MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Although the country was still in a disturbed state, and seditious meetings were held on every hand, yet the elections proceeded without any acts of outrageous violence. The result of the elections was that opposition gained a slight accession of strength; but the new parliament appeared to take the complexion of that by which it had been preceded. Its members began to assemble on the 21st of April; but the session was not opened until the 27th of that month. On that day the king declared in his speech that he should follow the example of his father in solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and that the regal dignity should be supported without any additional burdens on the people. He expressed a determination to maintain public peace and tranquillity, lamented the pressure of distress and the prevalence of sedition, and concluded with a hope that the misguided multitude might be brought back to a sense of their errors. The usual addresses were carried unanimously.



BILLS FOR AMENDING THE CRIMINAL CODE.

Early this session Sir James Mackintosh moved for leave to bring in six bills, founded on the suggestions of the committee appointed by the last parliament to consider the important subject of the amendment of our criminal code. Three of these bills passed into law. The first of these was to repeal the act by which private stealing in shops, to the amount of forty shillings, was made punishable with death; the penalty, however, was still retained against those who should so steal to the amount of ten pounds and upwards; by which it would appear that our legislators conceived that a man's life was not equal in value to such an amount. The second went to repeal certain acts which denounced death to any Egyptian who should remain in England one year, on all notorious thieves who should take up their residence in Cumberland or Northumberland, and on every one who should be found disguised in the mint, or injuring Westminster Bridge. The third repealed various clauses in certain acts, which constituted the offences specified in them capital, and which were converted into simple felonies. Among the offences thus modified were, that of taking away any woman, whether maid, wife, or widow, for the sake of her fortune; the receiving of stolen goods; the destroying of trees, breaking down banks of rivers, and wounding of cattle; the sending of threatening letters; and all the capital offences created by the marriage act and laws of bankruptcy. For these offences, transportation, imprisonment, or hard labour were substituted for death, at the discretion of the judges. Thus the statute-book of England was purified from many grievous stains; but it was still blotted by many imperfections, and even to this day it contains much that requires purging by enlightened legislators.



EDUCATION BILL.

After having rendered important service to his country by his efforts to establish a system for detecting and remedying abuses in charitable funds and establishments, Mr. Brougham brought forward his plan for the education of the poor. This subject, however, was not destined to receive the concurrence of parties at this period, though the object in view was generally admitted to be desirable. The chief difficulty, and that which induced Mr. Brougham to abandon the bill, arose from the dissenters. They opposed it because they conceived that some of the enactments originated in imperfect information respecting the dissenters in this country, and because, overlooking their numbers, property, and intelligence, and religious character, the whole affair was to be under the management of the clergy of the established church. The consequence of this opposition was that, after the first reading of the bill on the 11th of July, it was abandoned. But this failure only seemed to give an additional incentive to the zeal of Mr. Brougham, and he subsequently reaped the fruit of his labours.



MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE ON THE CORN-LAWS.

During this session Mr. Holme Sumner moved for a select committee to take into consideration the agricultural state of the country. The table of the house was loaded with petitions on this subject from all quarters. The petitions complained of distress; and their general prayer was for additional restrictions, fora high permanent duty in place of a limited prohibition, The debates arising from the motion occupied much time and attention. It was seconded by Mr. Western, and supported by Mr. Gooch, who repeated the statement, that without protection the agriculturists of this country were unable to compete with foreign growers; that the act of 1815 afforded no protection; and that measures more effectual were indispensable. Mr. Robinson, president of the board of trade, in reply, deprecated the motion as tending to excite hopes which could not be realized. He was followed by Messrs. Baring and Ricardo, the latter of whom entered into a luminous exposition of the principles of political economy, and condemned all restrictions on the freedom of the corn-trade as injurious in their tendency. The landed interests, however, prevailed, and the motion for the committee was carried. On the following evening, however, ministers succeeded in neutralizing its effects, by proposing that its inquiries should be limited to the best mode of ascertaining the weekly average of corn prices. This was opposed as a trick of state; but it passed by a large majority, and every material alteration of the corn-laws was deferred till a more convenient season.



MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE RESPECTING FREE TRADE.

A commercial question of still greater importance than that of the corn-laws was also, during this session, introduced into parliament. Petitions from the city of London, and from Glasgow, prayed for free trade; and Mr. Baring, who presented that of the London merchants to the commons, insisted that freedom from restriction is calculated to give the utmost extension to foreign trade, as well as the best direction to the capital and industry of the country. No formal motion was made in the commons on this subject; but in the lords, on the 26th of May, Lord Lansdowne moved for a committee of inquiry concerning the foreign trade of the empire. This proposal elicited a speech from the Earl of Liverpool, in which his lordship, as head of the administration, declared his assent to the principles of free trade, expressing his conviction that it would have been better for the world had such principles always been acted upon, and advising the recognition of such exceptions only, as the policy of the world and the laws of the country dictated. The motion was carried unanimously.



THE CIVIL LIST, ETC.

The civil list was settled at L1,057,000; and on the 19th of June the chancellor of the exchequer produced his financial statement. There was an increase both in the army and navy estimates, owing to the augmentation of force, necessary from the peculiar state of the country. The sum total for the service of the year, including the interest of the debt, was estimated at L50,500,000. The ways and means proposed to meet this large expenditure were, exclusive of permanent revenues, a continuation of the usual annual taxes; the sum of L2,500,000 from the produce of the temporary excise duties, which had remained in force during the war; L240,000 arising from the lottery; L260,000 from old naval stores; exchequer bills for L7,000,000 to be funded; and L12,000,000 from the sinking-fund. But all questions, whether financial, commercial, or political, were swallowed up in one absorbing topic—this was the arrival of Queen Caroline from Italy.



MESSAGE RESPECTING THE QUEEN

Queen Caroline had retired to Italy to avoid persecution in 1814, by the advice of Mr. Canning. The persecutions to which she had been subjected arose in a quarter from which she least expected it from her husband, the regent. Her name was not often mentioned in England during her absence; but though the public seemed regardless of her existence, subsequent disclosures showed that she had not been forgotten by her persecutors. Spies had been sent into Italy to watch her conduct; and the result was that she was finally charged with living in open adultery with an Italian courier, named Bergami, a man whom she had raised from that station to the first office in her household. In consequence of these movements, Mr. Brougham, her legal adviser, made a proposal, in June, 1819, to Lord Liverpool, that the income of L35,000 per annum enjoyed by her royal highness, but which was to expire on the death of his majesty, George III., should be secured to her for life, provided she consented to remain abroad without assuming the title of Queen of England. This singular proposition was stated at the time to be made without the knowledge of the princess; and the reply given was, that when the king came to give attention to the subject, there would be no indisposition to acquiesce in such terms, provided she would give her consent. Thus matters rested till she became Queen of England. Government then thought it necessary that some line of conduct should be taken regarding her, which might prevent disclosures that were on all accounts to be deprecated, and a compromise, founded on Mr. Brougham's former proposal, was transmitted to her: she was to receive L50,000 on condition of renouncing the royal title, and residing in foreign lands. She had heard of the death of her father, and the accession of her husband in February, while at Rome, and she immediately assumed the royal title, and demanded a guard of honour from the papal government. This demand was not complied with, because no official communication had been received from the king or his ministers on the subject: his holiness, indeed, represented that he did not know whether the Queen of England was in Rome or not. Incensed at this reply, her majesty drew up a narrative, dated Match 16th, relating her wrongs, and in which she stated her determination to repair to England. This document, together with a letter written by her to Lord Liverpool, demanding that her name should be inserted in the liturgy, and that a palace should be prepared for her on her arrival, appeared in the papers about the middle of April, and a general idea prevailed that she was rapidly proceeding towards England. Various reasons, however, concurred which induced her to prolong her sojourn at Rome, so that she did not arrive at Geneva till the 9th of May. From Geneva she dispatched a letter to Mr. Brougham requiring his attendance either there, or at one of the sea-ports. In consequence of this communication, Messrs. Denman and Brougham, with other friends of the queen, held a consultation, in which they agreed to request her to repair to Calais without loss of time. Her majesty quitted Geneva instantly on receiving this advice, and in her route thither she was joined by Lady Anne Hamilton, who had formerly been in her service, and by Alderman Wood, one of the representatives of the city of London. On the 20th she arrived at Villeneuve le Roi, whence she wrote two letters, one to the Duke of York, and the other to Lord Liverpool, declaratory of her intention, to be in London within five days, reiterating also her demand for a palace, and requesting that a royal yacht might be in readiness at Calais to convey her to England. At St. Oroers she was met by Mr. Brougham, and Lord Hutchinson, a personal friend of the king, who was entrusted with a confidential communication. The fact is, ministers had determined, from the evidence in their possession, that the queen could not be received in England with the honours due to royalty, and Lord Hutchinson was sent to intimate this, and to make a similar proposition to that which had before been made. Ministers proposed to settle L50,000 per annum on her for life, subject to such conditions as the king might impose; which conditions Lord Hutchinson stated he had reason to believe, were, that she was not to assume the style and title of Queen of Great Britain, or any other title attached to the royal family of England; and that she was not to reside in England, or even to visit that country: the consequence of such a visit would be an immediate message to parliament, and an entire end of all compromise or negociation. The threatened message to parliament was understood by the queen and her counsellors to signify that a public charge of adultery would be exhibited against her; and, indignant at such treatment, the proposal was rejected as one that could not be listened to for a moment. Lord Hutchinson still made attempts at negociation, but they were all vain; nothing could induce her to change her purpose. Irritated by studied insults abroad; incensed by threats of ministerial vengeance; brooding over the wrongs she had endured from one who had promised before the altar of God to love and cherish her through life; and, above all, assured of the popular support, she pursued her way; and she reached the shores of England on the 6th of June. Although government had made no preparation for her reception, the people's hearts gave her a ready welcome. Multitudes met her on the beach at Dover, with loud acclamations, banners, and every sign of popular enthusiasm. Her progress to London resembled a triumphal procession, and she was met in the metropolis by 200,000 persons, all shouting her welcome at the top of their voices. They would have conducted her at once to Carlton House, but she was induced to go to Alderman Wood's mansion in South Audley Street, there to wait the issue of the matter.

The king was now obliged to take the field against a woman in, whose favour the British people were generally interested. On the 6th of June a message was read from the woolsack, communicating certain papers relative to the conduct of her majesty since her departure from England, which the king recommended to the immediate and serious attention of their lordships. A similar message was also delivered to the commons: and in both houses ministers expressed their intention of moving for an address to the king, and a reference of the papers to a secret committee on the following day. In the commons the minister was anticipated on the 7th by Mr. Brougham, who presented a communication from her majesty, setting forth that she had returned to England for the purpose of maintaining her innocence and rights; protesting against any secret tribunal appointed by her accusers; complaining of the insults received from foreign courts, influenced by that of Great Britain; and appealing to the justice of the commons of England. In reply, after the cheers with which this document was received had subsided, Lord Castlereagh said that ministers were neither persecutors nor prosecutors: the king's message was most gracious; and the secret committee was only a preliminary step to ascertain whether there was any case to proceed with. The trial should be, he added, if there was any trial, open and honourable, Mr. Brougham strongly resisted the appointment of the committee, since although not final, it must deeply affect her majesty's character. Mr. Canning vindicated the conduct of ministers, and Mr. Wilberforce recommended delay, that, if possible, some compromise might be entered into. In consequence of this suggestion of Mr. Wilberforce the house adjourned to the Friday following; and in the interval the queen, on the advice of her friends, made a communication to Lord Liverpool, through Mr. Brougham, in which, deferring to the expressed opinion of the house of commons, she declared herself ready to take into consideration any arrangement consistent with her dignity and honour. In reply, Lord Liverpool referred her to the memorandum placed in the hands of her own attorney-general and the queen declared that this document, which had been superseded by Lord Hutchinson's proposition, was now submitted to her for the first time. She added that the recognition of her rank and privileges must form the basis of any arrangement. In reply, ministers declared that any proposition on the part of the king must have for its basis the queen's residence abroad. To this her majesty rejoined, that she was willing to leave her cause in the hands of any person or persons of high station and character, whom both parties might select; their decision being subject to the approbation of parliament. This proposal was accepted. On the part of the king the Duke of Wellington and Lord Castlereagh were appointed, while Messrs. Brougham and Denman were appointed on behalf of the queen. Meanwhile parliament, to give time for their negociations, was further adjourned. The referees met on the 15th of June; but it was all to no purpose. The protocol set forth that "the queen must not be understood to admit nor the king to retract any position," with which insuperable barrier before them the negociations finished as they had commenced: it was contended in limine, on her majesty's behalf, that her name should be inserted in the liturgy, and as this was refused by the king, the conference was broken up. This failure in negociations was reported on the 19th; but on the following day Mr. Wilberforce asked and obtained further delay, in order that he might make a proposition, which he conceived might set the matter at rest. This proposition was made on the 22nd, and it consisted of two resolutions; one regretting the recent failure of negociation, and the other soliciting her majesty to gratify the house by conceding a few points, for the sake of an amicable arrangement. Lord Archibald Hamilton moved as an amendment that the queen's name should be inserted in the liturgy, which was ably supported by Sir Francis Burdett, who delivered a speech, censuring ministers, which produced a great sensation in the house. In reply, Mr. Canning stated, that, however much provoked by the honourable baronet's speech, he should abstain from entering the lists with him till a future day; which determination produced a sarcastic retort from Mr. Tierney, who observed, that, "as the better part of valour was discretion, he commended Mr. Canning's prudence, in postponing his defence of ministers till the effect of Sir Francis's speech was done away: the fact proved that it was unanswerable." Mr. Wilberforce's motion, however, was carried by three hundred and ninety-one against one hundred and thirty-four. A deputation waited on the queen with the message of the commons; but she peremptorily rejected their advice, and its members were, on their return, hissed and hooted by the populace. Every hope of conciliation being now at an end on the motion of Lord Castlereagh, the commons voted a further adjournment, in order to leave initiatory proceedings to the house of lords. But though the commons waited quietly till their lordships made a further movement in the matter, the country did not. The whole kingdom was turned into one great arena of disputation, in which the innocence or the guilt of the queen was advocated according to the different views of the people. Addresses were sent to the queen from all quarters; and in answer to that presented by the common-council of London, she made this declaration,—"In the many and deep sorrows and afflictions with which it has pleased Providence to visit me, I have derived unspeakable consolation from the zealous and constant attachment of this warm-hearted, just, and generous people; to live at home with, and to cherish whom, will be the chief happiness of the remainder of my days."

The secret committee made their report on the 4th of July. This report stated that the charges appeared calculated so deeply to affect, not only the honour of the queen, but also the dignity of the crown, that in the opinion of the committee it was necessary they should become the subject of a solemn inquiry, which might best be effected in the course of a legislative proceeding. This was followed, on the 6th of July, by a motion in the lords, moved by the Earl of Liverpool, for a bill of pains and penalties; or an act which, according to precedents in former ages, might pronounce the queen guilty of an adulterous intercourse; degrade her from her exalted station; and dissolve the marriage between her and the king. This bill was read a first time as a preliminary step to the introduction of evidence, and then a copy of it was sent to her majesty by the usher of the black rod. The day fixed for the second reading was the 17th of August, on which day counsel appeared in support of the bill and on behalf of the queen.

In the meantime addresses were presented to her from cities, towns, and villages in every part of the United Kingdom. Encouraged by the popular support, the queen took a house at Hammersmith, on the banks of the Thames, and thither processions went every day, except Sundays, numbering on an average 30,000 people. Eventually she was obliged to appoint certain days in the week for receiving them: the other days were employed in riding about the city and its environs, in which she was always followed by a vast concourse of people. The king was, also, compelled to endure some noise and bustle. In their processions to and fro, the people generally stopped opposite his palace, but it was only to show him the bitter feelings which they entertained towards him. So unpopular had he become by this persecution of his wife, that he was compelled to go from London to the cottage, and from the cottage to London under cover of the night; and even then the people were on the watch to salute him roughly as he passed.



TRIAL OF THE QUEEN.

On the 17th of August mobs of the most terrific description surrounded the two houses of parliament, and filled every street in the vicinity. In this state of things the lords took their places to try the queen: the judges being requested to assist at the deliberations. The names of the peers having been called over, Lord Liverpool moved the order of the day for the second reading of the bill of pain and penalties. The Duke of Leinster moved as an amendment that the order should be rescinded; but this was negatived, and the Earl of Liverpool then moved that counsel be called in and heard in support of the preamble of the bill. On the appearance of the counsel Mr. Brougham obtained leave to state his objections to the principles of the bill in its present state of progress, which he did in a speech of great length, and with extraordinary talent. Taking advantage of the popular feeling he concluded in these terms:—"True it is, that your committee has reported in favour of the bill, but that cannot pledge the house: and he is the greatest of all fools who consults his apparent consistency at the expense of his absolute ruin. The sooner you retrace the step into which you may may have been led at an unwary moment, the greater will be the service you render to the country. If you decide that this bill ought not to proceed, you will be the saviours of the state." Mr. Denman followed on the same side with a speech of great eloquence; and the speeches of the queen's counsel were answered by the king's attorney and solicitor-general. Mr. Brougham replied: urging a variety of arguments in favour of his original proposition, and showing the impolicy of the principle contended for by ministers. Successive attempts were made by Lords King and Grey to stop all further proceedings; but their motions were negatived, and the attorney-general was ordered by the lord chancellor to state his case. His statement occupied two days, and the examination of witnesses engaged the attention of the peers to the 6th of September. The evidence in support of the bill was summed up on the 7th of September, and on the 9th an adjournment took place to the 3rd of October, in consequence of an application from her majesty's counsel. On that day Mr. Brougham entered on the defence in a speech of great power; and he was followed by Mr. Williams, who declared that he should be able to rebut many of the prominent points sworn to in the prosecution by the clearest testimony. The examination of the witnesses for the defence lasted from the 5th of October to the 24th, and Mr. Denman proceeded to sum up the evidence. At the conclusion of his speech he remarked:—"We have fought the battles of morality, Christianity, and civilized society throughout the world; and in the language of the dying warrior I may say:—

'In this glorious and well foughten field We kept together in our chivalry.'

"While he (Mr. Brougham) was achieving the immortal victory, and the illustrious triumph, protecting innocence and truth by the adamantine shield of his prodigious eloquence, it has been my lot to discharge only a few random arrows at the defeated champions of this disgraceful cause." Dr. Lushington followed on the 26th of October, with a luminous view of the case, and the king's attorney and solicitor-general replied. The peers then debated, and on the 6th of November divided on the second reading of the bill, Which was carried by one hundred and twenty-three against ninety-five. Many peers entered strong protests; and a protest was read from the queen by Lord Dacre, in which she made the most solemn assertions of innocence. In this protest it was observed, that "unless these unexampled proceedings should bring the bill before the commons, the queen would make no reference whatever to the treatment experienced by her during the last twenty-five years." This innuendo produced its effects. The lords, indeed, now evidently began to tremble, lest they should be precipitated into the gulf which by their recent vote they had approached. It was felt, moreover, that the king did not come into court "with clean hands;" and therefore when the divorce clause came under discussion several peers, and among them several bishops, who considered the queen guilty, declared their aversion on religious scruples, to vote for it. The partisans of the queen, headed by Earl Grey, seized the advantage offered to them by this difference of opinion among her opponents, and they gave their strong support to it, and the clause was carried. But by this movement the fate of the bill became evident. It was read a third time by a majority of nine on the 10th of November; but there was yet one question to be put,—"that this bill do now pass," and ministers shrunk from the point. The queen petitioned to be heard by counsel against this final step; but Lord Liverpool, in reply, declared that with so small a majority, in the actual state of public feeling, he, and his colleagues felt bound to abandon the bill. A motion was made that the question should be put off to that day six months, which was carried; and thus ended, in defeat and disgrace, the domestic war which George IV. had been carrying on for twenty-five years against his consort. On the 29th of November, her majesty went in state to St. Paul's to return public thanks, on which occasion she was surrounded by such multitudes as to make it difficult for her to reach the cathedral. The general joy was also manifested by illuminations, ringing of bells, firing of cannon, and the presentation of addresses of congratulation. But Queen Caroline was soon destined to see her popularity wane. Tired with the constant rout, orders were given that addresses should only be presented on one day of the week; and she gradually withdrew herself from the leaders of the whig party. This was the signal for the desertion of her cause. What Queen Caroline was doing soon became as indifferent to the people as what other members of the royal family were doing, and her final fate an object of curiosity more than of interest. At the close of the trial of Queen Caroline, parliament was prorogued to the 23rd of January.



CHAPTER XXXIII.

{GEORGE IV. 1821—1823.}

Meeting of Parliament..... Debate on the Holy Alliance..... The Catholic Question..... Motions for Parliamentary Reform, &c...... Report of the Agricultural Committee..... The Navigation Laws..... The Supplies, &c. Coronation of George IV...... Death of Queen Caroline..... Meeting of Parliament..... Changes in the Cabinet..... Motion to restore Roman Catholic Peers to their Seats in Parliament..... Motion on Agricultural Digress, &c..... Acts for the Reduction of Expenditure..... Debates on the Currency..... Reduction of Imposts, &c...... Motion for Parliamentary Reform..... Cause of the Greeks..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Change in the Cabinet.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1821}

Parliament reassembled on the 23rd of January, and was opened by the king in person. In his speech, he expressed satisfaction at decreasing evils with reference to domestic concerns; and in noticing foreign commotions, he stated, that his great object would be to preserve the blessings of peace. He noticed the queen, but it was only to suggest the settlement of a provision upon her. But notwithstanding these pacific demonstrations the opposition in both houses prepared all their strength for the overthrow of the ministry. The whigs joined the radicals, and one of the results of this alliance was the presentation of petitions praying for the restoration of her majesty's name to the liturgy; reprobating the late bill of pain and penalties; and requesting the house to exert its influence with the king to dismiss his ministers. In consequence of these petitions a motion was made on the 26th of January, by Lord Archibald Hamilton, for a vote of censure on ministers for the omission of the queen's name in the liturgy; but though ably supported by Messrs. Brougham, Hobhouse, Scarlett, Wetherell, and Sir James Mackintosh, the motion was lost by a large majority. A few days afterwards, on a proposition by Lord Castlereagh, for a committee to take into consideration a provision for the queen, Mr. Brougham stated that her majesty was resolved not to accept of any settlement, while her name was excluded from the liturgy. But notwithstanding this statement, his lordship proposed a provision of L50,000 per annum, and after vehement debates the vote passed without a division, and a bill for this annuity was forwarded through the usual stages. On the 5th of February, Lord Tavistock renewed the attack on ministers, by a motion of direct censure on the whole proceedings against the queen, with a view of compelling the ministers to resign. This motion, however, was lost by a large majority; and a last effort made in the queen's cause, namely, a motion made for the restoration of her name to the liturgy, met with a similar fate. In the meantime the queen had been reduced to the necessity of either being left without any provision, or of accepting the voted settlement, in contradiction to the statement made by her counsel. Her acceptance of it was necessary to her very existence, but the inconsistency of this determination extinguished all her influence over the public mind. By the issue of this trial, indeed, both the king and the queen were lowered in the public estimation: the respect of the nation for the throne and its occupant especially was greatly impaired.



DEBATE ON THE HOLY ALLIANCE

During this session the consideration of foreign affairs was brought before parliament by motions from Lord Grey in the lords, and by Sir James Mackintosh in the commons. The ostensible object of these motions was the production of all communications between his majesty's government and foreign states on the concerns of Naples. In reality, however, the purpose of these motions was to elicit the minister's sentiments concerning the conduct of the Holy Alliance, whose manifesto, recently published at Troppau, had excited feelings of alarm among all the friends of constitutional liberty throughout Europe. In his speech Lord Grey adverted to a document published at Hamburgh, purporting to be a circular of the allied powers, in which a claim was set up of a general superintendence over European states, and the suppression of all changes in their internal administration, hostile to what the alliance deemed legitimate principles of government. These monarchs, his lordship said, had assumed the censorship of Europe; sitting in judgment on the internal transactions of other states, and even taking on themselves to summons before them an independent sovereign, in order to pronounce sentence on a constitution which he had given to his country. Ministers, in their defence, said that our government was in no respect a party to the league; and the motion for the production of the papers was negatived. When the declaration against Naples arrived, however, the subject was renewed by a motion made by Lord Lans-downe, for an address to his majesty for a remonstrance with the allied powers. But this was met by the pretext of a strict neutrality adopted by Great Britain; and Naples was left to fall into the hands of the Austrians.



THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.

Grattan, the great advocate of Catholic emancipation, had recently departed this life; but there were still men in parliament able to advocate his principles. On the 28th of February the question was brought forward by Mr. Plunkett, whose able and lucid speech elicited acclamations from all parts of the house. Mr. Peel was the chief opponent of the measure; but the motion for a committee was carried by a majority of six votes. The house resolved itself into a committee on the 2nd of March, when six resolutions, proposed by Mr. Plunkett, received the sanction of the house. On these resolutions he framed two bills; one repealing disabilities, and the other enacting securities for the safety of the Protestant succession to the crown, and of the Protestant church. These bills passed the commons; but in the upper house the atmosphere was not quite so congenial to their existence. Their fate was decided on the second day's debate, by a speech delivered by the Duke of York, presumptive heir to the throne. He remarked in that speech:—"Educated in the principles of the established church, the more I inquire, and the more I think, the more I am persuaded that her interests are inseparable from those of the constitution. I consider her as an integral part, of that constitution, and I pray that she may long remain so. At the same time there is no man less an enemy to toleration than myself; but I distinguish between the allowance of the free exercise of religion and the granting of political power." This speech had its effect: the bill was thrown out by a majority of one hundred and fifty-nine against one hundred and twenty.



MOTIONS FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, ETC.

While the peers were thus engaged the commons were considering the subject of parliamentary reform. Mr. Lambton proposed to divide the kingdom into elective districts, extend the franchise to all householders, and limit the duration of parliament to three years. This plan being rejected, Lord John Russell proposed another, which would have extended the right of electing members to populous towns then unrepresented in parliament, and disfranchise every borough convicted hereafter of corruption. The house, however, was not yet prepared to go even thus far, for the motion was rejected by a majority of one hundred and fifty-five. But one decided measure of practical reform was at least effected this session; this was the disfranchisement of the corrupt borough of Grampound, and the transfer of its privileges to the populous county of York.



REPORT OF THE AGRICULTURAL COMMITTEE.

Early in this session, from numerous petitions presented on the prevalence of agricultural distress, and on the motion of Mr. Gooch, a committee had been granted to investigate this subject. The report of this committee was presented to the house on the 18th of June; and it stated that the complaints of the petitioners were founded in fact, in so far as they represented that, at the present price of corn, the returns to occupiers of arable land, after allowing for the interests of investments, were by no means adequate to the charges and outgoings. It also acknowledged that the committee, after much anxious inquiry, had not been able to discover any means calculated to relieve the present pressure. The report, in fact, when made public, extinguished all hopes which had been entertained from the labours of the committee. It stated, "So far as the pressure arises from the superabundant harvests, it is beyond the application of any legislative provisions; so far as it is the result of the increased value of money, it is not one peculiar to the farmer, but extends to many other classes of society." This was essentially true; and our legislators, perceiving that they could not alleviate the distress by legislation, left the matter to be ameliorated in the progression of time.



THE NAVIGATION LAWS.

In the course of the last session ministers had proclaimed views in favour of free trade; and these were more formally developed this year by series of resolutions, proposed by Mr. Wallace, president of the board of trade, the object of which was to pave the way for a complete revisal of the navigation laws, and the removal of those restrictions which forbade the free interchange of commodities in foreign shipping. Leave was given to introduce bills for the enactment of these important measures in the ensuing session.



THE SUPPLIES, ETC.

The total amount of supplies for this year was L20,018,200; and in aid of the ways and means L13,000,000 were taken from the sinking-fund. A sum of L500,000, also, arose from the pecuniary indemnity paid by France. A preposition to repeal the malt-tax was negatived; but ministers afforded some relief to agriculturists by removing the duty from horses employed in husbandry. In the debates on the estimates of expenditure, Mr. Hume pursued his plan of sifting and disputing almost every item of supply; and though he did not succeed in effecting any reduction of expense, yet by this system ministers were compelled into the necessity of originating measures of retrenchment. Parliament was prorogued by commission on the 11th of July.



CORONATION OF GEORGE IV.

It had been intended that the king's coronation should have taken place in August, 1820; but the queen's appearance had set that intention aside. Her trial further delayed it; but after the storm of passion with which that was accompanied had subsided, it was announced that the coronation would take place on the 19th of July of the present year. This announcement brought the queen again into the field. On the 25th of June she preferred a claim to be crowned like her royal predecessors; and the case was argued, at the king's request, before the privy-council. Her majesty's claim, however, was rejected; and as soon as she received it, she stated her fixed determination to be present at the ceremony, and demanded a suitable place to be provided for her accommodation. This also was refused; and the queen then requested the Archbishop of Canterbury to crown her alone, a request with which he had not the power to comply. Thus repulsed she prepared a protest, which she determined to deliver personally into the king's hands on the day of his coronation. This occasioned expectations that the celebration of the coronation would be interrupted, if not prevented, by some popular commotion or infraction of the peace. Every precaution, however, was taken by ministers to preserve the public tranquillity, and to draw off public attention from the queen. Shows, balloons, fireworks, and all sorts of entertainments attracted the populace from the vicinity of the abbey, while, in case any commotion should arise, every disposable regiment was brought into or near the metropolis. There needed, however, no warlike preparation; for while the queen's popularity had abated, that of the king had so much increased as almost to fulfil Lord Castlereagh's prediction, that, at the end of six months after the trial of the queen, his majesty would be the most popular man within his dominion. He had, in fact, from that time been courting popularity, and the goddess had greatly favoured him. On the day of the coronation, therefore, no tumult was created in favour of the queen; she, in fact, on whom the populace, almost as one man, had, but a little time before, waited with addresses, assuring her of support and commiseration, was allowed to go from door to door of the abbey seeking admittance, and to be at every door rejected with contumely and scorn, with impunity. George IV. was crowned without interruption; and a ceremony more august and imposing in all its parts, or more, calculated to make the deepest impression both on the eye and the feelings, could not be conceived. But the propriety of the pomp and magnificence displayed may be questioned, as the nation was still suffering from the effects of the late expensive war.



DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE.

Although Queen Caroline had borne her wrongs and injuries proudly up to the coronation of her husband, yet, by the treatment she on that day received, not only from officials, but the populace, her spirit was at length subdued. She had placed her last stake on the hazard of a day; and having totally failed in her object, sunk under the deepest humiliation. But death came to the relief of all her anxieties and all her woes. Soon afterwards she was attacked with an obstruction of the bowels, which, in her state of mind and body, brought on mortification, and terminated fatally on the 7th of August. Her ruling passion was strong in death. She directed that her remains should be interred in her own country, and that this inscription should be engraved on her tomb:—"Here lies Caroline of Brunswick, the injured Queen of England." Her funeral procession was attended with riots of a serious description. The first stage, where it was to cross the sea, was to Romford in Essex. The road that led to that place from her residence on the banks of the Thames was through the heart of the capital, by her husband's palace, and St. Paul's Cathedral. Ministers unwisely sought to prevent the corpse from proceeding in this direction, and endeavoured by the military to force it up a narrow street or lane, so that it might reach the northern outskirts of London, and get into the Romford road without occasioning any popular commotion. The populace, however, whose predilection for the queen, now that she was dead, seems to have returned, were determined that the procession should proceed by the natural route. To this end the pavement was torn up, trenches made in the road, and the avenues blocked up in every other direction. The people triumphed; but at Hyde-Park upper-gate a conflict between the military and the people took place, and two of the latter were shot dead. At length the hearse was forced into the city; and here the procession was joined by the lord mayor and other authorities; the shops being closed, and the bells of the different churches tolling. It is said that his majesty, who, at the time these commotions took place, was enjoying the pleasures of conviviality in Ireland, expressed in somewhat contemptuous terms his dissatisfaction at the want of arrangement and energy on the part of ministers. But this seemed to proceed from the failure of their plans rather than from any respect to his deceased queen. She was persecuted even to the last. In the course of the procession Sir Robert Wilson remonstrated with some soldiers on duty, and this humane interference deprived him of his commission; the directing civil magistrate, also, who consulted humanity in preference to his orders, was dismissed from office. It was unmanly to persecute the departed while in the land of the living; it was unworthy of manhood to carry resentment beyond the grave.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1822}

On the meeting of parliament in January, one of the first subjects taken into consideration was the state of Ireland. For some years that country had been comparatively peaceable, but distress and outrage were again walking hand in hand in every part. To repress the spirit of lawless outrage, the Marquess of Londonderry—Lord Castle-reagh, who had succeeded to that title at his father's death—introduced and carried two bills for arming the administration with additional powers, the insurrection act, and the suspension of the habeas corpus. Several members wished the state of Ireland to be thoroughly investigated; but this did not accord with the views of ministers. At length a famine, from the failure of the potatoe-crop in 1821, spread over the country, and disease waited in its train. A fever, of the typhus kind, swept off its thousands, while starvation carried off its thousands more. Government, on discovering this, placed L500,000 at the disposal of Lord Wellesley, the lord-lieutenant, to be dispensed in charitable relief, or in employing the poor on works of public utility, and private charity afforded even more effectual aid; but still the people of Ireland could not be wholly rescued from the calamity which had overtaken them. Many were snatched from the jaws of death by this timely relief, but many more perished.



CHANGES IN THE CABINET.

The continued distress of the agriculturists in England, at the commencement of this year led to some modification in the state of public parties. At many county meetings such a loud and imperative call for retrenchment and remission of taxation, was made by both landholders and farmers, that the treasury-bench began to feel alarm. This, in fact, drove them to the expediency of strengthening their ranks by opening the doors of office to the Grenville party; which, though not united with the whigs, was generally opposed to ministers. Lord Grenville, the political head of the party, had retired from public life, but the Marquess of Buckingham was gratified by a ducal coronet, and Mr. Charles Wynne was made president of the board of control. A greater accession was gained in the exchange of Lord Sidmouth for Mr Peel, as secretary of state for the home department. Lord Sidmouth, however, was permitted to retain a seat in the cabinet, but Mr. Canning was compelled to retire, the part which he had taken in the affairs of the queen having created feelings of resentment against him in the king's mind.



MOTION TO RESTORE ROMAN CATHOLIC PEERS TO THEIR SEATS IN PARLIAMENT.

On the 30th of April, Mr. Canning, "wishing perhaps to give eclat to his departure from the scene of his glory," moved in the house of commons for leave to bring in a bill for restoring the right of sitting and voting in parliament to Roman Catholic peers. In his speech he asked; "Do you imagine it never occurred to the representatives of Europe, when contemplating the imposing spectacle of the coronation; that it never occurred to the ambassadors of Catholic Austria, of Catholic Fiance, or of states more bigoted, if there be any more bigoted, to the Catholic religion, to reflect, that the moment this solemn ceremony was over, the Duke of Norfolk would become disseized of the exercise of his privileges among his fellow peers? stripped of his robes of office, which were to be laid aside, and hung up, until the day, when the coronation of a successor to his present most gracious sovereign should again call him forth to assist at a similar solemnization? Thus after being exhibited to the peers and people of England, to the representatives of princes and nations of the world—the Duke of Norfolk, highest in rank among the peers—the Lord Clifford and others, like him, representing a long line of illustrious ancestors, appeared as if they had been called forth and furnished for the occasion, like the lustres and banners that flamed and glittered in the scene; and were to be, like them, thrown by as useless and temporary formalities. They might, indeed, bend the knee and kiss the hand; they might bear the train, or rear the canopy; they might perform the offices assigned by Roman pride to their barbarian forefathers—Purpurea tollant auloa Britanni—but with the pageantry of that hour their importance faded away. As their distinction vanished, their humiliation returned: and he who headed the procession of peers to-day, could not sit among them as their equal, to-morrow." This motion was strongly opposed by Mr. Peel, who was unable to see any reason for exempting Roman Catholic peers from political restrictions to which a community professing the same tenets were by law subject. The bill, notwithstanding, passed the commons by a majority of five; but it was rejected by the lords.



MOTION ON AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS, ETC.

Early in this session Mr. Brougham moved that it was the duty of the house to relieve agricultural distress by a reduction of taxes. This motion was made with a view of trying the strength of parties, as the small corps of Grenvillites, which had lately joined their ranks, could not support ministers, if the country members deserted them. Lord Londonderry met this covert attack on the ministers, however, by an assurance, that they intended to propose measures for that purpose, so that the arrow aimed at them fell pointless to the ground. The motion was negatived from this assurance, and his lordship soon after proposed the reappointment of the agricultural committee. On the report of this committee he submitted a plan of relief to the house; the principal heads of which were a repeal of the annual malt-duty, and a loan of L1,000,000 in exchequer-bills to the landed interest, on the security of warehoused corn. It was also enacted that when wheat should reach eighty shillings a quarter, a new scale of duties should be brought into permanent operation. At the same time the chancellor of the exchequer brought forward two financial operations. The first of these was a reduction of the navy five per cents., to stock carrying only four per cent; the holders having the option of being paid off at par, or of accepting the lower rate of interest with a small increase of capital as a bonus: the second was a plan to diminish the present charge for naval and military half-pay and civil pensions, known in financial jargon under the name of the dead-weight, by extending it in the form of annuities over a period of forty-five years, instead of allowing it to be gradually extinguished through the death of annuitants. This scheme appeared fallacious to many members, and unintelligible to others; but it was passed by the house, though subsequently the chancellor of the exchequer had to remodel his plan, as the great capitalists complained of its principles. The arrangement was completed in the following year by a bargain with the Bank of England.



ACTS FOR THE REDUCTION OF EXPENDITURE.

During this session ministers felt themselves obliged to yield to the loud call made upon them for the reduction of expenditure. Encouraged by the co-operation of many of the landed proprietors, opposition commenced a series of attacks on the cabinet on these grounds. The first attack was made by a motion to repeal the salt-duty, which was defeated by the small majority of four only. Sir M. W. Ridley next moved for the reduction of two out of seven lords of the admiralty, which was carried by a large majority against ministers. Thus encouraged, Lord Normandy proposed an address to the throne for the dismissal of one of the two post-masters general, and opposition again triumphed. They now assailed one of the strongholds of corruption, the diplomatic expenditure of the country. But here they were defeated. Lord Londonderry declared that if the house persisted in going into a committee on that subject, it would be the signal for breaking up the administration. This menace had the effect of bringing over the country gentlemen to vote with the cabinet as heretofore, and the motions for inquiry were lost by large majorities.



DEBATES ON THE CURRENCY.

In order to relieve the agricultural distress, Mr. Western brought forward a motion on the subject of the currency. He moved for a committee to inquire into the effect which the act of 1819, for the resumption of cash-payments by the Bank, had produced on our manufacturing and commercial interests. In his speech he assigned the alteration of the currency as the chief cause of the calamity, since it operated injuriously on all classes except the fundholder and annuitant, and by its ruinous effects on private contracts, as well as public payments, was calculated to endanger all kinds of property. Mr. Huskisson combated his views at considerable length; and moved as an amendment, "that this house will not in any way alter the standard of gold and silver." The house then adjourned; and on the following day the debate was resumed. After many members had spoken on both sides of the question, Mr. Peel rose, and said, that "he would not enter on the discussion of abstract subjects. From the reasonings of gentlemen, down to the speech of the honourable member for Westminster, he was at a loss to guess the objects of the committee. The honourable baronet fairly stated that the real object of the motion was to repeal the bill of 1819; he had declared that the aim of the honourable gentleman, Mr. Western, was to establish a new standard of value, and to reduce the value of one pound to fourteen shillings. The house, he hoped, would pause before they adopted a proposition for reducing the value of the currency by one-third. An honourable gentleman had talked of establishing and securing the foundations of public prosperity; but what would be the consequence to-morrow if that night they adopted the proposition of the honourable gentleman? Every man of common sense would buy up every guinea in the country; the whole of our mercantile transactions would be disturbed, and all private contracts be open to inquiry and to defeat. Seven or eight years had already elapsed since the house had pledged itself to return to the ancient standard of value. In 1814 the house came to a resolution that the Bank of England ought to return to cash-payments; in 1816, when his right honourable friend proposed a resolution on the subject, the Late Mr. Horner would not consent until an express declaration was made, that the legislative would see that cash-payments should soon be resumed; and his proposition was accordingly adopted. But the restriction was continued to enable the Bank to resume cash-payments with greater convenience; so that since 1814 the country was accommodating itself to this new state of things; and after having accomplished that object, the house was told that the intent of the honourable gentleman's motion was to reduce the value of money from twenty to fourteen shillings. With respect to the situation of the public creditor, he has been paid in a depreciated currency. The public creditor lent his money in 1798 and 1800 on the understanding that, when the Bank restriction should expire, he would be entitled to his demand in the ancient standard of value. If the house, therefore, were to come to any adjustment of the value proposed by the honourable gentleman, undoubtedly the creditor would have a right, and would demand the full payment of his debt. It should be recollected that a great number of persons held debentures who were not the original purchasers, but had bought them for a full and valuable consideration; could the government turn round upon these persons, and say, The original holder gave for this debenture only eighty pounds, you gave ninety-five pounds, but we will not pay you more than eighty pounds? If the house were to proceed upon this principle there would be an end for ever to the very idea of national faith—that faith which had supported us under every difficulty, and which constituted the pride, the glory, and the support of this country." These arguments prevailed; parliament determined not to interfere with the currency. On a subsequent day, however, as the distress among the agriculturists grew to an alarming height, ministers repealed that part of the bill of 1819 which confined the issue of small notes to the period of 1823; the privilege was extended till January, 1833. This measure had the effect of causing symptoms of returning prosperity. Country bankers increased their paper issues; farmers obtained a higher price for their produce; landlords were paid a higher rate for their land; and the natural consequence of all this was the prosperity of trade and commerce. At the same time it proved to be an illusive prosperity.



REDUCTION OF IMPOSTS, ETC.

Warned by their recent defeats, ministers, on the completion of their financial arrangements of this year made several reductions in the imposts. They had resisted the abolition of the salt-tax, but they now announced an intention of lowering it from fifteen to two shillings a bushel. They also remitted the annual duty on malt, the additional tax on leather, and that on windows and hearths in Ireland. By these means a reduction of taxation was effected to the amount or L3,500,000. These important measures were followed by several bills having for their objects the relaxation of the navigation laws, and the promotion of the system of free trade. Ship-owners raised a loud outcry against these enlightened enactments; but time has shown that they were equally beneficial to themselves as to the community at large. It was said that the repeal of the ancient navigation laws would enable other states to outstrip our own and prepare our ruin; but so far from increasing foreign competition, and diminishing British production, it has been the means of decreasing foreign importation, and of increasing our domestic manufactures.



MOTION FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM

Early in this session Lord John Russell called the attention of the commons to the subject of parliamentary reform. The scheme he proposed was to add one hundred members to the house, to be returned by the counties and larger towns, and to divest the minor boroughs of half the privileges they enjoyed. This was a moderate proposal, and yet it met with the most strenuous opposition, and especially from Mr. Canning. He conjured the house to oppose the introduction of any visionary schemes; and asserted, that a search after abstract perfection in government was not an object of reasonable pursuit, because it would prove vain. He added:—"I conjure the noble lord to pause before he again presses his plan on the country. If, however, he shall persevere, and if his perseverance shall be successful, and if the results of that success be such as I cannot help apprehending—his be the triumph to have precipitated those results, mine be the consolation, that to the utmost, and the latest of my power I have opposed thorn." The motion was negatived; and the proposal of a general resolution by Mr. Brougham on the influence of the crown, which was introduced with the same ultimate views of reform, shared the same fate.



CAUSE OF THE GREEKS—PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

The contest which was raging between the Greeks and their oppressors this year came under the notice of parliament. The Mussulmen had everywhere committed the most atrocious cruelties, and the sensations of horror which they produced in England caused Mr. Smith to put a question in the commons, regarding connivance, or at least neglect of remonstrance on the part of our diplomatic agents. Lord Londonderry answered in a flippant manner, that a calamity had occurred in which ten or twelve hostages had been executed, but which was justified by the barbarity of the Greeks. Sir James Mackintosh now took up the question in a strong remonstrance. He asked whether it was mentioned in any of the despatches that the markets of Smyrna and Constantinople were filled with Greek ladies and children? whether ministers could afford the nation any account of the new slave-trade recently established in the East for Christian families? and whether any of those persons who had been murdered at Constantinople had been under the protection of the British minister, or had surrendered themselves to the Turks under any pledge, promise, or assurance of safety from our ambassador? Lord Londonderry now confessed that eighty or ninety individuals had been executed; but he denied that they could be considered at all under the protection of the British government, or in such a situation as to require our interference.

Many questions of minor importance were discussed this session, but none that requires our consideration except the foregoing. Parliament was prorogued on the 6th of August: and then, on the 10th, the king paid a visit to Scotland; to drink "health to its chieftains and clans, and to bless the land of cakes."



CHANGE IN THE CABINET.

While the king was in Scotland an event occurred which caused a change in the cabinet: this was the death of Lord Londonderry who put a period to his own existence. The difficulty in finding a successor to the deceased minister was so great as to subdue the resentment which the king entertained toward Mr. Canning. He had recently been appointed governor of India; but just as he was preparing to set sail he was invited to take the high office of secretary of state, which he accepted. About the same time Mr. Robinson was made chancellor of the exchequer, and Mr. Huskisson president of the board of trade. About the time of his death Lord Londonderry was about to join the congress of Verona, and the Duke of Wellington was deputed to take that place. His grace nobly endeavoured to stem the despotic acts of the sovereigns assembled; but all his endeavours proved unavailing.

They still pursued the despotic measures they had commenced, and Spain especially was doomed to feel their tyranny.



CHAPTER XXXIV

{GEORGE IV. 1823—1825}

Meeting of Parliament..... Affairs of Agriculture and Commerce..... The Supplies..... The Catholic Question..... Affairs in Ireland..... Motions to Reform the Criminal Law..... Motion to Reform the Scotch Representation..... New Loudon Bridge Bill..... Motion respecting the Duty on the Leeward Islands..... Expenses of the Coronation..... Munificence of George IV...... Irish Tithe Commutation Bill, &c—Prorogation of Parliament..... State of the Country..... Meeting of Parliament..... Attack on Ministers with Reference to Spain, &c...... Financial Statements..... The Trade Question..... Alien Bill, &c...... Discussion on the Revolt in Demarara,&c...... State of the British Colonies..... East India Affairs.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1823}

Parliament reassembled on the 4th of February. It was opened by commission; and in the speech his majesty declared that he would be no party to those proceedings at Verona which sanctioned the interference of France with the internal affairs of Spain; and that he would endeavour to avert the calamity of war between those countries. This declaration elicited general approbation; but it was thought by some that more energetic measures should be taken than those adopted by ministers. During the session Lord Ellenborough moved in the upper house for an address to his majesty, expressing, in high terms, a condemnation of the conduct of France and other allied powers, as well as of the British cabinet, in requiring Spain to alter her constitution at their dictation. The majority of the lords, however, seemed to consider that ministers had used every judicious and practicable effort to prevent the attack on Spain; and the motion was rejected. A similar disposition prevailed in the commons. Some few thought further interference necessary, and Mr. Mac-donald introduced a motion to that effect, but it was lost by a majority of three hundred and seventy-two against twenty. So Spain was left to the mercy of the despots: soon after despotism was restored in that country, together with Ferdinand VII.



AFFAIRS OF AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE.

The distress of the landed interests was early discussed in the commons, and it led to a proposition made by Mr. Whitmore for reducing the import price of grain two shillings a year till it should fall to sixty shillings. This was negatived; but government manifested a disposition to open the trade in corn. At the same time the foreign committee was reappointed, and further steps taken to free commerce from restrictions.



THE SUPPLIES.

The new chancellor of the exchequer brought forward his budget on the 21st of February. The total revenue of the year was estimated at L57,096,988, and the expenditure, at L49,852,786. This left a surplus of above L7,000,000, and Mr. Robinson proposed to relieve the burdens of the country by a repeal of assessed taxes to the amount of L 2,000,000, retaining the other L5,000,000 toward the liquidation of the national debt. His views and statements obtained much applause, so that he carried his estimates for the year triumphantly.



THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.

A motion was made on the 17th of April for a committee on the Catholic claims by Mr. Plunkett The discussion on this subject was chiefly remarkable for an attack made by Mr. Brougham on Mr. Canning. After praising the conduct of Mr. Peel, who had never swerved from his opinions, and who had not taken office with the secret understanding to abandon the question in substance, while he continued to sustain it in words, alluding to Mr. Canning, he remarked that when the point was, whether he should submit to a sentence of transportation to India, or be condemned to hard labour at home—when his fate depended on Lord Chancellor Eldon, and his own sentiments on the Catholic question, he had exhibited the most incredible specimen of monstrous truckling for office, which the whole history of political tergiversation could furnish. At this moment Mr. Canning suddenly started up and exclaimed "It is false." A deep silence ensued; after which the speaker called on the right honourable secretary to retract an expression which he must know violated the rules and orders of the house. Mr. Canning replied that though he was sorry to have used any word which might violate the decorum of the house, yet he would not retract the sentiment. This declaration was repeated; and as Mr. Brougham would not explain till Mr. Canning had retracted, Mr. Bankes moved that both members be taken into custody by the serjeant-at-arms. All parties, however, were extricated from their situation by the suggestion made by Sir Robert Wilson, of an hypothetical and mutual explanation. Mr. Bankes then withdrew his motion, and the belligerents declared that they would forget their recriminations. The motion which gave rise to this scene was lost.



AFFAIRS IN IRELAND.

A large portion of this session was wasted in discussing the insolence exhibited by the agents of the ascendant party in Dublin. Lord Wellesley had prohibited the Orange faction to dress up the statute of King William in College Green: a ceremony which perpetuated animosity and frequently led to strife and bloodshed. This gave the Orangemen great offence; and on one occasion, when his lordship visited the theatre, a bottle was thrown at him from the gallery. Three persons were taken into custody, and the attorney-general indicted them for a misdemeanour; but the grand jury would only find bills of indictment against two of them, and as two persons cannot commit a riot, the finding released them all. Mr. Plunkett then filed an ex-officio information against those persons, whom he, on evidence received, believed guilty; but the petty jury would not agree in their verdict, and the prisoners were discharged. This matter was investigated in parliament; but the result merely showed in what a daring manner juries were packed, and the name of justice was abused in Ireland.



MOTIONS TO REFORM THE CRIMINAL LAW.

On the 21st of May Sir James Mackintosh renewed his efforts to reform our criminal code. He moved a series of resolutions on the subject; and though these were rejected, four bills were afterwards brought in to the same effect by Mr. Peel. By these bills government was enabled to employ convicts in hard labour, and the judges were relieved from the obligation of passing sentence of death on certain malefactors, except in case of murder. Subsequently Mr. Lennard obtained leave to bring in a bill to abolish the old and barbarous law which sentenced the corpse of one guilty of felo de se to be buried at two cross-roads with a stake driven through it; leaving the burial to be performed in private, without the ceremonies of the church.



MOTION TO REFORM THE SCOTCH REPRESENTATION.

On the 2nd of June, Lord Archibald Hamilton proposed five resolutions on the state of the Scotch representation, the last of which went to pledge the house to take the subject into its serious consideration during the next session, with a view to effect some extension of the number of votes, and to establish some connexion between the elective franchise and the landed property of the country. His lordship invited the attention of Mr. Canning to this subject, as one with which he had not grappled, and as perfectly different from the question of English reform; but he failed in securing his approbation, and the motion was negatived by one hundred and fifty-two against one hundred and seventeen voices.



NEW LONDON BRIDGE BILL.

Mr. Brogden brought up the report of a bill on the 6th of June, by which the sum of L150,000 was to be advanced by government toward the construction of New London Bridge. Mr. Hume objected against this advance in the shape of a gift, and Mr. Ricardo agreed with him. Mr. Alderman Wood, however, argued that the work was one of great national utility, and not intended exclusively for the benefit of the city of London; that the money was to be paid by instalments, extending over a time of seven years; and that the corporation were ready to give up nearly L200,000 that was in their hands, and to raise L400,000 more on mortgage. The report was received, and the resolution for the proposed advance carried.



MOTION RESPECTING THE DUTY ON THE LEEWARD ISLANDS.

On the 9th of June Mr. Creevey called the attention of the house to a grievance under which the Leeward Islands were oppressed, by what was called the four and half per cent. duty. He held petitions in his hands from five of these islands, setting forth their distress, stating their utter inability to bear such a tax, and throwing themselves on the liberality of parliament. Mr. Creevey proposed the abolition of this impost; an impost on which were saddled so many pensions granted to the aristocracy. He thought it hard that these five islands should maintain so many ladies and gentlemen in England. He was, he said, the last man to interfere with the private arrangements of the royal family, but the king had given pensions to two of his sisters at the expense of the unfortunate Leeward Islands, and why these islands were singled out for such a purpose he could not conceive. Then there were pensions of L500 each to the Misses Fitzclarence; and there were also gentlemen high in office who condescended to allow the Leeward Islands to support their families. Right honourable gentlemen, he continued, could not say that they were ignorant of the colonies; their own acts proved their knowledge of the fact. They could support the colonies and urge their distress in a particular way; they could tax East India sugar, and the consumer of West India sugar in England; but they could not abate that tax out of which their own pensions were derived. Mr. Canning, who received one of these pensions, replied at great length, objecting to this motion as affecting the right of the crown to this branch of revenue, and its right of appropriating the same in any manner deemed suitable by his majesty's government. With respect to his own case, to which Mr. Creevey had made allusion, he remarked:—"It was true that many years ago he had held an office; on retiring from which, by uniform practice, and that sanctioned by law, he be-came entitled to a pension of L1200 per annum. He had waived his claim to that annuity; and it was true that such right was afterwards commuted for a pension of half the amount for a person who had direct claims on him for protection. It was certainly open to parliament to deliberate on particular instances in the disposal of this fund, and he would not complain of the manner in which the right honourable gentleman had exerted his right in the present instance; yet he well knew that he could be taunted with the names of persons in the same situation, and connected with parties whom he highly respected. That mode, however, was too invidious to follow: the house had a right to examine into supposed abuses as to the application of this as well as any other branch of the revenue; but the honourable gentleman had not made out any case calling for censure." The motion was lost by a majority of one hundred and three against fifty-seven.



EXPENSES OF THE CORONATION.

During this session the expenses of the coronation came under consideration. Mr. Hume inveighed not only against the length of time which had elapsed before they were laid on the table, but against their enormous extent. The chancellor of the exchequer, he said, had promised that they should not exceed L100,000; but they were L238,000, the surplus having been taken from French indemnities. Estimates at variance with the expenses were a farce. And of what service, he asked, was it to attempt the relief of public burdens by cutting down small clerks, and inflicting distress on other individuals, when such sums were expended for such purposes as the decoration of Westminster-hall, which cost L111,000, and the habiliments of his majesty, for which the master of the robes was paid L27,700? Mr. Hume also reproached the ministry with bad faith, in calling for a smaller, and expending a larger sum. He also accused the chancellor of the exchequer and his colleagues with violating the public faith, by taking money to which they had no right in order to pay the difference. He thought the house would fail in its duty to the public, if it did not call for an examination into the profligate extravagance of this affair: and he concluded with a proposal for a committee for such purpose, and more especially to inquire by what authority the sum of L138,000 had been applied to the coronation expenses without the previous sanction of the house. This motion was negatived; and the house next went into committee, in which the sum of L160,000 was proposed toward the civil contingencies of 1823. This gave Mr. Hume an opportunity of exhibiting the extravagant system of expenditure pursued, particularizing items as proofs. He moved for a reduction of L52,799 from the sum required; but Mr. Canning defended the expenditure, and satisfied the house, so that this motion also was negatived.



MUNIFICENCE OF GEORGE IV.

This year the king gave an instance of royal munificence, calculated to benefit not only the present age, but to extend its advantages to remote generations. By a letter addressed to Lord Liverpool he signified his intention of presenting the valuable library collected by his father to the British nation. This letter, with certain resolutions of the trustees of the British Museum on the subject, was by his majesty's command laid before the house of commons. The letter and resolutions were referred to a committee, and on the 16th of April this committee made a report which noticed the great value and extent of the library, and expressed an opinion that if his majesty's magnificent donation were placed under the care of the trustees of the British Museum, the greatest benefit would accrue to the public. The report recommended that a building should be raised for its reception, and that successive grants should be made to effect the purposes above specified. In consequence of this report the house voted a sum of.L40,000 to commence the work, and the foundation of the structure was forthwith laid. The building was completed in 1827, and the following summer this valuable library was transferred to the Museum. It is a splendid monument of the good taste and patriotic spirit of George IV., and will to the latest ages redound to his honour.



IRISH TITHE COMMUTATION BILL, ETC.—PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

During this session an act was passed for the commutation of tithes in Ireland. A motion was made in the upper house by Lord Lansdowne for the second reading of the dissenters' marriage bill, which might enable them to perform the ceremony of marriage in their own chapels. This was warmly supported by Lords Ellenborough, Calthorpe, and Liverpool; but if, was thrown out by a majority of twenty-seven against twenty-one. The session was closed by commission on the 19th of July.



STATE OF THE COUNTRY.

During this year the prosperity of the country appeared to advance, and the confidence of the people in the government to be established. This feeling was chiefly attributable to the altered tone of the administration, and the tenor of their measures. From their measures commerce and manufactures revived, and, by a natural consequence, agriculture was improved. Unfortunately this revival of prosperity gave a dangerous activity to enterprise, and generated a spirit of headlong speculation, which produced disastrous consequences in a subsequent year. It was during this year, indeed, that the memorable era of joint-stock schemes commenced, which ended in the ruin of many families. They that will be rich often fall into a snare.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1824}

Parliament reassembled on the 3rd of February. It was opened by commission, and one of the leading topics of the speech was, the general prosperity of the country; which congratulations were echoed back in the addresses of both houses.



ATTACK ON MINISTERS WITH REFERENCE TO SPAIN, ETC.

Early in this session the affairs of Spain occupied the attention of both houses. In the upper house Lord Lansdowne deplored the fate of that country, which was occupied by French troops, and thought that a greater advance should have been made towards our complete recognition of South American independence. In the commons, Mr. Brougham attacked the tyranny and particular cruelties of the Austrians in one peninsula and of Ferdinand in the other, and denounced the impotent efforts of government to ward off the blow from the constitutionalists. Subsequently our foreign policy was discussed, on motions made by Lords John Russell and Nugent, but Mr. Canning successfully vindicated it. He showed that the conduct of Great Britain had been regulated by a due regard for her own interests and dignity, as well as by an honourable attention to the first principles of international law; and that while we preserved peace, we had by bold remonstrances paralysed schemes formed by the holy alliance for extending their system of interference from the government of Spain to the internal condition of her colonies. These explanations were satisfactory to the house, and the motions were not pressed to a division. Before the close of the year, ministers gave a pledge of their sincerity by admitting the South American colonies into the rank of independent powers. Treaties of amity and commerce were concluded with Mexico, Columbia, and Buenos Ayres, which gave a fresh impetus to trade and commerce.



FINANCIAL STATEMENTS

With the prosperity of the country the public revenue improved. Taxes had been remitted last year to a considerable amount, but notwithstanding this the revenue had increased. It produced L57,672,999, leaving a clear balance of L1,710,985 over the expenditure, besides the established sinking-fund of L5,000,000. The chancellor of the exchequer proposed to employ a part of this surplus in a grant of L500,000 for the erection of new churches; of L300,000, for the renovation and improvement of Windsor Castle; and of L60,000 for the purchase of the Angerstein pictures, in furtherance of a design to establish a national gallery for the fine arts. In his financial calculations for this year the chancellor of the exchequer anticipated a continued surplus, on the strength of which he proposed a further repeal of taxes to the amount of more than L1,000,000; and as an auxiliary measure, he suggested the discontinuance of certain bounties on fisheries and manufactures, which he considered no longer necessary. In his arrangement an extension of the scheme for reducing the interest of the national debt formed a prominent feature. He proposed to convert the old four per cent, stock, amounting to L75,000,000, into a new fund, bearing interest at three and a half per cent.; and giving the holders the option of being-paid off at par, or of acceding to the new plan. This arrangement met with the decided approbation of parliament, and was carried into execution with great facility. It may be mentioned that during this year Austria unexpectedly repaid L2,500,000 for loans advanced by the British government during the late war. This was but a small dividend on the debt due to England, but it enabled the ministers to be liberal, as they were disposed.



THE TRADE QUESTION

During this session important steps were taken towards a more unrestricted system of trade. One important measure consisted in a repeal of what were still left of the protecting duties between Ireland and Great Britain. Enactments were also passed tending to withdraw British silk manufacturers from the protection of laws which prohibited the importation of foreign silks. The plan adopted for this was to lower the import duties on raw and thrown silk; to repeal all bounties on the exportation of this article of manufacture; and to substitute a duty of thirty per cent, on foreign silks, instead of prohibiting their importation. This scheme met with the opposition of partial interests, but it was carried by a large majority. Among other important measures of relaxation passed this year was the immediate removal of all unequal restrictions on the import and export trade of wool, with a gradual approach to the same system in the linen manufactures. All these measures greatly tended to increase the trade and commerce of England, and to benefit the community at large. The British silk trade is increased two-fold since their enactment, although utter ruin was predicted by the silk manufacturers, and the articles manufactured, though lower in price, vie in beauty with the silks produced by and Indian looms.