territory, however, was scarcely noticed; it hardly called forth an observation in the newspapers, much less an expression of regret—a proof of the little value attached in this country to foreign dominion as a source of wealth or strength.



THE QUEEN'S MESSAGE TO BOTH HOUSES—EULOGIES OF THE LATE SOVEREIGN IN BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.

On the news of the death of the king both houses of parliament were immediately summoned to meet. On that and the following day, however, the administration of the oath of allegiance to the members, formed the only business transacted. On Thursday, the 22nd, Lord Melbourne brought the following message from the queen to the house of lords:—"Victoria Regina. The queen entertains the fullest confidence that the house of lords will participate in the deep affliction which her majesty feels in the death of the late king, whose constant desire to promote the interests, to maintain the liberties, and to improve the laws and institutions of the country, must ensure for his name and memory the dutiful and affectionate respect of all her majesty's subjects. The present state of public business, and the period of the session, when considered in connection with the law which imposes on her majesty the duty of summoning a new parliament within a limited time, renders it inexpedient in the judgment of her majesty, that any new measures should be recommended for your adoption, with the exception of such as may be requisite for carrying on the public service from the close of the present session to the meeting of the new parliament." Upon this occasion the leaders of all parties in parliament expressed their strong sense of the sterling and amiable qualities of the departed monarch. Lord Melbourne lamented the loss of a most gracious master, and said that the world had lost a man of the best intentions, the most uncompromising honour, and the strictest integrity. After adverting to the naval education of the late king, to the part which he had occasionally taken in the debates of that house, Lord Melbourne moved an address of condolence to her majesty upon the death of the late king, and of congratulation upon her accession to the throne. This was carried unanimously. Another proposition also was carried with unanimity, to the effect that an address of condolence be sent to her majesty the queen dowager, assuring her majesty of the sympathy which the house entertained for her loss. Lord John Russell brought the same message to the commons, moving a similar address in reply.



BILL FOR PROVIDING THE SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN.

A bill for providing for the contingency of another demise of the crown was brought into the upper house by the lord chancellor on the 3rd of July. Its object was to make provision for the carrying on of the executive government, in such an event, during the possible absence of the heir presumptive from the country. The bill provided that certain great officers of state, namely, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the lord-chancellor, the lord-treasurer, the president of the council, the lord privy seal, the lord high admiral, and the chief-justice of the Queen's Bench at the time being respectively, should act as lords-justices, to exercise all the powers and authorities of the successor of the crown, as a king would exercise them at present, until his arrival in the kingdom, or until he should otherwise order. The bill also provided that the heir presumptive to the throne might at any time deposit a list—which list was revocable at pleasure—of such persons as he might appoint to act with such justices, and to be considered as part of them; and the persons named in that list were to exercise, in common with the lords already named, the functions of royalty, until the successor to the throne should otherwise determine. By another provision in the bill, however, the powers of the lords-justices were restricted to those only which were necessary to carry on the government of the country. They were not to have the power of dissolving parliament; nor of creating peers; nor of giving the royal assent to any bill altering the succession to the throne; or for changing the established religion of England, Scotland, or Ireland. The bill passed almost unanimously through both houses of parliament, Lord Brougham only urging an objection against the omission of any portion of the royal family in the lists of lords-justices named in the bill. His lordship even made this omission the subject of a protest entered in the journals of the house. His lordship began at this time to display an obstructive disposition towards the government with which he had so long acted. He had proved that his exaltation to the office of lord-chancellor had inflated his vanity, and made him so self-willed and crotchetty as to render co-operation with him either in the government of the country, or in conducting bills through the legislature, next to impossible.



THE BUDGET, ETC.

On the 30th of June the chancellor of the exchequer made his yearly financial statement. After adverting to the embarrassments which had beset the commerce of the country since the close of the preceding session, he proceeded to state the actual income and expenditure of the country, as compared with the estimate he had formed of its probable amount in the course of the last session. He had calculated, he said, that the customs would produce L20,540,000; the actual receipt was L21,445,000; the excise he had taken at L14,150,000; the actual income was, L14,439,000: the stamps he had calculated at L7,000,000; the receipts were L7,100,000: the assessed taxes he estimated at L3,575,000; they produced L3,681,000: the post-office revenue he had reckoned at L1,450,000; it amounted to L1,618,000. On the whole the income, which on the data then before him he had calculated at L46,980,000, produced L48,453,000. Mr. Rice then proceeded to state the expenditure, with reference to which he had fortunately, he said, rather under than over-estimated the probable income for the present year, as otherwise government would have become embarrassed. He had taken the interest on the funded debt at L28,528,000; the actual payment was L28,537,000: other charges upon the consolidated fund, exclusive of the West India slave-compensation, he took at L2,092,000; the actual charge was L2,183,000. With respect to the army, navy, ordnance, and miscellaneous estimates of the year, he had taken them at L14,585, but that estimate was taken before all the supplies of the year were voted: the sum actually required was L14,652,000. The estimated expenditure for the whole year, exclusive of the West India slave-compensation fund, was L45,205,000; the actual expenditure was L45,372,000. With respect to the West India loan, Mr. Rice said that he had reckoned we might be called upon to pay annually a sum of L1,111,000; but the call had on that score amounted to L1,448,342. The chancellor of the exchequer next proceeded to make several statements illustrative of the financial and commercial state of the country. He dwelt especially on the excess of the amount of tea duty in the last year over that received in former years, and observed that it was apparent that without any change of duty, the consumption of that article was increasing. Mr. Rice took the estimates for the year as follows:—the army, navy, ordnance, and miscellaneous, L14,895,000; and the charges upon the consolidated fund, and the interest upon the funded and unfunded debt which it was necessary to provide for the current year, L30,890,000. Thus the total expenditure for the current year was calculated at L45,786,000; but that was exclusive of the West India compensation, the amount of which would be L845,000. With respect to the probable amount of the income, Mr. Rice calculated it might amount in the whole to L47,240,000, which would leave a surplus of L1,454,000. When the interest of the West Indian loan, however, was deducted, the surplus would be diminished to L608,585; and that sum would be reduced by the payment necessary to be made to meet various deficiencies of former years; in fact, all the net surplus upon which they could calculate was L384,673. In conclusion, Mr. Rice made some observations on the increased interest now payable on the unfunded debt of the country, and on the general prospects of the nation. On the latter subject, he observed, that he had before him the means of showing that within the last two or three weeks the elements of improvement had been developing themselves in various parts, and that many of the most depressed branches of trade and manufactures were rapidly reviving. As a natural consequence of this the receipts of the revenue were improving, and the condition of the country was such as to inspire him with confidence. A reduction of taxation, he said, would materially assist that revival. He inferred this from the experiment he had made of lowering the duty on various articles of consumption, especially in the instances of glass and paper. The trade in these articles was now rapidly increasing; but with the present small balance of income on hand, it was impossible for him to propose any speculative reduction of taxation. A conversation followed this statement of the chancellor of the exchequer, and several members proposed various economical nostrums for the benefit of the country, but none of them met with the approbation of the house.



ALTERATIONS IN THE CRIMINAL LAW, ETC.

In 1833, a royal commission had been issued for the purpose of inquiring how far it might be expedient to reduce the written and unwritten law of the country into one digest, and to report on the best manner of doing it. A report was made on this subject in 1834; and while the commissioners were occupied in carrying, in some degree, their own recommendations in respect of it into effect, they were further called upon by government to state their opinions on the subject of the employment of counsel by prisoners, and on the punishment of death. In their second report, which was made in 1836, at great length, this was done, and one result was the bill which was passed in the preceding session, for allowing the assistance of counsel to prisoners in criminal cases. A more important result, however, was the introduction in the present session of a series of bills, having for their object the abolition in many instances of capital punishment. This subject had been brought before the house of commons on the 23rd of March by Lord John Russell, who argued that, if it were thought right that a change should take place in the law of the land on this head, it should be delayed as little as possible. Lord John Russell began by discussing the general doctrines advanced by Paley on the use of severity in criminal punishments, after which he gave some statistical details of capital condemnations in former years. He argued from these details that such a state of things gave a character of great uncertainty to the operation of the law, and rendered it less calculated to inspire that salutary dread in offenders which was the object of criminal punishment. His lordship proceeded to contend that there was no reason to apprehend an increase of crime from the abolition of the punishment of death in certain offences. He instanced the crime of forgery, which, with the exception of the cases of the forgery of powers of attorney and of bills, was now only punishable by transportation. The number of persons committed for this offence in the three years previous to 1833, was one hundred and fifty-five; and in the three following years two hundred and ten. In the first instance only fifty-eight per cent, were convicted; in the latter period the number convicted was seventy-one per cent. From this it appeared that there was no great increase in the number of offences, while the number of convictions was materially increased. The reason of this last effect of the present, criminal law was to be ascribed to the diminished reluctance to prosecute now that the offence was no longer capital. His lordship here stated that in a recent case a man had been tried and convicted of forging a power of attorney. That offence was yet capital; but previously to the case coming before the king in council, the secretary of state received a communication from the bankers of London, expressing their objections to capital punishment: and also another from the governor of the Bank of England, stating, though the Bank directors did not think it their duty to interfere, they had no wish to press for capital punishment. His lordship considered this to be an encouragement to proceed in their course of mitigating the punishment, and particularly for doing away with it in the two reserved cases in forgery. The principle as suggested by the commissioners on which his lordship proposed to proceed was, that capital punishment should be confined to high treason, and, with some exceptions, to offences which consist in or are aggravated by acts of violence to the person, or which tend directly to endanger life. It was proposed that capital offences should be reduced to—1st, high treason; 2nd, murder; 3rd, attempt to murder; 4th, burnings of buildings or ships; 5th, piracy; 6th, burglary; 7th, robbery; 8th, rape. Arson, piracy, burglary, and robbery were to be capital offences only when committed under circumstances or accompanied by acts directly calculated to endanger life. The setting fire to stacks would be no longer a capital offence: the crime, his lordship said, was no doubt a heinous one; but the severity of the punishment had the effect of deterring prosecutions. On the secondary punishments which were to be substituted for capital condemnation, Lord John Russell expressed considerable doubt as to whether the present system of transportation ought to be continued. In theory it seemed desirable to remove an offender to a great distance from the scene of his crime; but the accounts of the practical working of the system were unsatisfactory. The four or five thousand persons annually sent to New South Wales were not absorbed by the population, but continued to form a large and separate vicious mass. Crime and vice were consequently on the increase in the settlement; and the continual importation of fresh cargoes of criminals threatened to aggravate the evils indefinitely. The punishment operated unequally on the convicts; it depended on the humour or temper of the masters whether their situation should be one of indulgence, or one of intolerable hardship. Moreover, there was no merit in the system on the score of economy, it cost the country from L350,000 to L400,000 annually. His lordship proposed, therefore, to abridge the number of cases of transportation, but to aggravate its operation in those which continued subject to it. No person should be transported for less than ten years, it having been found that the effect of a shorter period was to make the criminals insolent and unruly. The next period was to be for fifteen years, and the last for life. A certain hour of labour in the chain gangs was to be allotted to all the prisoners, and indulgences afforded them according to their good conduct. But these were merely suggestions; he did not in the present session intend to bring in any general measure with a view of carrying them into effect.

No opposition was given to the passing of the bills in the commons. They were brought into the upper house by Lord Denman, and the second reading was fixed for the 4th of July. The propositions were moved by Lord Denman, who alleged in their support similar facts and arguments to those urged in the commons by Lord John Russell. Lord Lyndhurst gave his full support to the principle and object of the bills; but he pointed out certain inconsistencies and anomalies of detail, which were subsequently rectified. The measures were likewise warmly advocated by Lord Brougham, who looked with confidence towards a general and effectual mitigation of the criminal code. Among the amendments which were made by the lords was one changing the term of imprisonment from five to three years, limiting the term of solitary confinement to a month at one time, and to not more than three months in a year, and the taking away the capital punishment for offences against the riot act. Thus amended, the bill passed the lords, and the amendments were afterwards agreed to unanimously by the commons.

An important alteration was made in this session, also, in the civil law of the country in respect of the forms to be observed in the execution of wills. This subject was introduced in the house of peers on the 23rd of February, by Lord Langdale, the master of the rolls. His lordship said that the general object of the measure was to collect the provisions of several statutes relating to wills into one act of parliament; and to make at the same time such modifications of these provisions as should afford additional securities for the prevention of spurious wills, and additional facilities for making genuine ones. His lordship proposed to allow the owner of copyholds and customary freeholds to dispose of them by will, which could not now be done. As the law stood, a person could only bequeath such real property as he was possessed of at the time of making his will; but his lordship said he would enable the testator to dispose of any he might acquire subsequently to the execution of the will. At present no person under the age of twenty-one could make a will: his lordship proposed to give the power of disposing of personal property to those who were beyond the age of seventeen. With respect to witnesses the bill would enact that in all cases the execution of the will must be attested by two, whether the property were real or personal. An executor would be admitted to give evidence of the validity of a will, which he could not do at present. Under the existing law it was not necessary that both the witnesses should be present at the same time; but the bill provided that the signature of the testator or his acknowledgment should be made in the presence of two witnesses, who should then attest it themselves. With respect to the revocation of wills, no alteration was proposed in the rule whereby a woman's will is set aside, by marriage; but it was proposed to alter the rule adopted from the ecclesiastical courts in modern times, whereby a man's will is considered as revoked by a subsequent marriage and the birth of a child. The bill finally provided for the due construction and effect of certain words. His lordship said that a legislative construction of words had been objected to; but, he argued, that when a rule of construction which plainly violated the lawful intention of testators had been established in the courts of law, there was no way of correcting it but by legislative interposition. The bill was warmly approved of by the leading law authorities in the upper house, and passed almost without discussion. In the commons, also, it met with general approbation; the only opposition came from Sir Robert Inglis, who objected to it chiefly on the ground of the expense which the mode of execution there enjoined would entail on the humbler class of testators. By abolishing holograph wills, and rendering two witnesses necessary, a resort to professional advice would become indispensable. The bill, however, was ably defended by the attorney-general; and it passed into law.



PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

The queen went in state to the house of lords, for the purpose of closing the session, on the 17th of July. On this occasion the speaker delivered an address to her majesty, in which, on behalf of the house of commons, he assured her of their cordial participation in "that strong and universal feeling of dutiful and affectionate attachment which prevailed among the free and loyal people of which they were the representatives, and expressed their trust that this feeling would be strengthened by a long course of constitutional, beneficent, and wise government." In recording the results of the session, the speaker expressly mentioned the acts for the abolition of capital punishments, &c.; and he expressed a hope that the important measures which had been recommended to parliament, and which had not yet been perfected, might be eventually adopted. The royal assent was then given to a number of public and private bills; after which her majesty thus addressed both houses of parliament:—

"My lords and gentlemen, I have been anxious to seize the first opportunity of meeting you, in order that I might repeat in person my cordial thanks for your condolence upon the death of his late majesty, and for the expression of attachment and affection with which you congratulated me upon my accession to the throne. I am very desirous of renewing the assurances of my determination to maintain the Protestant religion as established by law; to secure to all the free exercise of the rights of conscience; to protect the liberties, and to promote the welfare of all classes of the community. I rejoice that in ascending the throne I find the country in amity with all foreign powers; and while I faithfully perform the engagements of the crown, and carefully watch over the interests of my subjects, it will be the constant object of my solicitude to maintain the blessings of peace." Her majesty next thanked the house of commons for the liberal supplies which they had granted for the service of the year, as well as for the provision which they had made to meet the usual payments chargeable on the civil list. Addressing both houses again, the queen thanked them for the zeal and assiduity with which they had applied themselves to the public business of the country. Notwithstanding the melancholy interruption that had taken place in their labours, she trusted they would have the beneficial effect of advancing the progress of legislation in the new parliament. Her majesty expressed much pleasure in the mitigation of the severity of the criminal code; she hailed it as an auspicious commencement of her reign. In conclusion, her majesty said—"I ascend the throne with a deep sense of the responsibility which is imposed upon me; but I am supported by the consciousness of my own right intentions, and by my dependence upon the protection of Almighty God. It will be my care to strengthen our institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, by discreet improvement, wherever improvement is required, and to do all in my power to compose and allay animosity and discord. Acting upon these principles, I shall on all occasions look with confidence to the wisdom of parliament and the affections of my people, which form, the true support of the dignity of the crown, and ensure the stability of the constitution." The age and sex of the youthful sovereign gave a singular and touching interest to this scene, and the manner in which her majesty delivered the speech heightened its effect. It was read in a clear and unfaltering tone, indicating great presence of mind and firmness of character. The appearance and manners of her majesty, indeed, enlisted in her favour all the best feelings of the august assembly she addressed—all wished that her reign might be long and prosperous.



STATE OF PARTIES AND ELECTIONS.

Queen Victoria ascended the throne at a period of perfect tranquillity. The popularity of the ministers was, indeed, declining, and they were surrounded with difficulties, partly from their own mismanagement of affairs, and partly from the position into which their eagerness for power had placed them. On the other hand the spirit of party was subsiding in the country: calm and impartial thinkers began to embrace a wider circle, yet it seemed clear that the administration could not have long existed had the late king lived a few months longer. His majesty had taken them back to his service with reluctance, and he was supposed to be on the watch for the first favourable opportunity of dismissing them. His demise, however, promised an increased stability to their power. Under their new sovereign they looked for a new order of things. She was believed to have been educated by her mother in principles and predilections favourable to their rule, and her countenance and support was expected to give not merely security, but popularity to their government. Nor did they fail to turn the event to good account. When pressed by their democratic allies to introduce organic measures for which they had no predilection themselves, it had been their practice to allege the king's reluctance to proceed, as a reason for not falling in with their views. When, however, Queen Victoria ascended the throne, they eagerly declared their emancipation from the thraldom of an hostile court, and they proclaimed that the young queen had entered warmly into their views, and had espoused their political creed without reservation. Another considerable resource of popular appeal to the ministerial candidates was the alleged misdeeds of the new King of Hanover. Immediately upon his accession to the throne of that kingdom, his majesty had issued an ordinance, by which the then existing constitution was suspended; and it was thought this conduct of one who was an acknowledged leader of the Tories, might be represented to the disadvantage of that party. These, and other topics, were not without their weight with the multitude. Yet, with their assistance, the ministers had sufficient to do to maintain their previous position. By the end of July the elections for English cities and boroughs were nearly over, and the relative strength of parties was little changed as regarded the Whigs. In the county elections they underwent, indeed, a serious defalcation of strength; besides losing twenty-three seats, they failed in fifteen counties out of sixteen in which they endeavoured to substitute members of their own party for Conservatives. As for the Radicals, public opinion was still less in their favour: even Mr. Hume failed in being returned for Middlesex, and was driven to the necessity of appearing in the house as Mr. O'Connell's nominee for Kilkenny. The Radicals, it is true, did not suffer numerically; but the absence of many of their leaders from the representation of important towns which they had hitherto represented, was significant of the waning popularity of extreme opinions. The loss, however, which ministers sustained in the English representation, was somewhat compensated by the returns of Scotland and Ireland. But while their numbers were not on the whole diminished, there was an evident falling off in quality. Their friends were not the representatives of such an extensive part of the population as they had been in the last parliament.



CITY BANQUET TO THE QUEEN.

During this autumn the great corporation of the city of London distinguished itself by a striking demonstration of its loyalty to the crown, in a magnificent entertainment which was given to the queen in Guildhall, on the 9th of November. On this occasion the utmost enthusiasm prevailed, and her majesty's reception, both in her progress to the city and at the banquet, must have been highly gratifying to her feelings. Along the entire route, in going to and returning from the city, she was greeted with enthusiastic cheers, and in the evening a brilliant illumination appeared along the whole line of her passage. Nothing was wanting, indeed, to give the utmost possible splendour to the pageant. The event showed that the "liberal" common-council of the city of London still fostered a substantial respect for loyalty—a circumstance of great political interest.



OPENING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

On the 20th of November the queen went in state to the house of lords to open the new parliament. Having read and signed the usual declaration, her majesty read the speech in a clear and audible voice. The speech expressed satisfaction at the friendly assurances of all foreign powers; regretted that civil war still afflicted the kingdom of Spain; stated that directions had been given for a treaty of commerce, recently concluded with the united republic of Peru and Bolivia, to be laid before parliament; recommended to their serious consideration the state of the province of Lower Canada; and stated that the demise of the crown rendered it necessary that a new provision should be made for the civil list. On this latter subject the queen remarked, that she placed unreservedly at the disposal of the house of commons, those hereditary revenues which were transferred to the public by her immediate predecessor, and that she had commanded such papers as might be necessary for the full examination of the subject to be laid before them. Her majesty's speech concluded thus:—

"My lords and gentlemen—The external peace and domestic tranquillity which at present happily prevail, are very favourable for the consideration of such measures of reformation and amendment as may be necessary or expedient, and your attention will naturally be directed to that course of legislation which was interrupted by the necessary dissolution of the last parliament. The result of the inquiries which have been made into the condition of the poor in Ireland has been already laid before parliament. And it will be your duty to consult whether it may not be wise and safe to establish by law some well-regulated means of relief for the destitute in that country. The municipal government of the cities and towns in Ireland calls for better regulation. The laws which govern the collection of the tithe-composition in Ireland require revision and amendment. Convinced that the better and more effectual administration of justice is amongst the first duties of a sovereign, I request your attention to those measures which will be submitted to you for the improvement of the law. You cannot but be sensible of the deep importance of these questions which I have submitted to you, and of the necessity of treating them in that spirit of impartiality and justice which affords the best hope of bringing them to a happy and useful termination. In meeting this parliament, the first that has been elected under my authority, I am anxious to declare my confidence in your loyalty and wisdom. The early age at which I am called to the sovereignty of this kingdom renders it a more imperative duty, that, under Divine Providence, I should place my reliance upon your cordial cooperation, and upon the love and affection of my people."

The address was moved in the house of lords by the Duke of Sussex, who, in the several topics of his speech, avoided every allusion or expression capable of giving offence to any member of the house. His royal highness referred with much satisfaction to the declaration of the Duke of Wellington at the close of the last session, namely, that he would assist in the settlement of the Irish questions, and also to the approbation he had avowed of the new poor-law. His royal highness further expressed his pleasure at the affectionate reception which the queen had met with in her late visit to the city, and adverted to the peculiar interest with which he regarded a sovereign whose birth he had been one of the first to witness. The address was seconded by Lord Portman, and fully assented to by the Duke of Wellington, who said he would follow the example which had been set him of abstaining from every remark that could awaken party feeling. The address was then agreed to, and ordered to be presented with the usual forms.

In the commons the address was moved by Lord Leveson, and seconded by Mr. Craig. A discussion followed, in which Mr. Wakley took the lead. After hearing the speech from the throne, Mr. Wakley said he rose to remind ministers that they had some radical supporters in the house, a circumstance which they appeared to have forgotten. After hearing the speech from the throne, he could not avoid asking to what purpose they had been so anxious, in 1835, to eject Sir Robert Peel and the Conservatives? It was complained of the speech from the throne framed by Sir Robert in that year, that it was vague and unsatisfactory: he, Mr. Wakley, had never read a speech from any sovereign of this country more open to the same reproach than the present one. He thought that at the commencement of a new reign, with a young queen educated as ours had been, the people had a right to expect a more explicit acknowledgment of their grievances, and some indication of the means of redress. They were now fresh from the hustings, where they had all been liberal in promises: even the Tories had professed themselves the friends of the people, and declared their delight in seeing the operatives come forward, and take a share in politics. In order to test the sincerity of both parties, he would move an amendment, in general terms, in favour of an extension of the suffrage. Mr. Wakley concluded his speech by moving three amendments, which he said he would put to the house separately, in order that members might have no excuse for avoiding to vote on any particular proposition. The first amendment was to the effect, "That this house embraces the earliest opportunity of respectfully assuring her majesty, that it will in the present session of parliament take into consideration the state of the representation of the people in this branch of the legislature, with a view to ensure by law an equitable extension of the elective franchise." This amendment was seconded by Sir W. Molesworth, and supported by Messrs. Hume and Grote. On the other hand it was opposed by Mr. Liddell, Colonel Perceval, and Lord John Russell. The latter admitted the reproach—if reproach it were—of having framed the speech with a view to preclude discussion. It was desirable that the queen should receive from her first parliament an unanimous address. In allusion to Mr. Wakley's amendment, his lordship observed that the hon. member had put his powders into three separate papers, as portions of what he considered the same medicine. Without entering into any general discussion of the questions involved in those amendments. He thought it necessary shortly to state his opinion of the present operation of the reform bill, and of his own position with respect to it. He admitted the disadvantages and injuries to which the reform act was subject; corruption and intimidation had prevailed at the late elections to a great extent. With respect to the registration of voters great amendments had been made. These were points on which it behoved parliament to be always attentive, to see that the act suffered no essential injury, and to remedy any error in the details which experience of its actual working might suggest. But these, his lordship continued, were questions widely different from those now brought forward, such as the ballot, the extension of the suffrage, and triennial parliaments, which were, in his estimation, a repeal of the reform act, and placed the representation on a totally different footing. He was not prepared to go thus far. With respect to registration, Lord John Russell said that the attorney-general was about to bring forward the bill of last session in an amended form, and he himself would re-introduce the measure respecting the payment of rates. But as to a second reform of the representation, having only five years ago placed it on a new basis, it would be a most unwise and unsound experiment, now to begin anew the process of reconstruction; he, for one, at least, would decline taking any share in such a measure. Sir Robert Peel congratulated the house upon the noble lord's aversion to Mr. Wakley's physic. The member for Finsbury called for a change, in order to recover for himself and his party the predominance they had lost; but he was confident that if he were to give Mr. Wakley a carte blanche to cut and carve the constituency as he pleased, he and his party would still be in a minority. Mr. Ward, on the other hand, warned Lord John Russell that by his declaration against the ballot, he had signed his own death-warrant, and chalked out his political grave. On a division, Mr. Wakley's amendment was negatived by five hundred and nine against twenty; and his two other amendments, pledging the house to the vote by ballot and the repeal of the septennial act, were then put, and negatived without a division.

The question having been again put on the address, Mr. Harvey proposed an amendment to this effect:—"That whilst this house is desirous of making the most liberal provision for the support of the becoming splendour and just dignity of the crown, they feel that the same ought to be derived from obvious and direct sources; and that to such end every branch of the hereditary revenues of the crown ought to be placed, without reservation, and without exception, under the control of parliament, as the surest means of protecting the crown against exaggerated impressions of their amount, and as a security against their misapplication." The amendment further set forth, that in the arrangement of the civil list, the house confidently relied upon the ready co-operation of her majesty, in promoting all needful inquiry into the claims of persons to be continued as recipients of state provision. In moving this amendment, Mr. Harvey observed that the former part of it was in substance the same with the proposition ministers had themselves made on the subject when in opposition. He pressed the second part of his amendment, on the ground that a strong feeling existed in the public mind against it as it now stood, which feeling was materially strengthened by the late alteration in the poor-law system. He assured ministers that they had not a superabundance of popularity, and he predicted that Lord John Russell's declaration of that night would operate fatally to his government. In reply, Lord John Russell contented himself with stating that an account of the actual and average receipts from the duties in question would be laid before the committees; and that with respect to the pension list, the precedent of 1831 would be strictly followed. Ministers agreed in thinking it far wiser to provide against abuses for the future, than to take away pensions already granted. If the revision proposed by the hon. member should be adopted by parliament, ministers would claim the right of further consideration, before they decided whether or not they should give it their support. After a few words from Mr. Harvey in rejoinder, his amendment was put and negatived without a division.

Lord John Russell's determination to resist any further movement in the way of constitutional innovation, was made the subject of indignant comment on the part of the radical organs, both in parliament and throughout the country.



THE SUBJECT OF THE CIVIL LIST DEBATED.

The subject first brought before the attention of parliament by ministers was the arrangement of the civil list. On the 23rd of November the chancellor of the exchequer moved that the passage in the queen's speech relating thereto should be referred to a select committee. He observed that former sovereigns had inherited considerable personal property from their predecessors, while Queen Victoria had derived nothing from that source, and would further be deprived of the revenues of Hanover, now a separate kingdom. Her establishment must also so far exceed that of a king or of a queen-consort, as being composed of ladies as well as gentlemen. Under those circumstances Mr. Rice submitted that the charges of the establishment of the late king were proper for Queen Victoria, These charges were:—

William IV. The Queen.

First class, privy purse........ L110,000 L60,600

Second class, salaries.......... 130,000 130,000

Third class, bills ............ 171,500 172,000

Fourth class, special service... 23,000 23,200

Unappropriated money............ 9,000

Total L510,000 L470,000

In conclusion, Mr. Rice touched upon the decrease in the amount of the pension list, and said he should be prepared to prove that the pensions granted by Earl Grey and Lord Melbourne had been awarded in strict conformity with a resolution of the house passed in February, 1834, which recommended the granting of pensions to such persons only as by their services to the crown, or the public, or by useful discoveries in science or art, had a just claim on the benevolence of the crown or the gratitude of the nation. The papers with reference to the civil list were referred to a select committee, consisting of twenty-one members. The result of their labours was a report in favour of the minister's proposition, which was presented on the 16th of December, when a bill carrying out his views was brought in. The bill was read a third time on the 19th of December, after which Mr. Hume moved that the sum granted to the queen should be reduced from L385,000 to L335,000; and this motion having been negatived, Mr. Grote proposed as an amendment the entire removal of the sum allotted to pensions from the civil list. This amendment was seconded by Mr. Hume, and opposed by the chancellor of the exchequer, who contended that in a monarchical government, the power of conferring honour and rewards should be inseparably attached to the crown. The principle advocated by the honourable member struck at the very root of monarchy. Mr. Rice proceeded to deny that politics had influenced ministers in their grant of pensions to literary and scientific men, as had been asserted by Mr. Grote, and expressed his belief that were any government disposed so to prostitute its power, there was a spirit in literature and science which would save talent from the disgrace of such political profligacy. Mr. Grote's motion was further opposed by Mr. Charles Buller, albeit he was his friend. He differed from him both as to tire policy of granting pensions at all, and in respect to the quarter in which the power of according them should be placed. He thought that it was desirable that men of letters should be fostered by the government, when labouring for the public good, and without the support of popular favour. Scarcely a great name in English literature could be produced which had not been supported by regal or individual generosity. At the present day, men of letters would not brook to receive the bounty of private individuals: men like Hobbes or Locke, could no longer consent to depend on the liberality of an Earl of Devonshire, or an Earl of Shaftesbury. On a division Mr. Grote's amendment was rejected by a majority of one hundred and twenty-five to twenty-three. An amendment was then moved by Sir Robert Peel, to the effect that if the sum of L1200 were not granted in pensions in any one year, the difference might be applied in any subsequent year. No opposition was made to this amendment on the part of ministers; but the Radicals divided against them, and it was carried by a majority of one hundred and fourteen to twenty-six. Another and last protest was made against the bill by Mr. Hume, but the bill passed without further division.