BILL TO ENABLE PRIVATE BANKS TO HAVE AN UNLIMITED NUMBER OF PARTNERS, ETC.

The bill extinguishing small notes in England was followed by two other bills affecting the currency. The first of these bills was to permit the number of partners in each country bank to be unlimited; and the second, as a compensation to the Bank for conceding to this measure, extended its exclusive privileges to a circle round the metropolis, with a radius of sixty-five miles, and authorised the directors to establish branch banks in different parts of the country. While these measures were before parliament, in which they received general support, distress widely prevailed throughout the country. An idea was entertained that ministers would relieve this by the issue of exchequer-bills; but they had the prudence to abstain from any short-sighted and injurious palliatives. They expressed themselves willing, indeed, to keep the Bank harmless to the extent of two millions, if it should think proper to go into the market and purchase exchequer-bills; but they would not involve themselves in a system of artificial relief for a disease which they thought would cure itself better without their interference. Petitions were presented, praying the house to take commercial distress into its consideration; and government was charged by several members with being insensible to the misery which prevailed, and the danger which threatened; but nothing could move them to implicate themselves in transactions which might have involved them in pecuniary embarrassments. But relief was afforded in some degree by the Bank itself. Although the directors had refused to go into the market for the purchase of exchequer-bills, they came to a resolution of lending three millions on direct or collateral security. This measure was immediately carried into execution; and commissioners were appointed by the Bank in the principal provincial towns, in order to distribute the money. The whole of this sum, however, was not applied for; the very knowledge that such loans were attainable having a considerable effect in restoring confidence among the commercial classes. In some of the provincial towns the offices of the Bank commissioners, who were almost uniformly mercantile persons connected with the district where they were stationed, were almost unfrequented. The applications for advances, indeed, were made with great moderation; none were required beyond what the need of the applicant demanded. The adoption of this measure rendered it necessary for the security of the Bank to introduce a bill regarding the law of principal and agent. The Bank, indeed, in consenting to advance three millions, made it a condition of their compliance, that the protection of the statute should be extended to them immediately. Accordingly a bill was brought in and passed to enable persons in the possession of goods, and of the documents conferring the property of them, although such persons should be merely factors or agents, to pledge them with the Bank as effectually as if such persons were the owners. Such were the measures recommended by ministers, and adopted by parliament, to palliate the existing distress, and to provide security against some of the causes which had produced it. And they tended greatly to those ends. Commerce, feeling itself unshackled, soon repaired its losses and extended its operations; it found its way not only through European nations, where barriers had hitherto been raised against it, but penetrated the most barbarous regions of the earth.



APPOINTMENT OF A COMMITTEE ON EMIGRATION.

During the last four years government had lent its aid to those who desired to emigrate to Canada. In the present year the general misery which prevailed increased the claims of emigration, as a means of relief, tenfold. In Scotland, even the landholders of a county applied to ministers to afford encouragement to intended emigrants; and among the artisans societies were formed for the purpose of projecting plans of emigration, and obtaining assistance both from the crown and from other sources. The subject was brought before parliament on the 14th of March, when Mr. Wilmot Horton moved for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the expediency of encouraging emigration. Government did not deny the importance of the question, or shut the door against its consideration: no opposition was made to the appointment of the committee; but nothing further occurred on this subject during the present session.



MODIFICATION OF THE CORN-LAWS.

On the first day of this session Lord King had moved an address, pledging the upper house to take the corn-laws into immediate consideration; and the tables of both houses were covered, almost nightly, with petitions, partly from the agriculturists, praying that the law might be allowed to remain as it was; but chiefly from artisans and manufacturers, praying for its instant repeal. Ministers did not deem it prudent to introduce the subject during this session, although they acknowledged its importance. The advocates of a repeal, however, embraced many opportunities in charging government with keeping back the settlement of this great question; and were at length determined to bring it again before parliament. On the 18th of April Mr. Whitmore moved, "That the house do now resolve itself into a committee, to consider the propriety of a revision of the corn-laws." He allowed that the time at which he submitted his motion was not unattended with inconvenience and the possibility of loss; but not only the expediency, but the absolute necessity of an immediate alteration appeared to him to be imperative. It wras mischievous, he said, to delay the decision of the question a single moment after government had applied the principles of free trade to other branches of industry; inasmuch as these principles could never be applied with due effect, nor have practical justice done them so long as the present corn-laws formed part of our commercial policy. Sir Francis Burdett supported the motion, not from any expectation that it would produce the anticipated effects expressed by the mover, but because the discussion would show, that the landowners, in supporting their own class and station, were advocating that which was essential to the general interests of the country, Mr. Huskisson, in reply, without entering into the merits of the question, deprecated its discussion at the present time. Ministers had announced that the subject would not be brought forward this session, and nothing had happened since to warrant this ill-timed motion. He had every reason to suppose that the subject would be brought forward in the next session, in which case he was most anxious to give it a serious and dispassionate consideration. The motion was lost by a large majority; but though the arrangement of the corn-laws still remained unsettled, it was found necessary, before the end of the session, to introduce two bills for modifying their strict operation. At the present time there was but little diminution of distress; and its continued pressure led to a series of disgraceful riots in Lancashire, where the vengeance of the mob was furiously directed against machinery, especially power-looms, under a notion that these were the great cause of the want of employment. The impression arose from ignorance; but that ignorance had been stimulated by a state of suffering which could not be overlooked. At this time, in the immediate neighbourhood of the scene of distress, in Hull, Liverpool, and other ports, there were between two and three thousand quarters of wheat in bond; and it was supposed that the admission of this into the market would diminish the extent of suffering, while it would have no material effect on the agricultural interests. Mr. Canning brought forward a proposition to allow bonded corn to come into the market, on payment of a duty of ten shillings per quarter, which was passed almost unanimously. Another measure of modification proposed by government, however, met with stern opposition. As it was impossible to foretell the result of the ensuing harvest, it was proposed, as a measure of precaution, to vest in government during the recess a power of permitting foreign grain to be imported on payment of a fixed duty. This was resisted as irregular and unconstitutional, both in the commons and in the upper house; but it was finally carried. Before it passed, however, the opposition was gratified by the limitation of the quantity of corn admissible to 500,000 quarters and the period to two months from the opening of the ports.



DEBATES ON FREE TRADE.

The legislature had begun to act on the principles of free trade in 1824, by taking off those restrictions which prohibited the importation of foreign silks. To the bill which permitted their admission with an ad valorem duty of thirty per cent., and which was now to come into operation, a large portion of both masters and workmen referred the depression of the trade, rather than to causes which did not come so readily within general comprehension. Many manufacturers limited their orders until the effect of this untried system should be somewhat known, while others joined in the outcry against it. The general impression among them was, that the "untried state of being" should not be tried; and many petitions were presented from the persons and districts interested in the silk manufacture, praying for a repeal, or at least a modification of the provision of 1824, for a total prohibition of foreign fabrics, or a higher duty upon their importation. On the 23rd of February, Mr. Ellice, member for Coventry, moved that the petitions which had been presented on this subject should be referred to a select committee. This motion led to a debate, which, by adjournment, continued two evenings. In this debate Mr. Huskisson was compelled to vindicate the leading part he had taken in the measure under consideration, in which he was ably supported by Mr. Canning. This motion was lost; but soon afterwards Mr. Huskisson was obliged to vindicate the late policy pursued respecting the shipping interest and navigation laws. This arose from the complaints of the shipowners and others connected with the shipping interests, who believed themselves to be affected by the late navigation laws. They complained especially of the system which had been adopted of removing discriminating duties, and allowing articles of merchandise to be imported in foreign vessels, under the same burthens as if they had been imported in British bottoms, on condition of reciprocity in regard to ourselves. They contended in numerous petitions to parliament that such a reciprocal removal of discriminating duties was ruinous to British shipping, because the British and foreign owner could never be put upon an equality, unless the latter were burthened with a higher duty. The petitioners and their adherents in parliament, repeated these complaints at every opportunity; but they did not venture to bring the question formally under the notice of the legislature. Mr. Huskisson, however, thought it expedient to show that their representations were groundless; and on the 12th of May, in moving for "returns of ships built in the British dominions, between 1824 and 1825, both inclusive, distinguishing the number in each year, and the amount of their tonnage," he entered into an elaborate defence of the late policy. Nothing could be clearer than his exposition of the principles on which the former system was founded, of the changes which had since occurred, and of the consequent necessity of our conformity to those altered circumstances. Having developed the general principles on which the navigation laws were originally founded, the different objects to which these principles had been applied, the modifications which from time to time had been made upon these objects, and the causes, political and commercial, which had rendered such changes necessary he stated, that all the allegations of mischief having ensued, and of an undue preference having been given to foreign over British shipping, in consequence of the late policy, were contradicted by the actual results. The complaint was, that in consequence of this policy a decrease had taken place in the employment of British shipping. Now in December, 1824, the number of British ships which entered our harbour was 19,104, and the tonnage 2,364,000, and the number of foreign ships, 5,280, the tonnage being 66,940. In 1825 the number of British ships entered was 21,980, and the tonnage, 2,768,844, and the number of foreign ships, in the same period, 5,661, the tonnage being 68,192. It was to be recollected, he said, that during this year there was an unusual demand for shipping, both British and foreign, in consequence of the unprecedented extent of speculation in almost every branch of commerce. On looking to these returns, therefore, it was clear that the amount of British shipping had increased in a far greater proportion than that of all foreign nations put together. Such being the case, we were certainly not in such a situation as was calculated to excite alarm with respect to the comparative growth of British and foreign shipping. Even if the latter had increased last year, it formed no ground for alarm, because it might be fairly attributed to the unusual demand for shipping produced by the prevailing spirit of speculation. The alarm felt upon this subject was in part grounded upon the state of our commerce in the Baltic, and the number of Prussian ships which entered our ports, as compared with British. Now in 1824, the British ships which entered from the Baltic was 440, and in 1825, 942. The number of Prussian ships which entered in 1824 was 682, and in 1825, 827. The number of Prussian ships, therefore, increased only by a fourth, while that of the British ships was more than doubled. Such was the comparative state of the shipping of both countries in the last year; and as Prussia seemed to be the main object of jealousy when there existed so little ground for it with respect to that nation, all apprehensions on this point might be dismissed. Mr. Huskisson's motion was agreed to; Sir W. Ridley expressing a hope that the subject would receive a full investigation in the next parliament. Later in the session, Mr. Huskisson brought in a bill to give effect to some commercial treaties which had been concluded between this country and Colombia, and the united provinces of the Rio de la Plata. It had been stipulated, as these republics were not in possession of any commercial marine of their own, that vessels, wheresoever built, being the property of any of the citizens of either republic, should be considered as national vessels of that republic: the master, and three fourths of the mariners of the vessel being always citizens of such republic. The design of Mr. Huskisson's bill was to give effect to these stipulations, and it was passed into a law.



FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.

{GEORGE IV. 1826—1827}

The chancellor of the exchequer opened the budget on the 13th of March. In doing so he took a large review of the whole financial system, particularly of reductions which during several years had been made in taxation, and of the effect of these reductions in the productiveness of the revenue. His statements for the year partook of the favourable character which they had sustained for the last three years, although he admitted that he must make allowance for some loss in various branches of revenue, consequent on the present state of public embarrassment. After all the deductions, however, he reckoned the probable produce of the year before him at not less than L57,000,000, while he calculated on the whole expenditure at L56,328,421. This statement, holding out much happier prospects than, from the distress which prevailed in the country, could have been anticipated, was received by the house with general satisfaction. Mr. Maberly and Mr. Hume, however, maintained not only that there had been no reduction of the public debt, but that there had been an actual increase both in the capital, and in the annual charge, and that taxation had been raised instead of being diminished. They alleged that the capital of the debt had been increased by the enormous sum of L61,646,000 between 1819 and 1826, and that the annual charge had grown in proportion. This assertion, however, rested on an obvious fallacy, arising out of a total misapprehension of the nature of what is called the dead-weight scheme, and of the arrangements which, in pursuance of it, had been made with the Bank for discharging part of the half-pay and pension list. Mr. Hume's assertion, that taxation had increased during the last three years was still more erroneous; for the chancellor of the exchequer in his statements proved to demonstration, by actual figures, that from 1816 to 1825 taxes had been reduced to the large amount of L27,522,000, and that no new taxes had been imposed. Subsequently the state of the public debt underwent much discussion, the great questions being not whether it ought or might be reduced, but what was its actual amount, and whether, in point of fact, any diminution of it had been effected during late years. The amount of the army, navy, and civil estimates was also censured by Messrs. Maberly and Hume with other members, but the necessary supplies of the year were readily voted.



BILL TO PREVENT BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.

On the 2nd of March Lord John Russell moved for leave to bring in a bill for the better prevention of bribery at elections. Leave was given; and on the second reading of it Mr. Wynn stated that he had many objections to it, which he feared it would not be practicable to remove so as to render it fit for the adoption of the house. As he understood it, he said, the principle of the bill was, that upon complaint made to the house by petition, a select committee should be appointed to try the issue, and that their decision should be final. There was an obvious objection to this; namely, that the decision of no committee could be binding upon that house. The inquisitorial powers of the house might be delegated, but not the judicial. A body might be appointed to bring in a true verdict as to fact, but the question of corruption was a question of influence. All that a committee could do was to report to the house, and the house could proceed on that report or not as it pleased. Mr. Wynn also objected to the clause which gave power to present petitions of complaint within six years from the period of election; and that there was no penalty or punishment assigned to an unfounded charge. The bill was supported by Messrs. Hobhouse, Smith, and Fyshe Palmer, but it did not proceed further; for when the report on the bill was to be taken into consideration, Lord John Russell stated that it was not his intention to press it during the session, but that he would probably embody its provisions in the shape of resolutions. On the last day of the session he moved, therefore, that "whenever a petition shall be presented to this house after the expiration of the time allowed for presenting petitions against the validity of the return of any member of this house, by any person or persons, affirming that at any time within eighteen calendar months previous to presenting the said petition, general bribery or corruption has been practised for the purpose of procuring the election or return of any member or members to serve in parliament for any borough, cinque-port, or place, and it shall appear to the house that such petition contains allegations sufficiently specific to require further investigation, a day and hour shall be appointed by the said house for taking the said petition into consideration, so that the space of twenty days shall intervene between the day on which the said petition shall have been presented, and the day appointed by the said house for taking the same into consideration, &c."—"that at the hour appointed by the said house for taking such petition into consideration, the said house shall proceed to appoint a select committee to inquire into the truth of the matters contained in the said petition, and report the result of their inquiry to the said house, and such select committee shall consist of thirteen members chosen by lot, &c." Mr. Wynn said, that he did not intend to object to the principles of these resolutions, but he thought they had better be reserved till the next parliament, as they would have to be confirmed by it. Mr. Peel thought so likewise, as the last day of the session was not a fitting time to give them that consideration which their importance demanded. Lord John Russell, however, pressed his motion to a division, as he could not be certain of having a seat in the next parliament, and the numbers on each side being equal, the speaker gave his casting vote in favour of the resolutions.



PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

On the 27th of April Lord John Russell again brought forward the question of parliamentary reform. The resolution he proposed was "that the present state of the representation of this country in parliament requires the most serious consideration of this house." In his speech on this occasion he laid down two premises: first, "that it was a matter of paramount importance to adapt every government to the wants and wishes, the prejudices and existing circumstances of the country for which it was intended; and that the people of this country had arrived at a degree of knowledge, intelligence, and wealth, which made them a people more worthy than had ever before existed of being entrusted with the privilege of electing their representatives, and more capable of exercising it with advantage." From these premises he concluded that the house of commons as it existed at present, was badly constituted; for instead of being chosen by the more numerous, the more intelligent, and the mora wealthy class, it was elected by the minority, the less intelligent, and the less wealthy. As therefore the elective franchise, instead of remaining in the hands of the many, had become the property of a few, and as such a discrepancy between the condition of the people, and the constitution of the government had unhappily come into existence, calamities would one day or other ensue, unless the state of the representation were amended, from which neither the constitution nor the country would ever recover. After noticing the objections commonly urged against the necessity of reform, the noble mover continued, that, of two modes of reform which it was customary to propose, the one a total reconstruction, and the other a partial renovation of the house of commons, the latter appeared to him of the soundest principle, and the best suited to the condition of the country. The principal feature of his plan, he explained, would be, to restrict a hundred of the smaller boroughs to one member instead of allowing them two, and to give the number of representatives thus subtracted from them to towns of importance unrepresented. These details, however, he said, would be matter of future deliberation. The object he had in view was, in the words of Mr. Fox, "not to pull down, but to work upon our constitution; to examine it with care and reverence; to repair it where decayed; to amend it where defective; to prop it where it wanted support; and to adapt it to the purposes of the present time, as our ancestors had done from generation to generation, and always transmitted it not only unimpaired, but improved, to posterity." The measure was supported by Mr. Hobhouse, and opposed by Messrs. Dennison and Lamb; but the debate did not present much novelty, and it terminated in the rejection of the motion by a majority of two hundred and forty-seven to one hundred and twenty-three.



ALTERATION OF THE CRIMINAL CODE.

At this period Mr. Peel applied the powers of his clear and dispassionate mind to the simplification and improvement of our criminal code. On the 9th of March he introduced a bill to consolidate the various acts which related to offences against property. He explained the nature of these acts at great length; but the bill was not carried through the commons during this session, Mr. Peel stating, that from the multiplicity of its details, it was necessary to proceed in it with the most cautious deliberation. Another bill, which was introduced by him, and which passed into a law, had for its object the removal of inconveniences belonging to the administration of the criminal law generally, and in particular the amendment of the existing regulations relative to admitting bail in cases of felony. One clause, which Mr. Lamb endeavoured to introduce into the bill, was contested with great vigour on both sides of the house. This was a proposal, which had already frequently been rejected, for allowing counsel to prisoners. This clause was supported by Messrs. Williams, Twiss, Scarlett, Brougham, and Denman; and opposed by the attorney and solicitor-generals, and by Messrs. Peel and Canning. The attorney-general allowed that in regard to its merits the opinion of the bar was divided; but he expressed his conviction that it would be injurious to the prisoner as well as to justice. As criminal proceedings were now conducted, the prosecutor's case was opened by a simple statement of facts; and the judge always took care that his counsel should not go further, and the evidence was heard dispassionately. After this the prisoner's case was gone through in the same way, except that there was no previous statement of facts, because the general nature of the case was already understood. There was, finally, the charge of the judge, carefully sifting the evidence, and calmly applying the law. But the case, he argued, would be different if counsel were heard on both sides. There would then be all the zeal, the animation, and the struggle for victory which were usually seen in civil cases. Besides, he continued, the counsel for the prosecution would always have the benefit of a reply whenever the accused called a witness, which might more than counterbalance any favourable effect of evidence. The functions of the judge, also, would assume a character disadvantageous to the prisoner; for if the address of the counsel of the prisoner threatened to be efficient, the judge in many cases would have to interfere: In doing this, it was urged, he might unconsciously pass the exact boundary that ought to circumscribe his remarks; the impression then would probably go forth that the verdict of the jury had been elicited by those remarks; and the judge, instead of being, as he was now, counsel for the prisoner, would be almost compelled to become an advocate against him. On the other side Mr. H. Twiss set forth in a strong light the absurdity of permitting counsel to start and multiply the most frivolous and visionary objections to the form and phraseology of an indictment, with the merits and evidences of their client's case. He also set forth the hardships under which a prisoner lay, who, wishing to address the jury of the facts of a case, must do it with his own lips, under all the disadvantages of natural disability, physical impediments, or accidents of his situation, while the very incompetency to do himself justice would be aggravated by a knowledge of the serious consequences attendant on his failure. As to the fiction of the judge being counsel for the prisoner, he said, it would in most cases be much more true to say, that he was counsel against the prisoner, and for the prosecutor. Whence, he asked, came the only instructions which the judge received in any of these cases? From the depositions of the witnesses for the prosecution. Sir Robert Atkyns, in his notes upon Lord Russell's trial, had truly said, "I well know by experience what sort of counsel judges usually be for the prisoner." Mr. Peel admitted that the arguments which might be raised on both sides of this question were very equally poised; that the legal opinions upon it were nearly equiponderant; and that if he were convinced of the alteration being fitting itself, he would not oppose to it merely the antiquity of the law which it was intended to change. His own experience, however, and the knowledge acquired from his official situation, led him to think that justice was most satisfactorily administered under the present system: he felt unwilling to risk any change. The clause was lost on a division by one hundred and five against thirty-six.



CASE OF MR. KENRICK.

In the early part of this session the house considered a charge brought by Mr. Denman against Mr. Kenrick, a magistrate of the county of Surrey, and one of the Welsh judges. Evidence on the charge was entered into; and Mr. Denman moved, that as Mr. Kenrick had shown himself an unfit person to exercise the judicial functions, an address be presented to his majesty, praying him to remove that gentleman from the office of judge of the great session of Wales. The motion, however, was negatived without a division; and this fact became a powerful argument in favour of parliamentary reform.



STATE OF THE COLONIES.

During this session cases of great cruelty and injustice, exercised by owners, magistrates, and judicial courts, against the slaves in our colonies, were brought before the parliament, and eloquently exposed. At the close of 1823, and the early part of 1824, a plan of an insurrection among the slaves on certain plantations in Jamaica had been discovered; and eight negroes had been executed as implicated in the conspiracy. The papers connected with these trials had been laid on the table of the house in 1825; and Mr. Denman now brought the legality and justice of these proceedings under discussion, by moving a resolution to the effect, that the house having taken into consideration the trials which took place at Jamaica for rebellion, conspiracy, and other offences, in the years 1823 and 1824, deem it their duty to express their sorrow and regret at the violation of law which took place upon the said trials; that they lament the manner in which the sentence of death was passed and executed; and recommend some alteration in the mode of administering the code of criminal justice affecting the slaves in the said colony. This motion was prefaced by a speech of great eloquence, analyzing the evidence upon which the accused had been convicted, demonstrating its contradictions, its insufficiency, its absurdity, and arriving at the conclusion that such atrocities, perpetrated under the mask of justice, and the law of evidence which permitted them, required the abolition of the system which placed a negro for trial before interested masters for his judges and jury; and in giving him an appeal to the council, merely gave him an appeal to another body of masters equally prejudiced. Having detailed the trials at length, Mr. Denman said he proposed the above resolutions, that the commons of England might have an opportunity of raising their voice against such acts of crying injustice and barbarity. He was ably seconded by Mr. Brougham, who, in the course of his speech, declared that if the circumstances of undefended justice passed unreproved, it would go out to the West Indies that the same error, injustice, or cruelty might be committed again and again with impunity, so long as the present system continued; and if the house negatived the motion, it would set the seal of its sanction on a great and crying injustice, and do more than it would be able speedily to undo towards perpetuating the existing system in our colonies. On the other hand, it was maintained by Mr. Wilmot Horton that the courts had only applied the law which they were bound to apply; and that they had applied it according to the forms required by that law, and in circumstances which fairly called for the interference of the legal authorities. He moved an amendment, that the house sees in the proceedings brought under their consideration a further proof of the evils attendant upon slavery, and derives from them an increased conviction of the propriety of resorting to the measures recommended by government in the order of council; but does not deem it necessary, however desirable a change of the law may be, to impeach the sentences passed according to law by a competent trial, and convicted by a jury sworn to give a verdict according to the evidence. This amendment was supported by the attorney-general and solicitor-general, both of whom, however, frankly admitted the vices of the system of law under which the proceedings in question had taken place. It was impossible, said the attorney-general, to look at the case, arising as it did out of the vice of the system, without wishing for a change. If the white man upon his trial had an opportunity afforded him of knowing the charge, and thereby preparing his defence, why should not the black slave have the same advantage? An act of the legislature had lately passed to compel the charge to be delivered in writing. This act was brought into the colonial legislature of Jamaica; but it was accompanied by a proviso that no objection should ever be made on a point of form. Men were prone to confound substance and form to be permitted this latitude. An instance of this was supplied in the present case. The prisoners were accused of being guilty of a rebellious conspiracy, and other charges; thus the prosecutor could adduce whatever evidence he chose under a charge so very broad. Here was a conspiracy charged; but with whom? No individuals were mentioned. Any overt act specified? Time? No time certified. Place? No circumstance or place. When the Slave Evidence Bill was introduced into the colonial assembly of Jamaica, it was rejected on the ground that the slave was too low in the scale of moral beings; that he had no character, no distinct notion of morality, no notion of religion, or of the distinction between truth and falsehood. But when the slave was to be tried, other slaves were admitted as witnesses; and that, too, on their bare word, and an exhortation from the judge not to speak falsely. It was a known rule in this country—and the common law of England was in force in the West Indies—that hearsay evidence should not be received; yet the whole course of these proceedings showed manifold departures from this important rule: while it was an acknowledged law in regard to the whites, it had no application in regard to the blacks. But while the law was acknowledged to be bad, it was argued, that it was another thing to pass a vote of censure for the observance of it, however defective it might be. The house ought, it was said, to separate the defects-of the law from the alleged delinquency of the parties, and reject a motion which went, not to denounce the system of slavery or to censure the law, but to condemn individuals who had no power to alter the one, or to abolish the other. On a division the amendment was carried by one hundred and three against sixty-three. During this session, however, delay and remedial measures were suggested by Lord Liverpool in the upper house, and by Mr. Canning in the commons, for the extinction of slavery. Mr. Canning declared that if immediate and hasty steps were not taken, our West Indian possessions would be abandoned to a state of savage desolation, of which wild speculators had not the slightest notion. At the same time he was obliged to confess that in most of our colonies the exhortations sent by government, for the amelioration of the condition of their slaves, had been treated with intolerable neglect and contempt. In the lords the resolutions were objected to, on the ground that they were too feeble for the nature of the subject; that though adopted they would produce no practical effect; and that the three years which had elapsed since they were voted by the house of commons—for they had been adopted in May, 1823—had furnished irrefragable evidence of their futility. Lord Calthorpe expressed his deep regret that the commons had not passed resolutions more conformable to the light in which slavery ought to be regarded by a Christian community, and that their lordships were now called upon to concur in opinions better suited to their own dignity. There were not 'wanting members in the commons who were equally desirous of legislating in the spirit of Christianity, equally with his lordship. It was maintained there with great eloquence that slavery was inconsistent with Christianity and the constitution. Occasion was given for the expression of these sentiments in the commons, by a motion made by Mr. Brougham on the 19th of May, to the effect that "the house has observed with extreme regret that nothing had been effected by the colonial legislature, in compliance with the declared wishes of government and the resolutions of the house of the 15th of May, 1823, for ameliorating the condition of the slaves in the West Indian colonies; and that this house, therefore, pledges itself, early in the next session of parliament, to take into its most serious consideration such measures as may be best calculated to carry into effect the recommendation of the government and the house." This motion was supported by Dr. Lushington and Mr. Denman; but opposed by Messrs. Canning, Ellis, and Horton. Mr. Canning, however, asserted that government only wished to retard a little the attainment of the object, in order that they might arrive at it with greater security. Sir T. Ackland said, that he did not wish directly to negative the motion; but as he thought the adoption of it would retard the good effects to be looked for from the resolutions of 1823, he moved the previous question, which was carried by a large majority. In the upper house, on the 17th of April, Lord Suffield brought forward a motion to prohibit persons in official situations in the West Indies from being proprietors of slaves; a motion which, he said, had no connexion with the emancipation of the negroes; and was directed not so much to the conceding of civil rights, as to the preventing of criminal wrong. The same topic was brought before the commons by Mr. W. Smith on the 20th of April; but the resolutions thereon were negatived in both houses. At the close of the session, indeed, the colonial legislatures were allowed further opportunity of showing how far they were inclined by timely concessions and purposes of good faith to avert the direct interference of the mother country in their internal regulations.



MODE FOR AMENDING THE REPRESENTATION OF EDINBURGH, ETC.

During this session Mr. Abercromby moved leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend the representation of the city of Edinburgh, which, he said, contained a population of more than 100,000 inhabitants, while the elective franchise was in the hands of a town-council of thirty-three members, self-elected, and what were called the vested rights of that body were generally the principal obstacles thrown in the way of a better system. This motion was strongly opposed by the members for the town and county of Edinburgh, on the ground that no corruption had been charged against the corporation of Edinburgh; and by Mr. Canning, who considered it was intended to undermine the barriers which resisted the inroads of a more wide and sweeping innovation. Mr. Canning also brought forward the unexampled prosperity of Edinburgh, and the contentment which pervaded its population, as a convincing proof of the excellence of the old system. After expatiating on the advantages connected with the Scotch representation, he remarked that his objection to the present motion was its application, as a single instance of reform in a borough, to the general question. It was not unusual, he said, to bring forward an attack on a single borough by an allegation of the prevalence of abuses; but it was quite new to institute a charge against it because its elective was not in proportion to its actual population. This principle, if once admitted, would let in the general question of reform, which would lead to endless squabbles. At the same time he expressed a hope, that the motion might be repeated annually; but it was to this end, for the innocent gratification of Lord John Russell and those who advocated reform! On a division the motion was lost. About the same time that this question was discussed, Sir John Newport moved for leave to bring in a bill for the repeal of the Irish act, 21 Geo. 2nd., c. 10, relating to the elective franchise. By that statute it had been enacted, that, in consequence of the difficulty of finding a sufficient number of resident Protestant freemen, sufficiently wealthy and sufficiently educated to exercise the elective franchise, non-resident freemen should be entitled to vote. Sir J. Newport argued that the cause which produced these enactments had ceased to operate, and that therefore the act itself ought to be removed from the statute-book. On the other hand it was argued by Mr. Plunkett that the country had gone on for seventy years with the principle of non-residence applied to boroughs and corporate towns, and that the effect of the measure would be to affect vested rights, and disturb persons actually in possession. If that act were repealed, he said, the election of every officer of a corporation would be impeachable. The house should especially pause before it assented to such a proposition on the eve of a general election, a proposition, the effects of which upon existing rights, could not be measured. The motion was negatived by seventy-six against thirty-eight.



RESOLUTION FOR THE REGULATION OF PRIVATE COMMITTEES.

On the 19th of April, Mr. Littleton brought forward a series of resolutions for the better regulation of private committees on private bills, especially those relating to joint-stock companies. Great complaints had been made of the conduct of these committees; but Mr. Littleton observed that he believed they were generally ill-founded. It was certain, however, he continued, that the present constitution of committees rendered improper conduct perfectly possible; but this, the plan he had in view would prevent. The grand features of this plan were to remodel the list for the counties; to secure impartiality by taking only one half of the committee from the county in which the bill originated; to make attendance compulsory, and to prevent the chance of abuse by creating a standing committee of appeal. His scheme was embodied in eight resolutions which were adopted with the general approbation of the house. The only one on which a division took place was that which provided that every petition complaining of the decision of a private committee should be referred to a committee of appeal; and this was carried by a majority of forty-four against thirty-three.



MOTION TO HOLD PARLIAMENT OCCASIONALLY IN DUBLIN AND EDINBURGH.

On the same day that Mr. Littleton brought forward the resolutions alluded to, Mr. Pelham, made one of most extraordinary motions that ever was proposed within the walls of Saint Stephen's. After adverting to the great increase of wealth and population in the principal towns of the kingdom, their distance from the seat of legislation, and the expense of sending witnesses and deputies to London whenever their interests were at stake, he gravely moved, "That it is expedient the imperial parliament should be occasionally holden in Dublin and Edinburgh." The very idea of such a change was justly scouted by the house as unworthy their attention, and no one was found bold enough to second the motion: so St. Stephen's was not yet to be deserted.



RESTORATION OF FORFEITED SCOTCH PEERAGES.

Acts were passed during this session for the restoration of five Scotch peerages which had been forfeited by rebellion in the last century. These were the peerages of the Earl of Carnwath, Earl of Airlee, Lord Duff, Lord Elcho, and the Baron of Threipland of Fingarll. The only person who opposed this measure was Lord Minto, and he avowed that his opposition was founded upon political sentiments. He asked, why should not a bill be brought in for the restoration of titles against all acts of attainder passed under the present and preceding dynasties? Why make a selection of forfeitures incurred for treason, not against the crown, but against the liberties of the subject? Why, for instance, was not the Duke of Buccleugh restored to the dukedom of Monmouth? He confessed that the selection which had been made was most unfortunate; and he was sorry that he had not stated his objections when the bills made their first appearance in the house. Mr. Peel replied by the simple statement that these reversals of attainders had commenced with that of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and that he himself had made the motion that the descendants of Lord Strafford should be restored to their family dignities.



MOTION TO DISJOIN THE PRESIDENCY OF THE BOARD OF TRADE FROM THE TREASURERSHIP OF THE NAVY.

On the 7th of April, the chancellor of the exchequer moved, in a committee of supply, to disjoin the presidency of the board of trade and the treasurership of the navy. Mr. Huskisson filled these two offices at a salary of L3,000, and it was now proposed that he should become president of the board of trade alone, with a salary of L5,000. The most willing homage was paid to the great talents of Mr. Huskisson by all parties in the house, together with the high value of his public services; but the proposal was met by a decided opposition, on the ground that the disjunction of the two offices was unnecessary, as no active duty was attached to the treasurership of the navy. At all events, it was urged, its duties might without inconvenience be transferred to the paymaster, the real officer in that department; that by adding L2,000 to the present salary of the treasurer, or giving L2,000 additional as the salary of the presidency of the board of trade., the same amount of remuneration to the individual holding both offices would be made up at a smaller cost to the public. It was insinuated that the scheme of disjoining the offices was merely a cloak for the introduction of a new placeman into the house. On the other hand it was contended by Mr. Huskisson and others that considerable anxiety and hardship arose; out of the union of the two offices; and that it was; altogether erroneous to suppose that the occupation of the treasurer of the navy was merely to pay money. Opposition, however, was so strong against the measure that in a discussion, when the report was brought up, Mr. Canning said that he did not feel himself called upon to press it. He viewed with regret the small support which had been given to it; and though as a matter of principle he was ready to defend it, yet he would abandon it on the ground of expediency.



CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION, ETC.

The question of Catholic emancipation, although not formally stirred in either house during this session, was nevertheless kept alive by petitions from different districts and bodies in Ireland. These petitions were now especially directed to a disclaimer of the imputation of owing a divided allegiance; manifestly on account of the weight which the argument of the anti-Catholics on this point had carried with it in the debate of the preceding session. The speeches delivered on the presentation of them also characterized the imputation of a divided allegiance as a false pretence, because the Catholics in all their petitions declared, that, in the oaths which they took and were ready to take, they swore allegiance to his majesty alone. But Lord Liverpool rightly answered, that although he never doubted the sincerity of the Catholics in disclaiming civil allegiance to any foreign power, the fact could not affect the argument: he contended that spiritual subjection to a foreign power was inconsistent with civil obedience to our own sovereign.

While the claims of the Catholics were merely the subject of incidental remarks, the condition of the Protestant church in Ireland, became the subject of more direct discussion. Lord Kingston moved in the upper house for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the state of the Protestant church in the province of Munster. His motion was founded upon the evils which he stated to have arisen from the union of livings, and the consequent want of churches for Protestant worship. It was not uncommon, he said, to unite five, six, or even seven livings in one person; and in many parishes, if the Protestant inhabitants wished spiritual consolation, or to have the benefit of religious worship, the nearest clergyman who could advise them, and the nearest church in which service was performed was probably at a great distance. It was answered that as the returns on the table of the house, furnished by the lords' committee to inquire into the state of Ireland last session, showed all the parishes that existed in Ireland, and the authority by which they had been made, the motion was unnecessary: it was withdrawn. The want of churches, which it was the object of this motion to supply, was connected with the administration of the fund formed of the first-fruits of all ecclesiastical benefices. These revenues, or the first year's income of every benefice, had been originally payable to the pope; but on the Reformation they were vested in the crown, and they had been appropriated by an act of Queen Anne, in part at least, to the building of churches. Sir John Newport brought the management of this fund, and the insufficiency of the system according to which the contributions of the clergy to it were regulated, under the notice of the commons, by a series of resolutions declaratory of its nature and history, and by a motion for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into its condition and administration. He justified his motion by the fact that the first-fruits, where they were paid at all, continued to be paid upon the rate of valuation, for which there was no authority, and that consequently the greater portion of the fund sacrificed by the crown was allowed to remain in the hands of the clergy, while new burdens were laid upon parishioners to effect those very objects for which the fund had been created. This motion was opposed as a covert and most dangerous attack upon the property of the Irish church, and through it upon the property, not only of the church of England, but of all bodies in the state; and as being derived from a fallacious interpretation of the law, warranted neither by history, authority, nor expediency, On a division it was rejected by a majority of forty-eight to twenty-one. The mover, Sir John Newport, was subsequently more successful in endeavouring to institute an inquiry into abuses said to exist in the administration of the parochial rates levied in Ireland for the religious service of the Protestant establishment. He moved resolutions pledging the house to adopt measures for their removal, and on a division the motion was carried. Measures of greater importance were carried by government itself, namely, for promoting the education and moral improvement of the great mass of the Irish people. Grants for these important purposes were voted, though not without opposition from many members, on the grounds of the abuses and oppressions in the management of the schools in Ireland as detailed in the report of the preceding year; and that proselytism was made a part of the system of education pursued therein. In these discussions government manifested no desire to perpetuate abuses, nor any disinclination to cautious and practicable amendment. The same spirit was carried into other departments more strictly connected with the civil administration of Ireland. A committee on the state of the country had presented a report in 1825, recommending the adoption of various measures; and during this session several of those measures were carried into effect. Thus an act was passed consolidating the laws for the regulation and management of prisons; better regulations were enacted for the administration of justice in towns corporate; provision was made to remedy the inequalities of local assessments, by introducing an uniform valuation of baronies, parishes, and other divisions of counties; an act was passed which made provision for a more convenient and abundant distribution of lunatic asylums; and the law of Ireland was amended respecting the assignment and subletting of lands and tenements, by which some check was put to that infinite division, not of property but the use of property which had so impoverished and degraded the Irish peasantry. On the recommendation of the select committee of 1825, also, a motion for an address to his majesty was carried, praying him to order a commission for inquiry into the tolls and customs collected in fairs, markets, and sea-ports in Ireland. These tolls and customs had been granted to particular individuals and corporations, and great evils existed in the levying of them, whence the motion for inquiry. It was opposed both on the general merits of the measure, and on the inefficiency of the particular mode of inquiry proposed; but the motion was carried, and a select committee accordingly appointed.



INDIA JURY BILL, ETC.

An important alteration was introduced this session into the administration of justice in India, by a bill brought in by Mr. Wynn, for the regulation of juries within the territories of the East India Company. The existing law admitted all British subjects to serve upon juries; but the right had never been extended to all persons born within the British dominions. During late years a large population had sprung up in India, known by the name of "half-caste," one of their parents having been a native, and the other an European. This class, though born in wedlock, as well as another numerous class, consisting of the illegitimate children of European fathers by Indian mothers, were disqualified from serving upon juries, under the idea that they were not British subjects; and Mr. Wynn moved that this disqualification should be removed, which motion was adopted. A bill was also passed this session allowing the East India Company to appoint any person to a writership who should produce testimonials of character, and undergo such an examination as might be fixed by the court of directors and the Indian board. By an act, passed in 1813, no person was eligible to be a writer in the Company's service who had not passed four terms in the East Indian college; and in consequence of the extension of the Company's territories, and the establishment, of new courts in Bengal, much inconvenience had arisen from the restriction, as the college could not supply a sufficient number of young men fit for office.



NATURALIZATION ACT, ETC.

During this session the law of naturalization was extended in Canada. By the act, 179 no person could be summoned to the legislative council, or elect, or be elected, to the legislative assembly of these provinces, unless he was either a natural born subject of Great Britain, or a subject become so by the conquest and cession of the Canadas, or had been naturalized by an act of the British parliament. A bill was now passed giving to a naturalizing act of the Canadian legislature the same effect as to one of the legislature in England; providing, however, that such act should be null and void, unless ratified by his majesty within two years after being presented to him for that purpose. The only other measure regarding our relations with foreign states, besides these already noticed, which occupied the attention of parliament, was the expiry of the Alien Act. This session it died a natural death; and a milder set of regulations, conferring no power of sending aliens out of the country, were adopted in its stead. In relinquishing that power, Mr. Peel said that he had the gratifying consciousness that in no instance had it been abused. The only case in which it had been used was one which had not the slightest shade of a political aspect attached to it. It was that of a person who had menaced a foreign ambassador, and who, it was believed, would have carried his threats into execution had he not been brought before the privy-council and dealt with according to that act.



PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.

The session of parliament was shortened by the approach of its dissolution. The session was terminated on the 31st of May by commission. The speech, which was delivered by the lord chancellor, mentioned his majesty's intention of dissolving the present parliament, and directing the issue of writs for the calling of a new one. A leading topic in the speech was the success of the British arms in the Burmese empire, success which had led to the signature on honourable terms of a preliminary treaty with the Burmese monarch, which his majesty had every reason to expect would be the foundation of a secure and permanent peace. Parliament was dissolved on the 2nd of June; and writs were issued for a new election, which were to be returnable on the 25th of July.



GENERAL ELECTION.

The elections which followed immediately the dissolution of parliament presented several scenes of active and vigorous individual combat; but they did not possess the interest which attaches to them when their issue is to decide the fate of contending parties. The chief topics on which candidates were tested were the corn-laws and Catholic emancipation. As the lower classes were under the impression that bread was high, because of the corn-laws, and that they existed to enrich the landholders, an expressed opinion in favour of their abolition was sure to gain cheers at a popular election. But the most prominent question on the hustings, even in England, was Catholic emancipation. The Duke of York's speech, and the violence exhibited in Ireland, had created a strong feeling against the Catholics; and as it was known that their claims would be one of the earliest subjects of discussion in the new parliament, the success of a candidate generally depended as to whether he was, or was not in favour of Catholic emancipation. It was in Ireland, however, that the giving or refusing of a vote mostly depended on the answer received to the question, Will you vote for emancipation? The demagogues of the Catholic Association gave themselves up to the carrying of this one point; and they were aided by that powerful band of agitators, the Irish priests. The contest on the Irish hustings was, indeed, converted into an award of eternal damnation: the consolations of the church here, and the joys of heaven hereafter, were promised those who voted for an emancipation candidate; but the darkness of excommunication in this life, and the gloom of purgatory first, and then the pains of hell, were denounced against those who voted for an anti-Catholic. The associated barrister and the political priest travelled the country together in order to propagate the common creed; the one by threats of damnation, and the other by the more temporal considerations of civil and religious power; and this tyrannical sway of the artful and designing was irresistible among the forty-shilling freeholders—it procured the large majority pledged to support the claims of Catholic emancipation. The great influence which the priests had over the ignorant multitude was seen in a remarkable manner by the issue of the election for the county of Waterford. Mr. O'Connell and the Rev. Mr. Sheehan traversed that county to rouse it against the family of Beresford; and every tie of respect and civil influence which had hitherto united the Catholic tenant to his Protestant landlord gave way before the power of the church, The electors were wielded by the priesthood; and Lord George Beresford was compelled by his own tenantry to give tip the contest. At a meeting held in Clonmel to celebrate this triumph, Mr. Sheehan, the priest, remarked, "We said to the people, 'Here are the natural enemies of your country, and here are your priests who wait on the bed of your sickness, and are your friends alike in prosperity or in woe: follow us or them.'" Such an appeal to the feelings of a superstitious multitude was sure to prevail: there is more might in superstition than in any of the lawful weapons in argument which man can use.



THE BURMESE WAR.

{GEORGE IV. 1826—1827}

There was no faith manifested by the court of wa in the armistice which had been concluded in September, 1825, and so the war continued. During the negociations which followed, the Burmese monarch had made vigorous preparations for its continuance; and when the armistice had nearly expired, in reply to the proposals made for peace by the British commanders, this haughty and laconic answer was given, "If you wish for peace, you may go away; but if you wish either money or territory, no friendship can exist between us. This is Burmese custom." The reply was seconded by the advance of 60,000 Burmese troops along the banks of the Irrawaddy against the British and native Indian troops at Prome. The right division, consisting of 15,000 men, under the command of Sadda Woon, moved along the western bank of the river; the centre, of about 30,000, commanded by the Kee Wongee, or head minister, marched along the eastern bank, with numerous war-boats and stores; and the left, 15,000 strong, under Maha Nemiow, moved by a route about ten miles distant from the river, and separated from it by an extensive forest. Besides these there was a reserve of 10,000 men, under Prince Memiaboo, occupying a strongly fortified position at Melloone; another force ready to oppose any movement from Arracan; and Sykia Wongee was still carrying on a desultory warfare in the vicinity of Pegu, and threatening Rangoon. The British force consisted only of 5,000 men, besides a garrison to maintain Prome, and some native troops opposed to Sykia Wongee, and in garrison at Rangoon. A rencontre took place between our advanced guard and Maha Nemiow's division on the 10th of November, in which the British suffered severely; their commander, Colonel M'Dowall, was slain, and the troops were obliged to retreat. Encouraged by this success, Maha Nemiow marched directly on Prome, close to which he took up his position. About 8,000 of his men were slain whose confidence had not been shaken by contact with our troops; and these levies were accompanied by three young and beautiful women of high rank, who pretended to have the gift of prophecy, and to be possessed of power to turn aside a musket-ball. The Shans were led to believe, indeed, that they were invincible; but they soon discovered that they were unable to compete with the British. Being surrounded by danger on every side, Sir A. Campbell resolved at once to become the assailant; and on the 30th of November arrangements were made to attack the enemy's forces on the following morning; Commodore Sir James Brisbane with the flotilla being directed to cannonade their posts on both sides of the river at daylight, while a body of native infantry made a feigned attack on the centre as the columns were marching out for the real attack on the Burmese left, at Simbike. For this purpose the principal force was formed into two columns: one under Brigadier-general Cotton, which marched by the direct road; and the other, led by the commander-in-chief, which crossed the Nawine river and moved along its right bank, in order to come round to the Burmese rear, and to cut off all retreat. The attack everywhere succeeded; the Shans themselves, though they fought with fury, were obliged to take refuge in flight. Every division of the Burmese numerous force was routed with great slaughter; and many of the chiefs, among whom was Maha Nemiow, perished in the fight. One of the fair prophetesses also received a bullet in her breast, and being carried to a cottage in the rear expired. Sir A. Campbell now determined to advance on Ava; and nothing was wanting in the troops, or forgotten by their commander, to ensure success. But the enemy did not yet despair. The stockades at Meaday were made as strong as art could make them; and at Melloone, on the west bank of the Irrawaddy, the reserve under Prince Memiaboo was augmented to 15,000 men. The British troops arrived at Meaday on the 19th of December; and they found it just evacuated by the rear-guard of the enemy, the Burmese having retired to Melloone, where they had received orders again to concentrate. The neighbourhood of Meaday presented to the British a scene of horror and desolation. Within and around the stockades the ground was covered with the dead and the dying; the victims of wounds, disease, and want. The beach and the surrounding jungles were filled with dogs and vultures, collected to consume the loathsome prey. Round about the stockades gibbets were erected, each bearing the mouldering remains of three or four victims, who were thus crucified for, perhaps, no greater crime than that of wandering from their posts in search of food, or of following the examples of their chiefs in flying from the foe. The same horrors presented themselves to the British for fifty miles up the river; and in some places the soldiers could not find a place for their tents without removing dead bodies. The pursuit was continued by forced marches; and on arriving within five miles of Patanagoh, a town opposite to Melloone, it was discovered that the whole of the enemy's force had crossed to the Melloone side of the river, and occupied with some 12,000 men a series of fortified heights, and a formidable stockade, having in front a rapid stream six hundred yards broad. While the British force was preparing to attack this formidable position, a flag of truce was sent in, with a notice that a commissioner had arrived with full powers to conclude a treaty of peace. This led to a discussion, but without effect; for the Burmese leaders again betrayed a want of faith, and the new envoy hazarded the most glaring falsehoods. Operations again commenced. The British troops having been carried across the Irrawaddy, under the protection of Captain Chads, an attack was made on the fortifications at Melloone; their defenders were driven in utter confusion from the place: and Memiaboo's treasures, to the amount of 30,000 rupees, with all his stud, fell into our hands. The army again moved forward on the 25th of January; and on the 31st it was met in its advance by Dr. Price, an American missionary, and Mr. Sandford, an assistant surgeon of the army, taken prisoners some months before, whom fear had induced the Burmese monarch to restore to liberty, and despatch as messengers of peace. They brought proposals for a short truce, which was readily granted; and they returned in full confidence that they should be sent back to ratify terms of peace. This hope, however, proved fallacious: by high bounties, by grants of important privileges, and by the most earnest appeals, 40,000 men had been collected, and the Burmese monarch resolved to continue the war. This new army was styled, Gong to doo, or, "Retrievers of the king's glory;" and it was placed under the command of a savage warrior, called Nee-Woon Breen, which has been variously translated,—"Prince of Darkness," "King of Hell," and "Prince of the Setting Sun." The certainty of another contest became evident to the British on the 8th of February; and the next day, as they debouched from the forests into the open country, they discovered the Burmese drawn up in an inverted crescent. The British force amounted to about 2,000 men; but undismayed by the number of the enemy and strength of their position, Sir A. Campbell pushed boldly on. The enemy was soon overthrown; their centre was broken, and they were closely pursued in their works, where they were routed with great slaughter; hundreds perished by jumping into the river; and, with the exception of about 3,000 men, the whole army was dispersed. The road to wa was now opened, and our troops pushed on to within forty-five miles of that city. There was now no longer time for disguise, deceit, or treachery; peace must be made, or Ava would be captured. On the evening of the 24th of February, therefore, Mr. Price, with two ministers of state, arrived at the camp at Yandaboo, to announce that the king and the court would come to terms. A treaty was ratified; the Burmese government engaging to furnish boats for the conveyance of a great part of our force to Rangoon. The articles of peace were, that the four provinces of Arracan, and the provinces of Mergui, Tavoy, and Zea, should be ceded in perpetuity to the East India Company; that the Burmese government should pay one crore of rupees by instalments; that the provinces or kingdoms of Assam, Cachar Zeatung, and Munnipore, should be placed under princes to be named by the British government, residents with an escort of fifty men to be appointed at each court; that British ships should be admitted into Burmese ports to land their cargoes free of duty, not to unship their rudders, or land their guns; that Burmese ships should have the same privileges in British ports; that no persons should be molested for their opinions or conduct during the war; and that the Siamese nation should be included in the treaty. This war was thus brought to a close; a small band, composed of British warriors and their Indian fellow-subjects, stood as conquerors in the centre of the great Burmese empire. After peace had been concluded a party of officers from the army visited wa, and were received by the humbled monarch with all due honour. Soon after the conclusion of peace the British troops who had maintained this unequal contest commenced their return to Rangoon; and, subsequently, our Indian government sent an embassy to wa, at the head of which was Mr. J. Crawford, who finally settled points relative to the frontiers, and concluded a treaty of commerce very favourable to the Company. The conduct of Sir A. Campbell advanced his character for enterprise and prudence, as well as military talent, to high renown. In the year 1831 he was created a baronet, and proceeded to New Brunswick as Lieutenant-governor of that province.

Contemporaneously with the exploits of Sir A. Campbell in the heart of the Burmese empire, an important service was rendered to our Indian empire by the commander-in-chief. Lord Combermere. The late Rajah of Bhurtpoor had died in strict alliance with our government; and by the terms of the treaty each party was bound to assist the other against all enemies. Apprehensive of the consequences which might follow his death, the rajah had during his life-time declared his son, Bulwart Singh, his successor, and included him in the treaty of alliance with the Company. On the death of the rajah, however, his nephew, Doorjun Sal, having gained a party in the army, raised a successful revolt, gained possession of Bhurtpoor itself, and seated himself on the ground. The expelled prince applied for aid to Sir David Ochterlony, the Company's resident at Delhi, and that officer embraced his cause. At first Lord Amherst, governor-general of India, disavowed the conduct of Sir David; but on receiving further information he confirmed it; and Lord Combermere was directed to march with an army for the purpose of expelling the usurper. His lordship took the field with 25,000 European and native troops, and he directed his first attempt at Bhurtpoor. The fortifications of that place were such, that it might have been supposed they were erected in those days when unlimited command over life and labour produced those stupendous monuments of human art, the pyramids. The wall of the city was of mud, sixty feet in thickness, and of great height, with a very wide and deep ditch. The circumference of the whole was about seven miles; and the walls were flanked with bastions at short intervals, on which were mounted a numerous artillery. The preparations for the attack, however, were made on a scale commensurate with the difficulties; and on the 10th of December Lord Combermere appeared before the city with more than one hundred pieces of artillery. During the night the enemy had cut the embankments of a lake to the northward, for the purpose of filling the broad and deep ditch, a measure of precaution which had been very serviceable in 1805, when the British had vainly attacked the place. In the present instance, however, our troops arrived in time to repair the breach before the water had flowed into the fosse sufficiently to render it impassable. After this a few-days were spent in reconnoitring the works, and fixing on the best points of attack, until the whole battering train with its appurtenances should arrive. In the meantime, from a desire to save the women and children from the effects of the terrible bombardment about to take place, Lord Combermere addressed a letter to Doorjun Sal, requesting him to send them out to him, and promising them safe conduct. This request, however, was barbarously refused; and on the 23rd of December the besiegers commenced their first parallel, under a heavy fire, about eight hundred yards from the north-east angle of the works. On the following morning three batteries opened on the town, and continued, with several others afterwards erected, so vigorous a fire that scarcely a roof in the town was left uninjured. The mud walls, however, still stood erect, so that, on the 3rd of January, it was deemed expedient to employ miners. Several attempts failed; but on the 16th two mines were blown up under one of the bastions; and, with the aid of a day's cannonade, effected such a breach that the result of the enterprise appeared no longer doubtful. The final assault was made on the 18th. Troops destined to rush into the city established themselves in the advanced trenches unperceived by the enemy; and the explosion of a mine, loaded with 12,000 pounds of powder, was to be the signal of attack. At eight o'clock this mine was fired, and the effect was terrific; the ground trembled as if agitated by an earthquake, and after it had heaved up with several convulsive throes, the volcanoes burst forth. The whole of the salient angle and the stone cavalier in its rear were lifted into the air, and, after the smoke and clouds of dust had passed away, the bastion with three hundred men were seen precipitated below. The two grand divisions of the army now rushed up to the breaches, and the foremost of the opposing foe were soon laid low by the British bayonets, and the rest were chased along the ramparts; in two hours the whole of the rampart was in our possession, and early in the afternoon the citadel surrendered. Doorjun Sal, who attempted to escape, was captured, together with his wife and two sons. The garrison consisted of 36,000 troops, near 10,000 of whom are said to have been slain during the siege. On the side of the British the loss was about 1200 men, many of whom were killed by the explosion of the great mine. After the capture of Bhurtpoor its fortifications were demolished, and all the other fortresses in the rajah's dominions surrendered. The rightful prince was reinstated in his authority, and the inhabitants returned to their abodes and allegiance. For this achievement Lord Combermere was raised to the rank of viscount, and the governor-general, on account of the general success of the British arms, was raised to the dignities of Viscount Holmsdale, and Earl Amherst of Arracan.



MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

The new parliament met on the 14th of November. It was opened by commission; and the speech, which was delivered by the lord chancellor, expressed great satisfaction at the termination of war in India. It spoke, also, of the distress which still prevailed in the commercial and manufacturing districts; but expressed a hope that the time was not far distant when, under the blessings of Divine Providence, the commerce and industry of the United Kingdom would resume their wonted activity. Another leading topic in the speech was the admission of foreign grain into the ports of the United Kingdom, not then admissible by law. His majesty said that he had called parliament together for the special purpose of communicating to them the measures which he had deemed necessary to take in this particular, and that he had directed a copy of the order in council, issued on that subject, to be laid before them, trusting that they would see sufficient reason for giving their sanction to the provisions of that order, and for carrying them into effect. The address was opposed in the upper house by Lord King, and in the commons by Mr. Brougham, both of whom complained that the speech consisted of nothing but blanks. Amendments were moved in both houses; but they were lost by overwhelming majorities. The grand error pointed out by the opposition in the speech was the omission of the subject of the corn-laws, and much discussion was entered into thereupon. When the report on the address was brought up, indeed, Mr. Western moved another amendment, pressing the consideration of this subject on the house; but it was negatived without a division. In the debates, however, Lord Liverpool in the upper house, and Mr. Canning in the commons declared that ministers were prepared to propose a general measure regarding the corn-laws; but that it would be unfair towards the country and towards parliament to bring it forward before the Christmas recess. Under these circumstances the bill of indemnity, which was rendered necessary by the order of the council for the admission of certain grain into the ports of the United Kingdom, a measure demanded by the late scanty harvest, was passed without opposition.



MOTION FOR A SELECT COMMITTEE ON JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES, ETC.

On the 5th of December Alderman Waithman moved for the appointment of a select committee upon the joint-stock speculation of the last three years. In his speech he showed that during the time mentioned there had been no less than six hundred companies formed, requiring for the execution of their intended operations, a capital of many millions. He complained of the dishonest views with which many of these were set on foot; the knavery by which a fictitious value was given to shares which had cost nothing; and of the misery produced by this systematic swindling. He remarked, that if a man purchased in the lottery, he knew something of what he was doing, that he was giving a certain sum for a very unlikely chance, and that in doing so he was conferring some benefit on government. But the joint-stock gambling was of a much more atrocious kind: it was gambling with false dice. The loss itself on the whole speculation was an evil, but the great and signal grievance was, that the holders of the shares, now worth nothing, were not the losers. The original swindlers worked up the market to the point which they had expected it to attain: then down went the shares, and when they were down the original swindlers again bought them up, and were now the holders. He instanced the Arigna Mining Company as a proof of this nefarious practice. In that company, he said, there were three thousand shares, and the first deposit was L5. In one day the premium rose upon those shares from 8 1/2 to 24, then it got to 26. and then it dropped to 24. Whether this was or was not a trick he would leave it to the house to determine. How such proceedings were brought about, he said, he would leave to any one to form an opinion. Afterwards, however, he boldly told the house how the proceedings originated. This Arigna Mining Company, he said, were seeking to obtain an act of parliament, and it was first intended that the sum of L15,000 should be divided between four or five individuals. This, however, was not considered safe, and it was agreed to divide the spoil more extensively. One gentleman put into his pocket L2,500 of this money, and afterwards L1,500 as profit upon shares, although he had not paid for those shares, but still owed L375 for them. That individual, he continued, was Sir William Congreve, a member of parliament: and was not, he asked, parliament called upon to do something towards an inquiry into conduct so dishonourable? Never had there been a fouler stain upon the house. After some remarks on the Equitable Loan Company, the alderman moved, "that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the origin, the management, and the present state of the joint-stock companies formed during the years 1824,1825, and 1826, and to report on the same, together with any special matter touching any member of that house." Mr. Canning, in reply, objected to the inquiry on account of its extent, asserting that for inquiry to be useful it must be limited and precise. Enough had been said to show that there was strong ground for suspicion, that in the affairs of some few companies there was matter deserving inquiry; but the motion as it stood involved many companies against the utility and management of which no charge had been brought. He moved an amendment, therefore, that the inquiry of the committee should be limited to the management and history of the Arigna Company. He was supported by Mr. Huskisson, who, in his speech, denounced the idea that joint-stock companies of every description were public evils. He was astonished, he said, to hear men of business talk of mining carried on by joint-stock companies as a thing of recent date. No mine worked in this country had ever been so, except by means of joint-stock companies. Without the formation of such companies, those mines, indeed, would not have been explored. It ought to be, he added, the policy of the law to encourage joint-stock companies; for when embarked in properly and fairly, they are beneficial to the public interests, and fraught with great public advantages. At the same time, he was ready to admit, that those who had been concerned in the speculations and bubbles of the last two years had disgraced themselves; especially if they knew at the time they engaged in them that they were not likely to lead to the public benefit. Mr. Canning's amendment was agreed to without a division, and the committee appointed.



KING'S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE CONDUCT OF SPAIN TOWARDS PORTUGAL.

On the 11th of December, Lord Bathurst in the upper house and Mr. Canning in the commons, unexpectedly delivered a message from the king recounting the hostile and faithless conduct of Spain towards Portugal, and requesting that parliament would enable his majesty to fulfil his obligations towards the oldest of his allies. The message stated that his majesty had for some time past, in conjunction with the King of France, endeavoured to prevent the hostile aggression from Spain, and had repeatedly assured the court of Madrid that such aggression would not be tolerated by England; but that notwithstanding these assurances, hostile inroads into the territory of Portugal had been concerted in Spain, and had been executed under the eyes of the Spanish authorities by Portuguese regiments, which had deserted into Spain, and which the Spanish government had repeatedly engaged to disarm and disperse.

The facts of the aggression complained of were briefly these. On the death of John IV., King of Portugal, he was succeeded by his son, Don Pedro, of Brazil. As the constitution of Brazil had provided that its crown should never be united on the same head with that of the mother country, Don Pedro preferring his transatlantic sceptre, resigned his European crown to his infant daughter, and appointed a regency to govern during her minority. At the same time he remodelled the old political institutions of Portugal, and gave it a constitution in the form of a representative government. There was, however, a large party in Portugal hostile to this constitution, and a conspiracy broke out against it and the regency; Don Miguel, the emperor's brother, being proclaimed king, and having sworn to maintain his rights. Miguel was supported by some regiments of the Portuguese army, and a war ensued between his supporters and the troops in favour of the constitution. For the most part Don Miguel was unsuccessful; and whenever his troops were compelled by want or by his opponents to cross the frontiers, they were not only received and protected by the Spanish authorities, but again organized at the expense of the Spanish government, and sent forth to the invasion of Portugal. The British and Portuguese ministers at Madrid remonstrated; but the cabinet of Spain answered by lying disavowals, or hollow promises; and every day its conduct became more and more perfidious. The invasion was, to all political intents and purposes, an invasion by Spain; and as the danger increased, the Portuguese ambassador at London made a formal application to our government for the military assistance which the treaties between the two countries stipulated. Ministers waited a few days till the conduct of Spain had been placed beyond a doubt, and then advised his majesty to send the above message to the commons.

In proposing an address to the throne on this occasion, Mr. Canning vindicated our interference in the affairs of the Peninsula and fully developed the principles of his foreign policy. Disclaiming every purpose of interference in the internal dissensions of Portugal or influencing the settlement of her domestic institutions, he considered England as merely called upon to defend her from an invasion organized by foreign aid. In order to prove this position he detailed the provisions of subsisting treaties; after which he called the attention of parliament to the present relative state of Portugal and Spain, asserting that he asked for a vote merely for the defence of Portugal, and not for aggression against Spain. There is still a road open to Spain, he said, for retraction and redress; and this would be greatly promoted by the presence of a British army on the Portuguese territories. Concerning the new constitution he remarked:—"As to the merits of the new constitution of Portugal, I do not think I have any right to offer any opinion. Personally I may have formed one; but as an English minister all I have to say is, May God prosper this attempt at the establishment of constitutional liberty in Portugal! and may that nation be found as fit to enjoy and to cherish its new-born privileges, as it has often proved itself capable of discharging its duties among the nations of the world!" Mr. Canning next went into a detail of the aggressions of Spain, as well as her motives: expressing an earnest hope, that, on hearing of the step we were about to take, that power would act so as to render hostilities unnecessary. He dreaded war; but he begged to be understood not as dreading war in a good cause, from any distrust of our strength and resources; on the contrary, he feared it because this country possessed the power to push any war in which she might engage to consequences the bare notion of which made him shudder. Our position at this time was not one of mere neutrality between contending nations, it was a position preserving the balance of power necessary for the safety of Europe. "Nearly four years of experience," he remarked, "have confirmed that opinion; and it is to be feared that the next contest in Europe, if it should extend beyond the narrow limits of Portugal and Spain, will be a war of the most tremendous nature, because it will be a war of conflicting opinions. And although this country may enter into it with a desire to mitigate and control its horrors, yet she cannot help seeing under her banners all those who are restless and dissatisfied, with or without cause, in every nation with which she may be placed at variance. The consciousness of the fact, the knowledge that we possess such tremendous power, forces me to feel as I now feel. But it is one thing to have a giant's strength, and another to use it like a giant. The consciousness that we have this power keeps us safe: our business is not to seek opportunities of displaying it; but to keep it, that hereafter the world may see we knew its proper use, while we shrunk from converting the empire into an oppressor. The consequences of letting loose those passions which are chained up, may be such as will lead to a scene of desolation which no one can contemplate without horror; and such as I could never lie easy on my couch, if I was conscious of having by one hour precipitated. I would fear much and forbear long; I would almost put up with anything that did not touch our national faith and national honour rather than let slip the furies of war, when we know not whom they may reach, and where the devastation may end. Such is the love of peace which the British government acknowledges, and such the duties of peace which the circumstances of the world inculcate. In obedience to this conviction, and with the hope of avoiding extremities, I will push no further the topics of this part of the address. Let us defend Portugal whoever may be the assailants, because it is a work of duty; and let us end where that duty ends. We go to Portugal, not to rule, not to dictate, not to prescribe laws. We go only to plant there the standard of England, and where that standard is planted foreign dominion shall not come." The speech of Mr. Canning had a most powerful effect upon the house: loud cheers resounded from all sides as he sat down, much exhausted. Yet there were dissentients to the proposed measure. Mr. Hume opposed the address, on the ground that this country was not in a situation to enter upon, and to maintain for any length of period a war on a great scale. He moved an amendment that "the house be called over this day week," which motion was supported by Messrs. Wood and Bankes. On the other hand the motion for an address was supported by Sir Robert Wilson, and Messrs. Baring and Brougham. The latter, in adverting to the ground on which the amendment was principally supported, remarked that its supporters must recollect, and the house and the country must bear in mind that the question is not at present, whether, even at the expense of your character for good faith, you will consent to bear hereafter among mankind a stained reputation and forfeited honour; but whether for a little season of miserable, insecure, precarious, dishonourable, unbearable truce, whether for this precarious, disgusting, and intolerable postponement of hostilities, you will be content hereafter to have recourse to war when war can be no longer avoided, and when its horrors will fall upon you, degraded and ruined in character in the eyes of all the nations of Europe; and, what is ten thousand times worse degraded and ruined in your own. He contended that the burdens of the country, however oppressive, would be borne cheerfully through the impending struggle, if war should be the result, inasmuch as we were governed on wise, liberal, and truly English principles. Mr. Canning's reply to those who opposed the address was even more eloquent than his opening speech. Government was censured for allowing France to usurp and retain the occupation of Spain. In answer to this, Mr. Canning remarked, that when the French army entered Spain, we might if we chose have visited that measure by a war. But we were not then bound to interfere on behalf of Spain, as we now are bound to interfere on behalf of Portugal, by the obligation of treaty. And such a war would not in these days have been the proper method of restoring the balance of power, which varies as civilization advances and new nations spring up. To take a leaf from the book of European policy in the times of William III., or of Queen Anne, for supporting the balance now, would be to slight the march of events, and to regulate our policy by a confusion of facts. He continued:—"I admit that the entrance of a French army into Spain was a measure of disparagement to Great Britain; that it was a severe blow to the feelings of this country. One of the modes of redress lay in a direct attack on France through a war on the soil of Spain: the other was to make the possession of the Spanish territory harmless in rival hands; to make it worse than harmless, to make it injurious to be the possessor—the latter mode I have adopted. Do you think that for the disparagement of England we have not been compensated? Do you think that for the blockade of Cadiz England has not received a full recompense? I looked at Spain by another name than Spain: I looked on that power as Spain and the Indies; and so looking at the Indies, I have there called a new world into existence, and regulated the balance of power; thus redeeming the movement of France, and leaving her own act on her unmitigated and unredressed, so that she would now thankfully get rid of her responsibility, and shake off a burden too heavy to be borne without complaint. France would now be glad if England would assist her in dispensing with this burden; and the only way of riveting France to the possession of Spain, would be to make that possession a point of honour. I repeat it, the object of the present expedition is not war, but to take the last chance of peace. If England does not go promptly to the aid of Portugal, Portugal will be trampled on, England will be disgraced, and then war will come; come, too, in the train of degradation. If we wait until Spain has courage to ripen her secret machinations into open hostility, we shall have war; shall have the war of pacificators: and who can tell when that war shall end?" Mr. Canning's eloquence prevailed. Mr. Hume's amendment received the support of only three or four members; and the original question was carried with only that number of dissentients. A similar address was moved by Lord Bathurst in the upper house, and was carried with the same unanimity. The measure was, indeed, a popular one, not only in the walls of St. Stephen, but throughout the country. The prompt decision of government quickly effected the purpose intended. It was on the 11th that the king's message was delivered; and on the 14th 5,000 troops, under the command of Sir William Clinton, began to march towards the coast; and by the 25th the first detachment appeared in the Tagus. Their appearance in Portugal was sufficient. The treachery and dissimulation of Ferdinand gave way to his fears; the French government recalled the diplomatic instrument of its intrigues, and the independence of Portugal with its constitution was for a time preserved.