bomb-vessels, &c, for that purpose. With this fleet he arrived at Gibraltar on the 9th of August, where he met with a Dutch squadron of five frigates and a corvette, commanded by Vice-admiral Von Capellem, who, on learning the object of the expedition, solicited and obtained leave to assist in the enterprise. The Algerines expected this attack, and had been preparing for it by the removal of every article of value, and by strengthening their already formidable fortifications. The city of Algiers is built on the declivity of a hill, in a triangular shape; the base being the sea-front, which rises directly from the water, and is about a mile in length. It was strongly defended by batteries rising one above another, and along a tongue of land, which defends the entrance into the inner part of the harbour, and also the approach to it, was a range of strong batteries, which our ships were obliged to pass, to take their station near the town, for the purpose of bombarding it. In the whole, the city was defended by about one thousand pieces of ordnance. During a conversation with Captain Brisbane, Lord Nelson had named twenty-five ships of the line as the force requisite to attack Algiers, but Lord Exmouth was satisfied he could accomplish the enterprise with the small fleet above described. He arrived off Algiers on the 27th of August; and all proposals for conciliation, and all demands for the relief of the British consul being ineffectual, the fleet passed the batteries and commenced their appointed work. The "Queen Charlotte" led the attack, and she answered to the guns of the batteries with a broadside which swept off' about five hundred men from the crowded mole, soldiers and spectators. Before the battle became general, the "Queen Charlotte" had demolished the fortifications on the mole; then drawing her broadside more to the northward, she soon brought down the tower of the light-house. Gun after gun fell from the batteries, and the last of them was dismounted just as the artillery-men were in the act of discharging it. The battle had not long commenced when the enemy's flotilla of gim-boats advanced with daring courage to board the "Queen Charlotte," which by this time was seconded by the "Leander;" but as soon as they were discovered in the midst of the smoke, a few guns from both these ships sent thirty-three of the Algerine gun-boats to the bottom. The cannonade, which was of the most awful description, had continued for an hour without producing any signs of submission, and then Lord Exmouth determined to destroy the enemy's ships. This was effected by throwing laboratory torches and carcass-shells on board of the nearest frigates, which, taking fire, communicated the flames to the rest, until they were burnt to the water's edge. The bombardment continued, with little intermission, till nearly eleven: the Algerines fighting all the time with the utmost fury and desperation. About ten it was deemed advisable to take a large offing during the night. It was extremely dark: but the darkness was illuminated by a violent storm of lightning accompanied with thunder, and by the incessant fire of the batteries. The firing ceased about half-past eleven, and Lord Exmouth collected in his cabin all the wounded that could safely be moved to join with him and his officers in thanksgiving to the Almighty for their victory and preservation. The work was indeed effected: at the dawn of the returning day the city and harbour of Algiers exhibited a shattered heap of ruins. In the conflict, the loss of the Algerines amounted to about 7,000: the British had 128 killed, and 690 wounded, and the Dutch, who nobly aided in this enterprise, thirteen killed and fifty-two wounded. The dey was now humbled. Lord Exmouth now repeated with effect the proposals which had been before rejected, and the result of the victory was, that the dey agreed to abolish Christian slavery; to deliver up all the slaves in his dominion, of whatever nation they might be; to return all the money received for the redemption of slaves since the commencement of the present year; and to make reparation, and a public apology to the British consul for the wrongs and indignities to which he had been subjected. Before Lord Exmouth quitted the bay of Algiers every Christian prisoner was set at liberty, and the dey had refunded 382,500 dollars to the governments of Naples and Sardinia. The squadron quitted the bay on the 3rd of September, with the conscious satisfaction of having rescued the British character from the imputation of tamely permitting the atrocities which these piratical states had so long exercised against the weaker powers, and with the proud consciousness that every man had done his duty. Lord Exmouth, who was twice slightly wounded in the action, was raised from the dignity of baron to that of Viscount, and a considerable promotion likewise took place among the officers who had so nobly participated in the chastisement of the barbarian foe of the Christian world.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1817}

Parliament was opened by the prince regent in person. The chief topics of his speech were the continued assurances of amity received from foreign powers; the recent victory at Algiers; and the still existing deficiency in the revenue. He concluded thus:—"In considering our internal situation, you will, I doubt not, feel a just indignation at the attempts which have been made to take advantage of the distress of the country for the purpose of exciting a spirit of sedition and violence. I am too well convinced of the loyalty and good sense of the great body of his majesty's subjects, to believe them capable of being perverted by the arts which are employed to seduce them; but I am determined to omit no precautions for preserving the public peace, and for counteracting the designs of the disaffected. I rely with the utmost confidence, also, on your cordial support, and co-operation, in upholding a system of law and government from which we have derived inestimable advantages; which has enabled us to conclude, with unexampled glory, a contest whereon depended the best interests of mankind, and which has been hitherto felt by ourselves, as it is acknowledged by other nations, to be the most perfect that had fallen to the lot of any people."

The prince regent had good reason to complain of the turbulent spirit displayed by the factions: for on his way to the house he had been assailed with tumultuous expressions of disapprobation; and on his return from it, he was assailed by missiles of every description, and the glass of his carriage was broken by what was supposed to be two balls from an air-gun, aimed at his person. This outrage was communicated to the lords by Lord Sidmouth; and a conference was held with the house of commons, at which a joint address, congratulating his royal highness on his escape, was agreed upon. The consideration of the usual address in answer to the speech was postponed till the following day, when Earl Grey moved in the lords an amendment, chiefly for the purpose of expressing an opinion that the prince regent was under a delusion respecting the degree and probable duration of the pressure on the resources of the country. He declared this to be much more extensive in its operations, more severe in its effects, more deep and general in its causes, and more difficult to be removed, than that which had prevailed at the termination of former wars. Added to this declaration in the amendment, was a profession of regret that the prince regent should not have been sooner advised to adopt measures of rigid economy and retrenchment, especially with respect to our military establishments; and a resolution that the house should go immediately into a committee on the state of the nation. This amendment, however, was negatived without a division; and a similar one moved in the commons was rejected by two hundred and sixty-four against one hundred and twelve.

{GEORGE III. 1814-1818}



MEASURES OF ECONOMY.

On the 7th of February a communication was made by Lord Castlereagh from the prince regent, stating that out of sympathy to a suffering people he had determined upon a cession of L50,000 per annum of that part of his income which related to his personal expenses, during the continuance of the existing distress. At the same time his lordship communicated the intention of ministers to dispense with one-tenth of their official incomes, while the necessities of the state should require such a sacrifice. Lord Camden, also, one of the tellers of the exchequer, relinquished, pro tempore, the whole of his large profits with the exception of L2,500, the regulated income of the other tellers. On the reduced scale the expenditure of the year was estimated at L6,500,000 less than that of the preceding year, and a further saving of upwards of L1,000,000 was calculated upon for the year 1818. On the same day that Lord Castlereagh made the above communication to the house, he moved for the appointment of a committee of inquiry respecting the income and expenditure of the state. The first report of this committee was made on the 5th of May, when Mr. Davies Gilbert stated that, in recommending the suppression of certain offices, it was at the same time necessary that his majesty should be enabled to reward meritorious persons, by the power of granting pensions according to merit and length of service. A bill, entitled "the Civil Services Compensation Bill," was accordingly introduced, with another for abolishing the offices of wardens and justices in Eyre, both of which passed the houses with very little opposition. About the time this bill passed Mr. Abbott resigned the speakership, and was created Lord Colchester, with a pension of L4000 to himself and his immediate successor. He was succeeded by Mr. Charles Manners Sutton, eldest son of the Archbishop of Canterbury.



RESTRICTIONS ON PUBLIC LIBERTY.

On the 3rd of February a message was communicated to both houses, announcing that the prince-regent had ordered the production of papers which contained an account of certain meetings and combinations held in various parts of the country, tending to disturb public tranquillity, to alienate the affection of the people from his majesty's person and government, and to overthrow the whole frame of the laws and constitution. His royal highness recommended these papers to the immediate consideration of parliament; and they were accordingly referred by each house to a secret committee. It was expected that coercive measures would be adopted; but in the face of this a mob, headed by Henry Hunt and others, met in Spa-fields on the 10th of February, under the pretext of petitioning for parliamentary reform. The reports of the secret committees were presented on the 18th of February; and, on their recommendation, stringent acts were passed to correct the evil. The first consequence of these reports was the apprehension of the elder Watson, Preston, Hooper, and Keene, who were committed to the Tower on a charge of high-treason; a reward of five hundred pounds was also offered for the apprehension of a man named Thistle-wood; and he was also taken and lodged with his associates. The measures adopted by parliament for the security of the public peace, were the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act until the 1st of July next; an extension of the act of 1795, for the security of the king's person, to that of the regent; the revival of an act of 1795 against corresponding societies; and a reenactment of that regarding the seduction of soldiers and sailors from their allegiance. Petitions were presented against these restrictions on public liberty, and they were opposed in every stage by the opposition; but they were carried in both houses by large majorities. Although these acts appeared to infringe on the public liberty, yet they were effectual in saving the country from violence and bloodshed, if not from the horrors of anarchy. Powerful measures are required for the restraint of hydra-headed faction. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus struck an unexpected blow against the hopes and plans of the apostles of reform; and Mr. William Cobbett, who at this period figured as one of the most ardent reformers, deemed it prudent to retire to America, promising, however, to return as soon as England should be again under the protection of her constitution, and in the meantime to transmit his weekly register from the land of his voluntary exile.

On the assembling of the peers after the Easter recess, it was ordered, on the motion of Lord Grey, that a copy of the circular-letter recently addressed by the secretary of state for the home department to the lord-lieutenants of counties, relative to seditious or blasphemous publications, be laid before the house. In this document Lord Sidmouth had stated, as it was of the greatest importance to prevent, if possible, the circulation of the blasphemous and seditious pamphlets and writings then distributed in great numbers through the country, he had thought it his duty to consult the law-officers of the crown, whether a person found selling, or in any other way publishing such writings, might be brought immediately before a justice of peace by warrant to answer for his conduct; and the law-officers had given their opinion to the effect, that a justice of the peace might issue his warrant for the apprehension of a person charged before him, on oath, with the publication of such libels, and compel him to give bail to answer such charge. Under these circumstances the attention of the lord-lieutenants was earnestly called to the subject; and they were requested to notify such opinion to the chairman of the quarter-sessions, in order that magistrates might be led to act upon it. When this circular was produced Lord Grey addressed their lordships in a speech, in which he contended against the principle that a justice of the peace might be called on by any common informer to decide what was, or what was not a libel, and to commit or hold to bail, on his sole judgment, the accused party. His lordship argued that such a specific intimation to magistrates regarding the mode in which they were to construe the law, even supposing the law itself to be clear and undisputed, was a high offence against the constitution. He moved for the production of a case that had been submitted to the law-officers; but it was negatived on a division by a majority of seventy-five against nineteen. A similar motion was made in the commons by Sir Samuel Romilly, and a similar decision given. As towards the close of the session the spirit of disaffection throughout the country was not subdued, a further suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act to the 1st of March, 1818, was carried by a large majority.



COMMITTEE ON THE POOR-LAWS, ETC.

During this session a committee on the poor-laws, with Mr. Sturges Bourne for its chairman, was appointed. This committee made its report in July; but not much new light was thrown upon the subject, as the object of the members seemed to be that of neutralizing every topic as much as possible; probably from ministerial instructions, as the cabinet were averse to making experiments. On the 9th of July Mr. Wilberforce moved for an address to the prince regent, submitting in dutiful, but urgent terms, the expression of our continued solicitude for the universal and final abolition of the slave-trade amongst the European powers, which was agreed to nem. con. On the same evening a discussion of considerable interest took place upon a series of resolutions on finance, which had been brought forward by Mr. Tierney; and after a debate of great length the previous question was carried upon each of these resolutions, and counter resolutions, moved by Mr. Grant, adopted in their stead. The last important debate of the session took place in the commons on a motion made by Mr. Brougham, for an inquiry into the state of the nation; a motion introduced chiefly for the purpose of enabling the mover, as the organ of opposition in the lower house to enter a protest, in detail, against the whole of the acts and proceedings of ministers. In exposing the false system on which parliament had long legislated on the subject of commerce, Mr. Brougham remarked:—"The period is now arrived when, the war being closed and prodigious changes having taken place throughout the world, it becomes absolutely necessary to enter on a careful but fearless revision of our whole commercial system, that we may be enabled safely, yet promptly, to eradicate those faults which the lapse of time has occasioned or displayed; to retrace our steps where we shall find that they have deviated from the line of true policy; to adjust and accommodate our laws to the alteration of circumstances; to abandon many prejudices, alike antiquated and senseless, unsuited to the advanced age in which we live, and unworthy of that sound judgment which distinguishes this nation." The motion was negatived without a division.



PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 12th of July. In his speech the prince regent expressed regret at the king's continued indisposition; glanced at the subjects which had been considered during the session; and noticed the prospect of an abundant harvest, not only in this country, but on the continent, from which he anticipated an improvement in the commercial relations of this and other countries.



RIOTS AT MANCHESTER, ETC.

In the last report of the secret committee of the house of commons, mention was made of disturbances which had been experienced at Manchester. These disturbances appear to have been of an extraordinary description. A large body of men, calling themselves friends of parliamentary reform, and urged by the resolution of despair, determined to proceed to London to explain their distress to the regent in person. Each individual provided himself with a blanket and a small stock of provisions. On the day of their departure they met near St. Peter's church; and such crowds assembled around them that the magistrates thought it expedient to call out the military. The principal instigators of the mob were arrested; but, nevertheless, a considerable number set out on their mission to London. More than five hundred proceeded as far as Macclesfield, where a troop of yeomanry was stationed to provide against contingencies. All, however, remained quiet; and this "Blanketeering Expedition" penetrated into Staffordshire, where it ended; the poor creatures who composed it being obliged to give it up from exhaustion and the want of sustenance. But these riots had at least one effect, it filled the prisons throughout the country with objects of suspicion or of crime. Many of these were as arbitrarily released by the authorities as they had been committed; but the more prominent leaders were either detained in custody, or sent, for greater security, to the metropolis. The trial of the prisoners in the Tower was commenced in the month of June; but Watson, the first tried, being acquitted by the jury, the other cases were abandoned. The prisoners captured in the riots which took place in the northern and midland counties were tried at Derby by a special commission, and twenty-three received sentence of death; three of them only, however, suffered the extreme penalty of the law. The last prosecution was that of a man named Hone, for some political parodies on the Litany and other parts of our church-service. He was tried for a blasphemous libel; but he was acquitted, chiefly on the ground that his parodies were political, and hence not blasphemous; and the public sympathized with the demagogue by raising a subscription, in order to reimburse him for his expenses, and to reward him for the trouble and fatigue which he had undergone in the prosecution. Hone seems to have profited by the lesson he had received; for he withdrew from the disgraceful career which he had commenced, and engaged in literary pursuits more worthy of a rational and thinking being, and of a good citizen of the world.



DEATH OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE.

The close of this year was marked by an event that filled the nation with mourning; this was the death of the idolized hope of a free nation, the Princess Charlotte: she whose looks of health and gladdening smiles had been long hailed by the nation with heartfelt satisfaction by her future subjects, expired on the 6th of November, after giving birth to a still-born child. The indications of sorrow on this event becoming known were unusually general and sincere. The civic procession and entertainment on the Lord Mayor's Day was abandoned; public entertainments were suspended; and on the 19th, the day of her interment, every shop was closed, and funeral sermons were preached in churches and chapels to large and attentive congregations. The day of her funeral was one of voluntary humiliation, and of sorrowful meditation on the instability of human happiness. Brief as were the days of this good princess, she had not lived in vain; her life was a bright illustration of piety and virtue. "Put not your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom there is no help. His breath goeth forth, he returneth to the earth; in that very day his thoughts perish."



CHAPTER XXXI.

{GEORGE III. 1818—1820}

Meeting of Parliament..... Motion for Secret Committees preparatory to a Bill of Indemnity..... Extension of the Bank Restriction..... Treaty with Spain..... Royal Marriages..... The Supplies..... The Alien Act, &c...... Prorogation of Parliament..... State of the Manufacturers of Lancashire, &c..... Death of Queen Charlotte..... Meeting of Parliament..... Duke of. York appointed Guardian to His Majesty..... Committee on the Criminal Code..... Measures for Resumption of Cash-Payments..... Financial Statement..... Catholic Claims..... Foreign Enlistment Act..... Slave-Trade, &c...... Prorogation of Parliament..... Seditious Assemblages..... Meeting of Parliament..... Motion for Inquiry into the State of tha Nation..... Parliamentary Reform..... Cession of Parga to the Turks..... Death of George III.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1818}

Parliament was opened on the 27th of January by commission. The principal topics of the speech were the continued indisposition of his majesty; the death of the Princess Charlotte; an assurance of the continued friendly disposition of foreign powers; the improved state of industry and public credit; the restored tranquillity of the country; the treaties with Spain and Portugal on the abolition of the slave-trade; and a recommendation that additional churches should be built, "to meet the increased population of the country, and to promote the religious and moral habits of the people." In the lords the address was voted nem. con.; in the commons it met with animadversion from Lord Althorp and Sir Samuel Romilly, who deprecated the demoralizing system of espionnage, as well as the arbitrary imprisonment and tyrannical persecutions which had lately been carried on by government; but the address passed without a division.



MOTION FOR SECRET COMMITTEES PREPARATORY TO A BILL OF INDEMNITY.

On the 4th of February Lord Castlereagh brought down a bag of papers respecting the internal state of the country, for the examination of which he proposed a secret committee. As this was understood to be a preliminary step to a general bill of indemnity for all acts performed under the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, by which the persons then imprisoned, and since liberated without trial, would be deprived of all legal remedy for such imprisonment, the appointment of a committee was strenuously resisted by opposition, who contended that a different sort of inquiry was called for by the conduct of the administration. The green bag and its contents formed the subject of much sarcasm; but the appointment of a secret committee was agreed to, and a similar committee was also appointed in the upper house. The report of the committee in the house of lords was presented on the 23rd of February. It related chiefly to recent disturbances in the counties of Nottingham, Derby, and York; to the progress and the check which it had received by various arrests and trials; and to the necessity which existed for continued vigilance against a spirit of conspiracy still active, particularly in the metropolis. The report stated that forty-four persons had been arrested, and discharged without trial; but that such arrests were justified by circumstances, and that no warrant of detention appeared to have been issued, except in consequence of information on oath; the persons detained and not prosecuted had been discharged at different times; and the committee were of opinion that government had exercised the powers vested in them with discretion and moderation. A bill of indemnity, founded on this report, was brought in by the Duke of Montrose on the 25th; and on its second reading the Marquess of Lansdowne proposed, as an amendment, that it should be postponed for a fortnight, to give time for all the petitions recently received from persons who had been imprisoned to be brought up. This amendment, however, was negatived, as was another on the third reading of the bill, the object of which was to do away with it altogether. When introduced in the commons on the 10th of March, it was strongly opposed by Sir Samuel Romilly, who contended that it was improperly called a bill of indemnity. The object of indemnity, he said, was only to protect individuals against public prosecution, without interfering with the rights of private men; but the object of the bill was to annihilate all such rights, to take away all legal remedies from those who had suffered an illegal and arbitrary exercise of authority, and to punish those who presumed to have recourse to such remedies by subjecting them to the payment of double costs. Mr. Lambton moved an amendment that it be read again that day six months, but this was lost by one hundred and ninety to sixty-four. The bill was read a second time on the next day, but the chief discussion took place on the order for committing it, when several petitions, complaining of grievous oppression, were presented to the house: the bill, however, passed on the 13th, and four days after received the royal assent.



EXTENSION OF THE BANK RESTRICTION.

At an early period of the session, Mr. Grenfell inquired of the chancellor of the exchequer whether any event had occurred, or was likely to occur, which would prevent the resumption of cash-payments by the Bank in July. He observed that the public stood in the situation of debtor to the bank for L3,000,000 advanced without interest, and for L6,000,000 at an interest of four per cent; but as the Bank had secured possession of public money deposited in their hands, which for the last twelve years had amounted on an average to L11,000,000 for the repayment of these sums, he asked whether any arrangement was made for discharging, or placing them on a better footing. In reply, the chancellor of the exchequer stated, that the Bank had made ample preparation for resuming cash-payments at the time fixed by parliament, but that pecuniary transactions were going on with foreign powers which might probably require an extension of the restriction: as regards the loan of L6,000,000, he said, he should shortly submit a proposal for its repayment, allowing the country still to enjoy the benefit of that on which no interest was paid. Later in the session, in submitting some propositions to a committee of the house, he observed that in January, 1817, the Bank had given notice of its readiness to pay in specie outstanding notes of a particular description, for which cash to the amount of about L1,000,000 might have been demanded, but a very considerable sum was called for. At that time, gold bullion was L3. 18s, 6d., and silver 4s. 10d. the ounce: in October notice was given that the Bank was ready to pay in cash all the notes dated prior to January, 1817; but the result was very different, for upwards of L2,500,000 were drawn out, of which scarcely any portion remained in circulation. This arose from the large remittances to foreign countries, consequent on the importation of corn; the residence of Englishmen on the continent; and the negociation of a loan in this country by France. It now therefore became inexpedient for the Bank to resume cash-payments, and the restriction was continued till the 5th of July, 1839.



TREATY WITH SPAIN.

During this session a treaty with Spain, by virtue of which, in consideration of a subsidy of L400,000, that country consented to abolish the slave-trade on all the north coasts of the line, received the sanction of parliament. But this was only a half measure: Spain still continued the privilege of retaining the traffic south of that limit. A right of search was stipulated for each nation, but no detention of vessels was to take place, unless when slaves were found on board.



ROYAL MARRIAGES.

During this year marriages were contracted between the Duke of Clarence and the princess of Saxe Meningen; the Duke of Kent and the Princess Leiningen; and the Duke of Cambridge with the Princess of Hesse.

At the recommendation of the prince regent to parliament, suitable provisions were made for the royal personages, though not on an extravagant scale. During the discussions on the provision to be made for them, Mr. Wilberforce inveighed in strong terms against the royal marriage act: an act which prevented the several branches of the family on our throne from entertaining the best feelings, and from forming connexions which might at once promote their happiness, and guarantee their virtue.



THE SUPPLIES.

The supplies of this year were estimated at L20,952,400. To meet this, in addition to the ways and means, a three-and-a-half per cent, stock was created to the amount of L14,000,000, so that no new taxes were levied, nor any additions made to those existing.



THE ALIEN ACT, ETC.

During this session it was resolved that the alien act should be continued for two years longer; it being necessary to keep out as well as send out of Great Britain persons who might take advantage of the vicinity of France, to excite a spirit hostile to the security of this and other European governments. Sir Samuel Romilly introduced a bill to do away with the capital part of the act respecting private stealing in shops, &c, setting forth in his preamble, that extreme severity of punishment tends to procure indemnity for crime; but the house was not yet prepared to legislate in a merciful spirit: the bill was rejected. Before the close of the session Mr. Brougham succeeded in his motion for a committee of inquiry respecting the education of the poorer classes; the first step towards that system of popular instruction in which he has effected so much. Fourteen commissioners were to be appointed by the crown, six of whom were to have no salaries. This bill, however, underwent many alterations in the upper-house, chiefly through the exertions of Lord Eldon, who used all his influence against it. The commissioners to be appointed were limited to the investigation of charities connected with education; they were precluded from investigating the state of education among the poor generally; and they were directed to traverse the country and to call witnesses before them, without possessing any authority for enforcing attendance, or for demanding the production of documents. As Mr. Brougham observed, the bill as it came from the lords left everything to the good will of those who had an interest at variance with the inquiry. Yet much good, he anticipated, might result from the exercise of the powers possessed by the house. The means to be used were, that the commissioners should proceed and call witnesses; that they should report to the house, and make returns of the names of all those who refused to give information or produce documents without alleging any just cause of refusal; and the committee, which would be reappointed next session, might be empowered to call those persons before them.



PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 10th of June by the regent in person. In his speech his royal highness stated his intention of giving direction for a new parliament, after which he observed:—"I cannot refrain from adverting to the important change which has occurred in the situation of this country, and of all Europe, since I first met you in this place. At that period, the dominion of the common enemy had been so widely extended over the continent, that resistance to his power was, by many, deemed to be hopeless; and in the extremities of Europe alone was such resistance effectually maintained. By the unexampled exertions which you enabled me to make, in aid of countries nobly contending for independence, and by the spirit which was kindled in so many nations, the continent was at length delivered from the most galling and oppressive tyranny, under which it had laboured; and I had the happiness, by the blessing of Providence, to terminate, in conjunction with his majesty's allies, the most eventful and sanguinary contest in which Europe had for centuries been engaged, with unparalleled success and glory. The prosecution of such a contest for so many years, and more particularly the efforts which marked the close of it, have been followed within our own country, as well as throughout the rest of Europe, by considerable internal difficulties and distress. But, deeply as I felt for the immediate pressure upon his majesty's people, nevertheless I looked forward without dismay, having always the fullest confidence in the solidity of the resources of the British empire, and in the relief which might be expected from a continuance of peace, and from the patience, public spirit, and energy of the nation. These expectations have not been disappointed. The improvement in the internal circumstances of the country is happily manifest, and promises to be steadily progressive; and I feel perfect assurance that the continued loyalty and exertions of all his majesty's subjects will confirm these growing indications of national prosperity, by promoting obedience to the laws, and attachment to the constitution from which all our blessings are derived."



STATE OF THE MANUFACTURERS OF LANCASHIRE, ETC.

Distress, though mitigated, as stated in the regent's speech, still prevailed in the country. The cotton-spinners as well as other classes of manufacturers of Lancashire remained in a state of organized opposition to their masters on the subject of wages. From this cause disturbances took place at Burnley, Stockport, and other places, which could only be quelled by the prompt exertions of the Manchester yeomanry. A diversion from these troubles was created by the general election which took place during the summer. Men were too busily employed in securing the election of their favourites to think of the troubles by which they were surrounded.



DEATH OF QUEEN CHARLOTTE.

During the last session of parliament, in consequence of the Queen's declining health, two amendments had been made in the regency bill; the first empowering her majesty to add six new members, resident in Windsor to her council, in the event of her absence from that residence; and the second repealed the clause which rendered necessary the immediate assembling of a new parliament in the event of the queen's death. These amendments were opportunely made, for her majesty, after a lingering illness of six months, expired at Kew Palace, on the 17th of November, in the 75th year of her age. Her remains were interred at Windsor on the 2nd of December, and the day was observed with every suitable mark of respect. Queen Charlotte possessed those accomplishments which add grace and dignity to an exalted station. As a wife and a mother she was a pattern to her sex; performing all the tender and maternal offices of a nurse to her offspring, which is so seldom performed by persons even in less exalted stations than that which she occupied. Her morality was, also, unquestionably of the highest order: during the period in which she presided over the British court, she preserved it from the contamination of vice, notwithstanding the dangers proceeding from the licentious examples of other European dynasties, as well as from that moral relaxation which our own prosperity was so well calculated to produce. During the reign of Geo-ge III., indeed, England presented from the throne the example of those virtues that form the great and binding link of the social chain. To this may be in part ascribed our happiness in having withstood the storm which visited the rest of Europe with all the horrors of invasion or anarchy. "The wicked are overthrown, and are not; but the house of the righteous shall stand."



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1819}

The new parliament met on the 14th of January when Mr. Manners Sutton was reelected speaker, and Chief Baron Richards took his seat on the woolsack pro tempore, in consequence of the lord chancellor's indisposition. Both houses were occupied till the 21st in swearing in their respective members, on which day the session was opened by commission. The chief topics of the royal speech were the king's health: the demise of the queen; the evacuation of France by the allied troops; the favourable state of the revenue; the improved aspect of trade, manufactures, and commerce; the favourable result of the war in India; and the extension of the commercial treaty now existing between this nation and the United States of America to a further term of eight years. In both houses the addresses were carried without a division, though ministers were severely censured by Lord Lansdowne in the lords, and Mr. Macdonald in the commons, for the want of truth in their statements concerning the state of the nation, and for their many political blunders.



THE DUKE OF YORK APPOINTED GUARDIAN TO HIS MAJESTY.

As the death of the queen rendered it necessary that a guardian of his majesty's person should be appointed, Lord Liverpool named the Duke of York, and his nomination met with general approval. The duke was appointed guardian with a salary of L10,000 per annum out of the public purse for the performance of this filial duty. The grant met with severe opposition, and was only carried by a small majority; and subsequently several debates took place respecting the establishment at Windsor, the expenses of which excited much freedom of remark. It was represented as a mockery of the national distress, no less than of the melancholy visitation of the aged monarch, kept up for the purpose of ministering to the prodigality of the regent, and the rapacity of his courtiers. These sentiments were shared by the people at large.



COMMITTEE ON THE CRIMINAL CODE.

Early this session the attention of parliament was called to the state of the criminal code: a subject deeply interesting to the best friends of humanity. Philanthropists had long deplored the state of our statute-book, more than two hundred crimes being defined by it as worthy of death. This state of things had been denounced as a national disgrace, and Sir Samuel Romilly had frequently brought it under the notice of parliament, and in some instances had been the means of softening down the rigour of our laws. That great man was now dead; but in this session the subject was taken up by Sir James Mackintosh, who proved to be a worthy successor to the deceased philanthropist. A petition from the corporation of London, complaining of the increase of crime, and pointing out the commutation of capital punishment, was referred to a committee for the examination of the discipline and police of the different prisons throughout the country. The appointment of this committee was moved by Lord Castlereagh; but it was thought by some that a distinct committee should be appointed, for the purpose of taking the whole subject into consideration. A motion to this effect was made by Sir James Mackintosh on the 2nd of March; and though Lord Castlereagh opposed it, as unnecessary, it was carried by one hundred and forty-seven against one hundred and twenty-eight. In his speech on this occasion, Sir James Mackintosh, after setting forth a great variety of facts and observations, illustrating the system of subterfuge which the extreme severity of the law in many cases had produced among prosecutors, witnesses, and jurors, with the consequent impunity and increase of crime, proceeded to explain his views of melioration, observing that it was neither his wish nor intention to form a new criminal code. He did not, he said, even propose to abolish capital punishment; but, on the contrary, he regarded it as a part of that right with which societies are endowed. He held it to be, like all other punishments, an evil when unnecessary; but capable, like them, of producing, when sparingly and judiciously inflicted, a preponderance of good. He aimed not at the establishment of any universal principle; his object was, that the execution of the law should constitute the majority, and its remission the minority of cases. Subsequently Sir James divided the cases connected with capital punishment into three classes: those in which it was always, those in which it was frequently, and those in which it was never put in force. The first and second of these cases he proposed to leave untouched; the third, which comprised more than one hundred and fifty crimes, he contended should be expunged from the statute-book, as a monument of barbarous times, disgraceful to the character of a free and enlightened nation.



MEASURES FOR RESUMPTION OF CASH-PAYMENTS.

On the 2nd of February Mr. Tierney moved for a committee to inquire into the effects of the Bank restriction act. This was met by an amendment from the chancellor of the exchequer, directing an investigation of the state of the Bank of England, with reference to the expediency of its resumption of cash-payments at the appointed period; such information to be reported by the committee as might be disclosed without injury to the public interests. The first report, which was brought up by Mr. Peel on the 5th of April, represented that the Bank, having been induced to pay in specie all notes issued previous to 1817, had been drained of cash to the amount of more than L5,000,000, most of which had gone to the continent, and had been there recoined; and that, to prevent this drain continuing, and to enable the Bank to accumulate a larger store of bullion, with a view to the final resumption of cash-payments, it was expedient to restrain the further payment of notes alluded to in specie. A bill was brought in to this effect, and, the standing orders of the house having been suspended, it was passed through its different stages in the same evening. In the upper house Lord Harrowby moved the suspension of the standing orders, that the bill might pass at one sitting; but Earl Grey and others opposed it at considerable length, contending that, if necessary, it would have been better for ministers to issue an order of council for suspending Bank payments on their own responsibility. The bill, however, was read a third time on the following day and passed; and a similar measure was also carried in both houses for the protection of Ireland. The second report was presented on the 5th of May, when two bills were passed, founded on a plan recommended by the committee for a gradual return to cash-payments. The principal provisions of these bills were, that a definite period should be fixed for the termination of the restriction, while preparatory measures should be taken, with a view to facilitate and ensure, on the arrival of that period, payment of the promissory notes of the Bank of England in legal coin of the realm; that provision ought to be made for the repayment of L10,000,000, being part of the sum due to the Bank on account of advances for the public services; that from the 14th of February, 1820, the Bank shall be liable to deliver on-demand, gold of standard fineness, having been assayed and stamped at the mint, a quantity of not less than sixty ounces being required in exchange for notes at the rate of L4. 1s. per ounce; that from the 1st of October, 1820, the Bank shall be liable to deliver gold at the rate L3. 19s. 6d. per ounce: and from the 1st of May 1821, L3. 17s. 10d.; that the Bank may at any period between the 1st of February and the 1st of October, 1820, undertake to deliver gold as before mentioned, at any rate between tha sums of L4. Is. and L3. 19s. 6d. per ounce, and at any rate between the 1st of October, 1820, and the 1st of May, 1821, at any rate between the sums of L3. 19s. 6d. and L3. 17s. 10 1/2 per ounce, but that such intermediate rate having been once fixed by the Bank, that rate shall not subsequently be increased; that from the 1st of May, 1823, the Bank shall pay its notes, on demand, in the legal coin of the realm; and that it is expedient to repeal the laws prohibiting the melting and the exportation of the coin.

Another select committee was appointed this session, on the motion of Lord Castlereagh, to inquire into the income and expenditure of the country. The receipts for the year ending the 5th of January, 1818, were L51,665,458, while those for the following year were L54,620,000. There were, however, certain arrears of war-duties on malt and property, which reduced the income of 1818 to L49,334,927, while the arrears due to January, 1819, amounted only to L566,639: the expenditure was also less by about L650,000 than was expected, so that the result was a total surplus of L3,518,000, applicable to the reduction of the national debt. If one million were allowed for the interest on the loan, observed Lord Castlereagh, there remained two millions and a half of surplus revenue. Mr. Tierney remarked, that an old debt on the sinking-fund, of L8,300,000, which must be liquidated before the surplus in question could be made available for the expenses of the current year, had been altogether concealed. The various taxes, taken together, exceeded L7,000,000; but this was the extreme of the amount applicable to the army, navy, ordnance, and miscellaneous services; how then, he asked, could it be possible that, with an income of only L7,000,000, and an expenditure of L20,000,000, both ends should be made to meet, and a surplus be left? Would it not be a gross delusion to speak of the sinking-fund as applicable to the public service, while government were obliged to borrow L13,000,000 a year to support it? The chancellor of the exchequer answered, that this statement included certain particulars, which could not be admitted in making a fair comparison. By taking the whole charge of the consolidated-fund and the sinking-fund, it had been shown that our expenditure exceeded our receipts. This must necessarily be the case, since a great portion of the war-taxes had been abolished. Parliament had relieved the country of L15,000,000 of taxes; and thus they prevented the effect which would have been produced in the redemption of the debt by such an annual sum. With respect to any financial plans for the present year, the chancellor stated he should reserve to himself the power of adopting that which the situation of public affairs rendered most expedient.

{GEORGE III. 1818—1820}



FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

A series of financial resolutions was moved by Mr. Vansittart on the 3rd of June. These resolutions stated, that by the removal of certain taxes, the revenue of Great Britain was reduced by L18,000,000; that the interest and charge of the funded and unfunded debt of Ireland exceeded the whole revenue of the country by L1,800,000; that it was necessary to provide, by a loan or other means, for the service of the present year, the sum of L13,000,000, which, deducted from the sinking-fund of L15,000,000, reduced it to L2,000,000; and that for the purpose of raising this sinking-fund to L5,000,000, it was necessary to impose annually the amount of L3,000,000. This sum parliament agreed to raise by a large duty on foreign wools, and by smaller duties on other articles, such as tobacco, tea, coffee, and cocoa-nuts. Two loans of L12,000,000 each were also raised; one of them supplied by monied men, the other derived from the sinking-fund. Out of these sums there was to be a surplus, of which L5,000,000 were to go towards the repayment of the debt due to the Bank, as recommended by parliament previous to the resumption of cash-payments; and L5,597,000 to the reduction of the unfunded debt. "In adopting this course," the speaker observed to the prince regent at the close of the session, "his majesty's faithful commons did not conceal from themselves that they were calling upon the nation for a great exertion; but well knowing that honour, character, and independence have at all times been the first and dearest objects of the hearts of Englishmen, we feel assured that there was no difficulty that the country would not encounter, no pressure to which she would not cheerfully submit, in order to maintain pure and unimpaired that which has never yet been shaken or sullied—her public credit and good faith."



CATHOLIC CLAIMS.

On the 3rd of May, after numerous petitions had been presented both for and against the claims of Roman Catholics, this great question of internal policy was again brought before the commons by the eloquent Grattan. The causes of disqualification, he observed, were of three kinds—the combination of the Catholics, the clanger of a pretender, and the power of the pope. Grattan asserted, that not only had all these causes ceased, but that the consequences annexed to them were no more; and he concluded by moving for a committee of the whole house to take into consideration the laws by which oaths or declarations are required to be taken or made as qualifications for the enjoyment of office, or the exercise of civil functions so far as the Roman Catholics were affected by them. This motion was lost by a majority of only two in a full house; but a corresponding proposition made in the lords by Earl Donoughmore was lost by a majority of one hundred and forty-seven against one hundred and six. Subsequently another effort was made in the lords by Earl Grey; but, as before, without effect. The bill Earl Grey introduced was for abrogating so much of the acts of the 25th and 30th of Charles the Second, as prescribed to all officers, civil and military, and to all members of both houses of parliament, a declaration against the doctrines of transubstantiation, and the invocation of saints. His motion was rejected by a majority of one hundred and forty-two against eighty-two.



FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT.

On the 13th of May, in consequence of complaints made by the Spanish ambassador that English officers were aiding the cause of independence in South America, the attorney-general brought in a bill for prohibiting the enlistment of British subjects into foreign service, and the equipment of vessels of war without licence. The first of these objects, he observed, had been in some measure provided for by the statutes of George the Second, by which it was an offence, amounting to felony, to enter the service of any foreign state. If neutrality were to be observed, however, it was important that the penalty should be extended to the act of serving unacknowledged as well as acknowledged powers; and part of his intention therefore was to amend those statutes, by introducing after the words, "king, prince, state, potentate," the words, "colony or district, which do assume the powers of a government." It was his wish, he said, to give to this country the right of preventing its subjects from breaking the neutrality towards acknowledged states, and those assuming the power of states; and upon a similar principle, he wished to prevent the fitting out of armed vessels, and also the fitting out or supplying other vessels with warlike stores in any of his majesty's ports, These propositions met with stem opposition. Sir James Mackintosh warned the house, that, in whatever manner the motion might be worded and its real object concealed, the bill ought to be entitled,—"A bill for preventing British subjects from lending their assistance to the South American cause, or enlisting in the South American service." The statutes of George the Second, he said, were not to have been laws of a general nature, applying to all times and circumstances; but, on the contrary, "intended merely for the temporary purpose of preventing the formation of Jacobite armies, organized in France and Spain against the peace and tranquillity of England." He concluded by reprobating the measure as one which was virtually an enactment to repress the liberty of the South Americans, and to enable Spain to reimpose that yoke of tyranny which they were unable to bear, which they had nobly shaken off, and from which, he trusted in God, they would finally and for ever be enabled to extricate themselves. In reply, Lord Castlereagh argued that the proposed bill was necessary to prevent our giving offence to Spain, whom that house was too just and generous to oppress because she was weak, and her fortunes had declined. In the subsequent stages of the bill, ministers avowed that the measure had been suggested by the stipulations of a treaty with Spain in 1814, and by the representations which the ministers of Ferdinand VII. had considered themselves entitled by such stipulations to address to the British government. This admission excited severe remarks on Ferdinand's character; but the bill was carried—in the commons by one hundred and ninety against one hundred and twenty-nine, and in the lords by one hundred against forty-nine. But though this bill was rigorous in its propositions, it was by no means rigorously enforced.



SLAVE-TRADE, ETC.

During this session Mr. Wilberforce complained in parliament of the reluctance displayed by the two great powers to enter into the arrangements necessary for carrying into effect the total abolition of the slave-trade. It grieved him, he said, to cast this reproach on a high-minded people like the French; and he was still more grieved to find that America was not free from blame; but he still trusted that all nations would unite in their endeavours to civilize the inhabitants of Africa. He concluded by moving an address to the prince regent, to renew his exertions for the attainment of this noble object, which was agreed to unanimously, as was a similar one in the lords, on the motion of Lord Lansdowne.

An act of grace for reversing the attainder of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, also passed this session without opposition. The preamble of the bill stated that his lordship had never been brought to trial; that the act of attainder did not pass the Irish parliament till some months after his decease; and that these were sufficient reasons for mitigating the severity of a measure decreed in unhappy and unfortunate times. The attainder itself, as passed by the Irish parliament, was an instance of contemptible servility to the ruling powers by that corrupt assembly. A bill was introduced in the commons on the 11th of May, for enabling the public to accept the Marquis Camden's liberal sacrifice of the surplus profits accruing from his unreduced tellership of the exchequer, as mentioned in a previous page. It was necessary to carry a bill to authorize contributions by his majesty's ministers and other public officers, lest his donation of L69,000 per annum might be considered an illegal benevolence.

The only other business of importance this session was the granting of L50,000, for the purpose of enabling government to divert the current of emigration from the United States to the Cape of Good Hope, the colony to which, it was considered, that it might be most advantageously directed. This money was to be spent in defraying the expenses, &c, of those who emigrated to that colony.



PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 13th of July. The prince regent in his speech expressed a confident expectation that the measures adopted for the resumption of cash-payments would be productive of beneficial consequences; regretted the necessity of additional taxation; anticipated important advantages from the efforts made to meet our financial difficulties; and avowed a determination to employ the powers provided by law for the suppression of sedition, which still existed in the manufacturing districts.



SEDITIOUS ASSEMBLAGES.

Many causes operated after the war in producing general distress among the poor, both in the agricultural and manufacturing districts. The agricultural population being more thinly scattered, and more passive by habit and education, bore their sufferings with exemplary patience; but the manufacturing labourers in the midland and northern districts, as well as in some parts of Scotland, exhibited a contrary spirit. Secret combinations and seditious assemblages became the order of the day in these parts; nor could all the efforts of parliament put down their factions. At this time a party, which had denominated themselves "Radical Reformers," obtained much notice by their active exertions, and acquired much influence from the sedulity which they propagated the notion that such a reform of parliament, as would make its members true representatives of the people, would be the surest means of putting an end to present and future sufferings. One of the most notorious of the demagogues was Henry Hunt, a man whose only merit consisted in bold daring and mob oratory. The first step of this association was to apply to the Manchester magistrates to convoke a meeting for the alleged purpose of petitioning against the corn bill. This request was refused; and in consequence the meeting was held without authority. Hunt was the hero of the day; and it was not his fault that the assemblage dispersed without tumult. The example thus set by Manchester was followed by the reformers of Glasgow, Leeds, Stockport, and other places; and many were the dangerous doctrines broached by the orators. The strong measures of precaution, however, taken by the local authorities, in most instances, had the effect of preserving order and tranquillity; but it was feared that if these meetings were allowed still to be held, the inflammatory harangues of their orators would one day stir up the multitude to acts of mischief. Government, indeed, resolved to interfere. At a meeting held at Birmingham the reformers hazarded a bolder experiment than any before displayed. This was the election of a member to represent that great and populous town in the house of commons. Sir Charles Wolseley was put in nomination, and instantly chosen by show of hands. Soon after this Sir Charles attended a meeting at Stockport; and he was taken into custody on account of seditious expressions used at that meeting. Subsequently a meeting took place at Smithfield, when a man named Harrison was arrested for the same offence; and both were tried next year at the assizes, convicted, and sentenced to imprisonment. The officer by whom they were apprehended narrowly escaped assassination at Stockport; and government immediately adopted vigorous measures for the discovery of the offenders, and to put a stop to these seditious meetings. A proclamation was issued against them; but still the reformers were resolved to agitate. Those of Manchester being informed that a meeting they had given notice of, to be held for the purpose of proceeding to the election of a representative as at Birmingham, was illegal, relinquished it; but they held another for the avowedly legal object of petitioning for a reform in parliament. The estimated numbers present were 60,000; and among them were two bands of female reformers, under white silk banners. Hunt was again the lion of the day; but no sooner had he commenced speaking, than the commanding officer of a body of yeomanry, who advanced with drawn swords to the stage, took him into custody. Several other persons were also apprehended, and the yeomanry then aimed at the destruction of their banners. A scene of dreadful confusion arose; many persons were trampled under the feet of the horses, and some were cut down by sabres. A few were killed, while there were between three and four hundred wounded. In a short time the ground was cleared of the mob, and military patroles were stationed in the streets to preserve tranquillity. Hunt and his associates were, after a short examination, conducted to solitary cells, on a charge of high-treason. The next day notices were issued by the magistrates, declaring the practice of military training, alleged to have been carried on secretly for treasonable purposes, to be illegal; and government applauded all that had been done. But the public did not look upon the proceedings at Manchester with the same favourable eye as the cabinet. A meeting was held at the Crown and Anchor in London, at which a series of resolutions was adopted, strongly censuring the conduct of the magistrates and military, and returning thanks to Hunt and his colleagues. Meetings in a similar spirit were held at Smithfield and in the precincts of the palace-yard, Westminster; and at the latter an address to the prince regent, founded on resolutions conspicuous for their violence, was unanimously agreed to. Subscriptions were entered into, likewise, at all these meetings, and throughout the country, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of defending the prisoners. Government contemplated the trial of Hunt and his associates for high-treason; but the circumstances of the case were not sufficiently treasonable to warrant such a course; and the prisoners were told that they would be prosecuted for a conspiracy only. This was a bailable offence; but Hunt refused to give bail, resolved to be a martyr in the true sense of the word. Some of his friends, however, liberated him; and his return from Lancaster to Manchester had the appearance of a triumphal procession. He was the mob's idol; and he was attended by thousands on horseback and on foot, who hailed him with loud shouts as the assertor of British freedom. His trial took place in the next year, at York, when he was sentenced to two years and a half's imprisonment at Ilchester jail, and then to find security for good behaviour during five years. Three of his associates were also condemned to one year's imprisonment in Lincoln Castle, and were likewise ordered to find sureties. Still faction prevailed. It requires an iron foot to put down a democratical spirit. Meetings were still held at Leeds, Glasgow, and other places; and the orators had the horrible details of the events at Manchester, Birmingham, and other places, wherewith to entertain their auditory. The sufferers at those places were compared to the Russells, Hampdens, and Sidneys of ancient times, and ensigns of mourning were established. The corporation of London even ventured to present an address to the regent, censuring the authorities; but the regent administered to them a forcible rebuke, as prejudging the matter without having had any opportunity of understanding it. In order to counteract the effects of these meetings, and the exertions of the regular opposition, or whig party, loyal addresses and offers to raise yeomanry corps were promoted by the friends of the administration. At the close of this year, indeed, parties became bitterly exasperated against each other; and as persons of property generally adhered to the ministerial side of the question, the lower orders began to entertain a deep-seated indignation against their superiors. But all this exhibition of feeling ended finally in happy results; it contributed greatly to the reform of our institutions. When the minds of men became sobered, the general wish was, as it ever will be in the breasts of true born Englishmen, to promote the general welfare. It cannot be denied that the artisans of our manufacturing districts had their grievances; but there is no state, however well ordered it may be, in which one class of persons are not called upon to suffer more than the others. But if one member suffers, it should always be remembered that every member suffers with it.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament met on the 23rd of November. In allusion to these disturbances the prince regent remarked in his speech:—"I regret to have been under the necessity of calling you together at this period of the year; but the seditious practices so long prevalent in some of the manufacturing districts of the country have been continued with increased activity since you last assembled in Parliament. They have led to proceedings incompatible with the public tranquillity, and with the peaceful habits of the industrious classes of the community; and a spirit is now fully manifested, utterly hostile to the constitution of this kingdom, and aiming at not only the change of those political institutions which have hitherto constituted the pride and security of this country, but at the subversion of the rights of property and of all order in society. I have given directions that the necessary information on this subject shall be laid before you; and I feel it to be my indispensable duty to press on your immediate attention the consideration of such measures as may be requisite for the counteraction and suppression of a system, which, if not effectually checked, must bring confusion and ruin on the nation." The regent promised to lay before parliament all the information requisite to direct them in their deliberations, and pressed on the attention of lords and commons, the enactment of such regulations as might tend to suppress the evil. An amendment to the address was moved in the upper house by Earl Grey; in which, whilst the necessity of checking practices dangerous to the constitution was admitted, a strong opinion was expressed of the expediency of conciliation, and of inquiry into the transactions of Manchester, to allay the feelings to which they had given birth, and satisfy the people that their lives could not be sacrificed with impunity. Lord Sidmouth, in reply, stated that there had been more exaggeration, misrepresentation, and falsehood applied to the transactions at Manchester, &c, than to any other public transaction in his knowledge. His lordship defended both the magistrates and yeomanry, denying that they had done anything beyond their duty. The greatest authorities maintained, he said, that the magistrates were justified in the orders they had given, and that the meetings at which the disturbances took place were illegal. The original address was carried by one hundred and thirty-nine against thirty-four, and in the commons, ministers were equally triumphant. A similar address to Earl Grey's, was moved by Mr. Tierney, and was rejected by a large majority. The mover of this address drew a melancholy picture of the state of the country, affirming that ministers had brought it to the verge of ruin, Lord Castlereagh declined following him in his remarks on the state of the country, because the only definite proposition offered, was one for inquiry into the transactions at Manchester, respecting which he should lay a mass of information before the house on the next day and explain the measures contemplated by government. On the next day the promised documents were produced; consisting partly in the correspondence of official persons with the home secretary, and partly in communications made by parties whose names were not made known. The letters from the Manchester magistrates set forth that apprehensions were entertained of a formidable insurrection being in contemplation. At the same time they bore testimony to the alarming distress of the manufacturing classes, and assigned hunger as a natural inducement with the poor to adopt pernicious doctrines, as projects for the amelioration of their sufferings. Other depositions stated that the practice of secret training prevailed to a great extent among the reformers, but merely with a view of enabling themselves to march in the semblance of military array to their meetings, sticks being their only weapons. Lord Fitzwilliam stated in a communication that in the West Riding of Yorkshire the rage for seditious assemblies might be safely left to die away of itself, as the good sense of the people already began to feel they were in error. Sir John Byng, military commander of the district, stated, that simultaneous meetings were to be held in various towns, but that the plan had been frustrated by the disunion existing among the leaders. Other communications represented that pistols, pikes, and other weapons were being manufactured in the factious districts, both in England and Scotland. Finally, the grand jury of Cheshire expressed the alarm which was felt in that county for life and property by his majesty's subjects. This body of evidence having been submitted to the two houses, ministers proceeded to open their measures of defence. As a preliminary step, the lord chancellor introduced a bill for the purpose of taking away from such as should be tried for seditious practices the right of traversing; allowing the court, however, to postpone the trial, on his showing reason for delay. Against this measure as well as others in preparation, Earl Grey entered his protest; they being calculated, he said, to bring misery, if not ruin on the country. On the second reading of the bill it was opposed by Lords Erskine and Liverpool: and Lord Holland urged on ministers the necessity of legislating on both sides of the question, so as to prevent the delays which occurred in prosecutions on ex-officio informations, as well as in those of indictment. In compliance with this suggestion, the lord chancellor, on the third reading, proposed an additional clause, compelling the attorney-general to bring a defendant to trial within a year, or to enter into a noli-prosequi, and the bill thus amended passed without further opposition. The additional measures introduced in the upper house by Lord Sidmouth, and in the commons by Lord Castlereagh were to the following effect:—"An act to render the publication of a blasphemous or seditious libel punishable, on a second conviction, at the discretion of the court, by fine, imprisonment, banishment, or transportation; and to give power, in cases of a second conviction, to seize the copies of the libel in possession of the publisher: a stamp duty, equal to that paid by newspapers, on all publications of less than a given number of sheets, with an obligation on all publishers of such pieces to enter into recognizances for the payment of such penalties as might be in future inflicted on them." The press being thus restrained, seditious meetings were to be controlled by the following provisions:—"That a requisition for holding of any meeting other than those regularly called by a sheriff, boroughreeve, or other magistrate, should be signed by seven householders: and that it should be illegal for any persons not inhabitants of the place in which such meeting was held to attend it: also, that magistrates should be empowered, within certain limitations, to appoint the time and place of meeting." To repel danger from the muster of an illegal force, it was proposed to prohibit military training, except under the authority of a magistrate or lieutenant of the county; and in the disturbed districts, to give to magistrates a power of seizing arms believed to be collected for unlawful purposes, and also to apprehend and detain persons so carrying arms. All these bills met with stern opposition, except that for the prevention of secret military training. A clause in the act concerning blasphemous and seditious libels, which decreed the punishment of transportation on a second conviction was withdrawn in the commons, but the penalty of banishment, hitherto unknown in England, was enacted in its stead. The seditious meeting bill was also subjected to a modification, by which all meetings held in a room or building were exempted from its operations. Several alterations, moreover, were admitted into that which subjected small publications to the newspaper stamp duty.



MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.

After passing the celebrated "six acts," the Marquess of Lansdowne moved for a select committee to inquire into the state of the nation, and especially in those districts where distress and radicalism prevailed. His lordship said that the principle called radicalism existed in exactly the same proportion as that of distress in the respective districts; and that he had a right to infer this from the agricultural part of the country being yet untainted, and from the spirit of the principle having reached its height in the manufacturing districts both of England and Scotland. The distress, he thought, arose from the long war, which gave us the carrying trade of the world, and which created a fixed capital, which still existed, and filled the markets, while no vent could be found for their produce. It was also increased, he thought, by the poor laws, the paper currency, and the spirit of speculation. Two propositions were enforced by his lordship on the house for the alleviation of the distress: namely, to rescind the duties on articles which had decreased in various districts, as tea &c.; and the establishment of favourable commercial treaties, which government had not yet succeeded in accomplishing. The Marquess Wellesley deprecated all such inquiries, as did other noble lords, and the motion was negatived by a large majority.

{GEORGE III. 1818—1820}



PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

Although the time appeared very unfavourable for a discussion on reform, yet Lord John Russell called the attention of the commons to the unrepresented towns, many of which had risen into great commercial wealth and importance, while certain boroughs which sent representatives to parliament, had fallen into decay. His lordship adduced examples from history, to show that the principle of change had been often acknowledged, and the suffrage withdrawn and conferred on various occasions. He proposed several resolutions in accordance with them, the last being for the disfranchisement of Grampound, the corruption of which borough was notorious. At the suggestion of Lord Castlereagh, who appeared willing to concur in the motion to a certain extent, Lord John withdrew his motion; but he subsequently brought in a bill for the disfranchisement of Grampound, and the transfer of its privileges to some populous town, the second reading of which was deferred until after the Christmas recess.



CESSION OF PARGA TO THE TURKS.

During this year a convention was concluded between Great Britain and Turkey by which the fortress of Parga, which remained after the war in British protection, was ceded nominally to the latter power, but in reality to its bitter foe, Ali Pasha. Considerable animadversion was excited in the political circles by the fulfilment of this convention. The Parghiotes were the last of the Christians in Epirus who had successfully resisted the tyranny of Ali Pasha. In 1807, after the treaty of Tilsit had given the Ionian Isles to Napoleon, they had solicited and obtained a French garrison from Corfu; and in 1814 they had placed themselves under British protection. During the command of General Campbell they enjoyed security; but his successor, Sir T. Maitland, after much intriguing with Ali Pasha, ordered them either to submit to the Albanian despot or to quit their country. Finding their fate inevitable, and knowing the vindictive nature of Ali Pasha, they chose the latter alternative. An estimate was made of their buildings, lands, and plantations, amounting to nearly L500,000; but the compensation ultimately obtained for them was less than a third of that sum. When this circumstance, and the harshness of all the decrees against this brave but unfortunate people are considered, it is no wonder that the whole continent rang with exclamations against the British government, and that they were reiterated even in our own country.



DEATH OF GEORGE III.

{A.D. 1820}

The protracted existence of the venerable monarch who had so long swayed the British sceptre was drawing to a close. Virtually his long reign terminated in 1810, with the establishment of the regency; but he was still alive, and was still dear to the hearts of his people. In November of the preceding year, however, his health underwent a considerable change, and a general decay of the constitution ensued, which betokened dissolution. Yet the strong was taken away before the weak. On the 21st of January the Duke of Kent, after a short illness, died, leaving behind him an estimable character, a devoted wife, and a princess who now fills the throne. Eight days after this his royal father expired without a struggle, in the 82nd year of his age, and, counting the ten years of the regency, in the 60th year of his reign. Over the last nine years of his reign a dark and mysterious veil had been drawn. In the periods of the deepest national solicitude his mind had felt no interest; and in the hour of the most acute domestic feeling his eye had not been wet with the tears of affection. All was dark within and without, for both reason and sight had departed from him. It does not appear, indeed, that any temporary return of reason allowed him to comprehend and rejoice at the issue of the momentous struggle in which he left his country when his malady drove him into retirement.

"Why," said a London mechanic, with tears in his eyes, as he viewed the festivities and rejoicings in Hyde Park for the peace of Paris,—"Why is not our good old king well and here to see this sight?" This question displays the general feeling of the nation for the "good old king." Although the latter part of his life had been a blank, his people had never lost sight of him: their interest had not been wearied by his long seclusion, nor had their love expired in the flood of victories that distinguished the regency. The least information concerning him was read with avidity, while the tear of pity and affection rolled down the cheeks of the reader. When he died, the nation went into mourning; and the writer of this section of the history well recollects the intense anxiety displayed by his subjects to catch a sight of his coffin and the crown that he once wore, when he lay in state. Day after day thousands upon thousands waited at the gate of royalty to gain admittance; and many were the tears shed, and many were the sighs heaved from the full heart, as they paced through the chamber of death. All felt that they had lost a father. The influence of his virtuous character, in preserving the nation from the contagion of French principles; the steady progress which civil and religious liberty had made during his reign: the desire which he had ever evinced to improve the moral and intellectual condition of his people, still lived in their memory, and taught them to feel when he descended into his grave that they had lost a benefactor. He was mourned over as "the dear old king," and "the good old king," and he will be venerated as such as long as the roll of British history remains in existence.



CONTINUATION

OF

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

By E. H. Nolan

GEORGE IV.



CHAPTER XXXII.

{GEORGE IV. 1820-1821}

Accession of George IV...... Declaration of the King, &c..... Dissolution of Parliament..... Cato-Street Conspiracy..... Meeting of Parliament..... Bills for amending the Criminal Code..... Education Bill..... Motion for a Committee on the Corn Laws..... Motion for a Committee respecting Free Trade..... The Civil List, &c...... Message respecting the Queen..... Trial of the Queen.



ACCESSION OF GEORGE IV.

{A.D. 1820}

GEORGE IV. had long governed the empire, so that the acquisition of the crown effected no other change than that of the title of regent to king. The assumption of this new dignity, however, was followed by perplexities of great magnitude. He had long repudiated his wife, now Queen Caroline, and she had been living in foreign lands as an exile. This step had alienated the affections of his people from him; and at his accession to the throne, when he was induced to extend the limits of the hostility he had displayed towards his consort, they became, out of sympathy for an injured and helpless female, still more embittered against him. His accession to the throne, however, gave Caroline an opportunity of retaliation, which, as will be seen, she was not backward in exercising.



DECLARATION OF THE KING, ETC.

The first public act of the new king was to summon a council, at which the emblems of office, having been surrendered by the officers of the crown, were immediately restored to their former possessors. His majesty then made a declaration, in which, after having alluded to the demise of his father, and his own long exercise of the royal prerogative, he remarked that "nothing but the support which he had received from parliament and the country, in times most eventful and circumstances most arduous, could inspire him with that confidence which his present situation demanded." He added, that he trusted the experience of the past would satisfy all classes of his people, that it would ever be his desire to promote their prosperity and happiness, as well as to maintain unimpaired the religion, laws, and liberties of the kingdom. This declaration, at the request of the council, was made public; and on Monday, the 31st of January, the king was proclaimed, first, under the portico of the palace, and then at various stations throughout his good city of London. On the same day the members of parliament were sworn in, and they adjourned to the 17th of February. In the meantime, however, alarming reports arose concerning his majesty's health. He was attacked by a severe inflammation of the chest, which had lately proved fatal to his brother; and his physicians were in doubt about the result. Their forebodings, however, proved groundless; after the lapse of a week he was declared out of danger, although it was a considerable time before his health was re-established.



DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.

According to the principles of the British constitution, the demise of the crown is followed by a dissolution of parliament within the next six months. On the meeting of parliament a royal message announced an immediate design of calling a new parliament, and invited them to concur in the necessary arrangements for carrying on the public service during the interval, Loyal addresses, suitable to the occasion, were voted nem. con.; and next day ministers obtained a pledge that the desired measure for the wants of government should be adopted. When the requisite votes of money were proposed, however, Mr. Hume, that pertinacious interrogator, took occasion to ask a very embarrassing question. In the necessary alteration of the form of prayer for the royal family, by his majesty's command, the name of the queen was omitted. Mr. Hume desired to know whether any provision was to be made for her as queen? As Princess of Wales, her former allowance had of course ceased on the death of the late king: was she, as Queen of Great Britain, to be left to wander in beggary through foreign lands? or would parliament make a suitable provision for the maintenance of her dignified station? Lord Castle-reagh endeavoured to evade this subject, and to elude an acknowledgment of the queen's title, by stating that the "exalted personage" should suffer no pecuniary difficulties. In reply, Mr. Tierney, by commenting on the omission of her majesty's name from the liturgy, on the rumours in circulation against her character, and on the report of a commission sent abroad to collect evidence against her, strove to force ministers into a direct consideration of the question; but they still preserved a cautious silence. Other members also endeavoured to provoke them to a discussion on the question; but they still adhered to their text—the required supplies, and these were suffered to pass without a division. This done, parliament was dissolved by commission on the 28th of February.



CATO-STREET CONSPIRACY.

In his speech on the occasion of the dissolution of parliament, the lord chancellor referred, in vindication of their late enactments, to a sanguinary conspiracy which had just been detected, and which, he said, was sufficient to open the eyes of the most incredulous to the dangers of the country. The conspiracy referred to was one of the most desperate that could have been conceived by the perverse mind of man. It had for its object the overthrow of the government, and the irremediable confusion of national affairs, by the assassination of the whole cabinet. The chief leader of this plot was Arthur Thistlewood, who had once served as a subaltern in the West Indies. He had imbibed republican principles in America, and these had been confirmed by a residence in France during the darkest period of the revolution. He had recently been tried as an accomplice of the elder Watson; and when he was acquitted he sent a challenge to Lord Sidmouth, for which offence he was sentenced to a fine and imprisonment. On his liberation he determined to take revenge, and that of the most ample nature. For this purpose he gathered around him men of bold daring and reckless characters. The principal of these accomplices were, Ings, a butcher; Davidson, a Creole; and Brunt and Tidd, shoemakers. After a series of meetings the united band of these desperadoes determined to destroy his majesty's ministers. Their plan was this:—that forty or fifty of them were to commit the tragical act under a pledge of forfeiting their own lives should their resolution fail them; and that other detachments were to seize on the field-pieces at the artillery-ground, and at the London Station in Gray's Inn, and then to occupy the Mansion-House and the Bank, and to set fire to the buildings of the metropolis at different places. This plot was determined upon on, Sunday, the 20th of February; and it was to be put into execution on the following Wednesday, when there was to be a cabinet-dinner at Lord Harrowby's, in Grosvenor Square. It was agreed that a single conspirator should go to Lord Harrowby's with a note addressed to his lordship; that when the outer door should be opened others should rush in; and that while some proceeded to bind the domestics, the rest should perpetrate the horrid massacre. The heads of Lord Sidmouth and Castlereagh were to be brought away as trophies of their success. The whole of the Wednesday was passed in preparations for this fearful tragedy. Arms and ammunition were provided; proclamations were written, ready to be affixed to those edifices which were devoted to the flames; and strict watch was kept on Lord Harrowby's mansion, in order to ascertain whether any of the police or military entered it or were concealed in its vicinity. Towards the evening the conspirators crept towards their place of rendezvous, and by six o'clock all had assembled. The place of rendezvous was a stable in Cato-street, near the Edgeware-road; a building which consisted of two upper rooms, the ascent to which was by a ladder. In the largest of these rooms the conspirators were seen, by the glimmering light of one or two small candles, making ready for their bloody enterprise. They were rejoicing in the speedy prospect of revenge; but their projected crime had been unfolded. Among them was one Edwards, who, though a pretended colleague, was a spy. This man had given them the information of the cabinet-dinner, and then gave the cabinet information of all the proceedings of the conspirators. Every precaution was adopted by ministers to lull suspicion; and the preparations for dinner had been going on as though the ministers would really assemble. By this means the conspirators were detected with arms in their hands. Their capture was effected by a party of police, headed by Mr. Birnie, the magistrate, and supported by a detachment of the Coldstream Guards. The conspirators were on the point of starting for Grosvenor-square, when on a sudden the police entered the room in which they were assembled, and called upon them to surrender. Smithers, an active police-officer, rushed forward to secure the ringleader; but he was pierced through with the desperado's sword, and fell. The lights were now extinguished, and the conflict became general, while some of the gang endeavoured to make their escape. Although, indeed, the police were soon aided by thirty soldiers of the Coldstream Guards, nine of the conspirators only were taken. Thistlewood himself escaped; but, in consequence of L1,000 being offered for his apprehension, he was seized next morning in bed. Others were apprehended also during the two following days; and on the 27th of March true bills, on a charge of high-treason, were returned against eleven of the prisoners. Thistlewood, Ings, Tidd, Brunt, and Davidson were severally tried and condemned, the other six being permitted to withdraw their plea and to plead guilty; five of them received sentence of transportation for life, and the other, who appeared to have been ignorant of the destined purpose of the meeting in Cato-street, received a free pardon. Thistlewood and his condemned associates were brought to the scaffold; and he, with three of them, died with great hardihood, glorying in their purpose, regretting its failure, and declaring themselves martyrs to the prostituted name of liberty.