DISSOLUTION OF THE NORTHERN CONFEDERACY.

After the battle of Copenhagen it was intended to act against the Russians before the breaking up of the frost should enable them, to leave Revel. Sir Hyde Parker, however, having heard that the Swedes had put to sea to effect a junction with their allies, altered his course, hoping to intercept that part of the force of the confederacy. The Swedish fleet was discovered on the 19th of April; but on perceiving the English, it took shelter behind the batteries of Carlscrona. Sir Hyde Parker lost no time in acquainting the governor with the armistice that had been concluded between Great Britain and Denmark; and he called on the Swedish government to renounce the northern confederacy. At this critical juncture news was received of the assassination of the Czar Paul, and the accession of his son, Alexander, who commenced his reign by the abolition of the innovations of his predecessor, and by ordering all British sailors in confinement to be conveyed to the ports where their ships were stationed. Hostilities now ceased; Lord St. Helens was sent to Petersburgh, as minister plenipotentiary, and a convention was concluded between Russia and Great Britain, which subsequently comprehended Sweden and Denmark, recognising the principle contended for by England, and imposing such restrictions on the right of search as might prevent any unwarrantable exercise of it on neutral vessels. Thus the northern confederacy was dissolved.



EXPEDITION TO EGYPT.

The fate of the French army in Egypt was sealed about a fortnight before the battle of Copenhagen. The British troops destined against Egypt in the preceding year were sent to Marmorica, on the coast of Cara-mania, under an expectation of receiving assistance from the Turks. This expectation was not realized; but Sir Ralph Abercrombie resolved at all hazards to attempt the dislodgement of the French from Egypt. He landed in Aboutir Bay on the 8th of March, in the very face of the French, and under a heavy fire of grape-shot from artillery, as well as from the cannon of Aboukir castle. The French, however, were dispersed at the point of the bayonet; and on the 12th the British army moved forward, and came within sight of the enemy, advantageously posted on a ridge between the canal of Alexandria and the sea. In point of numbers the British were far inferior to the French, but Sir Ralph Abercrombie proceeded to the attack next day. This failed; but on the 21st of March a general battle took place, which resulted in the complete success of the British arms. The triumph of our troops was dearly purchased by the death of Abercrombie, who received his mortal wound by a musket-ball in the thigh during the heat of the battle, but who sustained himself till the victory was gained, when he died, universally lamented for his great and good qualities, both of head and heart. The loss of the English in killed, wounded, and missing was computed at two thousand, and that of the French at double that number. The command of the British army devolved on General Hutchinson, who perfected the work which his predecessor had commenced; for although the French were defeated, they were still powerful both at Alexandria and Cairo. Menou, the French commander, had retired into Alexandria; and this was almost insulated by General Hutchinson, by cutting through the embankments which served to retain the waters of the Aboukir lake, and by inundating a dry bed of the ancient lake Mareotis. Leaving General Coote with 6500 men to maintain the lines before Alexandria, General Hutchinson proceeded to Ramani Eh, and having driven the French from this post, he advanced still further up the Nile, towards Cairo. He was joined near Cairo by some Mamelukes, Turks, Arabs, Syrians, and Copts, who now all offered their aid to expel the French from Egypt. Cairo was invested, and on the 27th of June, the French General, Belliarde, capitulated, on condition that his troops should be embarked and conveyed to the French ports of the Mediterranean at the expense of the allied powers. At this moment Major General Baird was ascending the Red Sea with an army of British and Sepoys, and some of the East India Company's artillery. But before he could unite his forces at Cairo, Menou capitulated on the same conditions as Belliarde, and Egypt was now cleared of the French. The expedition which had been commenced with a series of victories, ended in defeat and disgrace. With an inferior force, the British army wrested an important country from the enemy, and restored it to their allies.

{GEORGE III. 1801-1806}



AFFAIRS ON THE CONTINENT.

In the month of March, the court of Madrid, hoping to stop a French invasion of Spain by submission to the will of the first consul, declared war against Portugal. A Spanish army invaded the Portuguese provinces in April; and in the month of June Lisbon purchased peace by yielding some territory to Spain, and by engaging to shut their ports against the English. In this treaty, however, Napoleon refused to concur; and he sent a French army through Spain to attack Portugal. Almeida was invested, and Lisbon and Oporto menaced, when the court of Lisbon consented to a treaty, by which Buonaparte agreed to withdraw his troops, and respect the integrity and independence of Portugal, on condition that they, on their part, should confirm to Spain all the territory which had recently been ceded; should make one-half of Portuguese Guiana over to the French; should shut all the ports and roads of Portugal in Europe against all English vessels, until peace was concluded with England; should nullify all preceding treaties and conventions with England; should treat France in all matters of commerce as the most favoured nation; and should admit all French commodities and merchandise whatsoever. The Portuguese court likewise paid twenty millions of francs to the French republic. In their distress, the Portuguese court had solicited the aid of England; but our government could do nothing more than to send an expedition to take possession of the island of Madeira, in order to secure it for Portugal.



NAVAL OPERATIONS.

The naval war this year was very languid. The French and Spanish fleets did not venture out of port, and their detached squadrons put to sea only in the absence of the English. On the 6th of July a French squadron was attacked by Sir James Saumerez in the road of Algeiras; but after a hard struggle he was induced to retire. This disappointment, however, only served to stimulate the British to another action. The ships which had been damaged in the late contest were repaired with all possible expedition, and when the French, joined by a Spanish squadron, were sailing towards Cadiz, he attacked them, and one line-of-battle ship, of seventy-four guns, was captured, and two others blew up with the loss of about two thousand men. On the 1st of August Admiral Lord Nelson, with a flotilla of gun-boats and other vessels, stood over to the coast of France to reconnoitre the preparations said to be making for the invasion of England. On the 4th of the same month he sunk two floating batteries and destroyed some gun-boats; but a subsequent attack on the flotilla in the harbour failed. During this year the islands of St. Martin and St. Eustatius were reduced; while in the east, the Batavian settlement of Ternate, the principal of the Molucca islands, surrendered to the British, under Captain Haynes.



TREATY OF AMIENS.

Many circumstances rendered the first consul at this time really desirous for some short suspension of hostilities with England. Preliminaries were agreed to on the 1st of October, and in the month of November the Marquis Cornwallis went over to France as ambassador plenipotentiary. He was received with great joy by many of the Parisians, who were equally desirous of peace, as were many of the English nation. From Paris, his lordship repaired to Amiens, the place appointed for holding the conferences; and, after much angry discussion, on the 2nd of March, 1802, a definitive treaty of peace was signed. By this treaty, England agreed to restore all the acquisitions made during the war, except the island of Trinidad, and the Dutch possessions in Ceylon: the Cape of Good Hope was to be given back to the Dutch as a free port: the Porte was to be preserved in its integrity; France was to recognise the republic of the seven islands; apart of Portuguese Guiana was given up to France by a new adjustment of boundaries; and the Prince of Orange was to receive compensation for the loss of property and power. "Thus," it has been remarked, "ended the first act of the revolutionary war, though most persons thought the whole concluded, fancying that the chief ruler of France would find his real interest in the preservation of peace; and relying on his repeated declaration of regret, that the two first nations of the world should waste their resources and the blood of their people in enmity. Some persons, however, took a different view of the subject, seeing neither indemnity for the past, nor security for the future in the restitution of all our colonial conquest, and in the recognition of that gigantic plan of continental sovereignty which had been conceived by the first founders of the French republic, and pursued with unremitting diligence by its successive rulers."



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1802}

Parliament met in the autumn of 1801; but the chief business done before the Christmas recess was to debate on the preliminaries of the peace of Amiens; some defending—and among them Pitt himself—what the Addington administration were doing, and others condemning their line of policy. Conspicuous among those who condemned their measures was Windham, who said that the preliminaries were disgraceful, and that war was to be preferred to a peace bought on such conditions. This debate continued after the Christmas recess, up to the 13th of May, when the last struggle took place on the subject. In the upper house the opponents of the treaty were headed by Lord Grenville, who made the cession of Malta the principal point of his attack. It was absurd, he said, to place that island under the guarantee of six powers, who could not be expected to agree on any one point relating to it; and it was still more absurd to restore it to the Knights of St. John, whose funds had been confiscated, and whose existence thereby might be said to be ended. In adverting to other parts of the treaty he observed, that our rights in India had not been recognised, and that the Cape of Good Hope, a most important station to the maintenance of British sovereignty, was given up. Lord Grenville concluded his strictures with proposing an address to the throne, recommending every practicable economy, but such as would still leave the country in a state of proper defence for the suppression of any danger; acknowledging that the national faith was pledged to the observance of the treaty, but pointing out the danger to which this country was exposed on account of the great sacrifices she had made without any adequate compensation on the part of France; and finally praying his majesty to endeavour to arrange speedily, by amicable adjustment, those various points which were left unsettled by the definitive treaty of Amiens. His lordship was ably supported by some who entertained Pitt's general views and others of his own party; but a counter address, moved by Lord Pelham, was carried without a division. A counterpart to Lord Grenville's motion was made in the lower house on the same day, by Windham, who, in a speech of three hours, bitterly condemned the treaty. In the course of his speech he remarked:—"It is impossible to have seen, without the utmost anxiety and alarm, the unexampled circumstances that have attended the final conclusion of the present peace; the extensive and important sacrifices which, without any corresponding-concession, this treaty had added to those already made by the preliminary articles; the unlooked-for and immense accession of territory, influence, and power which it has tacitly confirmed to France; the numerous subjects of clashing interests and unavoidable dispute which it has left entirely unadjusted; and, above all, those continued and systematic projects of aggrandizement of which, in the very moment of peace, we have seen such undeniable and convincing evidence." Mr. Windham was supported by Lord Folkstone, Sheridan, Grey, and Whitbread; but a counter address, moved by Lord Hawkesbury, similar to that which had been moved in the upper house by Lord Pelham, was carried by a majority of two hundred and seventy-six against twenty. But these long discussions forbade the hope that peace would be durable.



PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES.

Early in this session Mr. Canning moved the house on the subject of the slave-trade. He made two motions: the first being a preliminary relating to the cultivation of the land in the island of Trinidad, lately ceded to England, which, some contended, should be performed by negro slaves; and the second a distinct motion on this subject. In his second speech he remarked, "In considering the acquisition of Trinidad, it seems as if Providence had determined to submit to the trial our boast of speculative benevolence and intended humanity, by placing in our power a colony where, if we pursue our old course, it must be purely for its own sake, without the old inducements or the usual apologies. This is a day of tests; I trust we shall abide the trial." During this session an important act was passed for consolidating the existing militia laws, and for augmenting that force: it was agreed that the militia should remain permanently 60,000 strong, and that 40,000 should be called out in the first instance, and the remainder when the king deemed necessary. In announcing his budget, on the 5th of April, Mr. Addington stated the intention of government to abolish the income-tax, and fund the L56,000,000 with the payments of which it was charged. This announcement gave great satisfaction, and the resolutions upon the budget were agreed to without a division. Provision was made during this session for their royal highnesses the Dukes of Sussex and Cambridge, and the Prince of Wales's embarrassments were taken into consideration; the magnificent sum of L60,000 annually was granted him for three years and a half, commencing from the 5th of January, 1803, and ending the 5th of July, 1806. Sums of money were voted to Dr. Jenner for the promulgation of his valuable discovery of vaccine inoculation; to Mr. Greathead for his invention of the life-boat; and to Dr. Carmichael Smith for a discovery of nitrous fumigation, for preventing the progress of infectious disorders. Parliament was prorogued on the 28th of June by the king in person, who congratulated the country on the peace and prosperity it was enjoying; and on the next day it was dissolved by proclamation.



PREPARATIONS FOR HOSTILITY.

Peace had scarcely been proclaimed when the note of war was again heard in the distance; when a little cloud in the horizon betokened the rising of another furious storm. In the month of December the French government had sent a naval force, under General Le Clerc, for the purpose of recovering St. Domingo and Guadaloupe from the revolted negroes; and the English government sent Admiral Mitchell with seven sail of the line to watch his motions. But England had more cogent reasons for displeasure in the following year. At that time the interference and intrigues of the first consul were manifested in various parts of Europe. Thus, in the month of March, he presided over a meeting at which a treaty was signed with the Cisalpine republic, preparatory to his assuming the iron crown, in imitation of Charlemagne; and he not only procured the cession of Louisiana, but the duchy of Parma, from Spain. Disputes likewise having arisen respecting the formation of a new constitution in Switzerland, and the mediation of the first consul being solicited, the diet was dissolved by his troops, the Swiss patriots were arrested, and the independence of the country annihilated by the power on which it relied for protection. In the course of the year, moreover, Piedmont was turned into a provincial appendage to France; and in October the Spanish king, at the suggestion of the French government, annexed all the property of the Maltese knights in his dominion to his royal domains, by which act the treaty of Amiens was to a certain degree violated. All these events were indications of a future rupture; and another grand provocative to the rupture was the fierce and systematic hostility displayed by Napoleon against the commerce of Great Britain. Instead of being allowed, through the return of peace, to flow into its old channels, it was still more impeded in France and in the countries where the French held sway than it had been during the war. Every month, or week, indeed, the first consul made some new encroachment or advanced some new claim; while on the other hand he pretended to bind England to the strict observance of every article in the treaty of Amiens which was against her, and insisted on the immediate evacuation of Malta, the Cape of Good Hope, and of every place she had agreed to restore. It was, in truth, fully manifested, before the close of the year, that the treaty of Amiens was an experiment that had signally failed, and that recourse, at no distant day, would be again had to the sword to decide the contest for superiority between the two countries of France and England.

Nor was the conduct of Napoleon in Paris less indicative of war; ambition being conspicuous in every movement. Some of his measures were prudent and salutary, but many of them were unprincipled, unjust, and even criminal. His aim was to be the despot and sole ruler of France; not to be the venerated head of a great and free people. His first act exhibited the despot in lively characters. This was to put the press in chains: Fouche, with an army of "Arguses and police servants, mastered the domain of thought itself;" and when conspiracies arose from this arbitrary measure, then the executioner was called in to do his fearful work. At the same time Napoleon established special tribunals throughout the kingdom, composed of judges of his own appointment. His despotism extended itself to the civil code, and even to religion and the church. By his fiat, there was to be but one liturgy and one catechism in all France! During this year, indeed, Napoleon was approaching his object at a rapid pace. He already ventured to attack the idol of the revolutionary French, the fundamental principle of the revolution, that of equality, by proposing and carrying a law for the creation of a legion of honour—that is, for establishing a new nobility in the place of that which the revolutionists had destroyed, from the one end of France to the other. Public opinion declared loudly against this institution, but Napoleon was sufficiently strong to defy public opinion. Nay, about the same time, soon after the peace of Amiens, Chabot proposed that a signal national acknowledgment should be made to him, and he was created consul for life. The throne was, therefore, visibly rising over the grave of the republic—one step more, and Napoleon would be sitting thereon in all the pride and pomp of Imperial majesty. That step, as will be hereafter seen, was taken boldly and successfully. France again submitted to the rule of one man, a man whose little finger proved to be thicker than the loins of the monarchs of the house of Bourbon.



MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

The newly returned parliament met on the 16th of November. The speech from the throne seemed to intimate that the renewal of war was probable, by his majesty saying, "that notwithstanding his desire for peace, it was impossible for him to lose sight of that system of policy by which the interests of other states were connected with our own welfare; and by which he was obliged not to be indifferent to any material change in the relative condition and strength of the European powers." His majesty also recommended the adoption of all those means of security which were best calculated to preserve the blessings of peace. The responsive addresses, both in the lords and commons, were carried without a division; Fox at the same time expressing a hope, that ministers would not be influenced by those politicians who would rush into a war without necessity.

Augmentations both of the navy and of the army were proposed by ministers a few days after the commencement of the session: 50,000 seamen were voted, and 128,000 men for the army. On this occasion, Sheridan, who was fast falling away from the Foxite party, made a notable patriotic speech, declaring that the time had arrived when it was necessary for England to adopt vigorous measures of defence. He concluded his speech in the following language: "I wish Buonaparte not to mistake the cause of the people's joy; he should know, that if he commits any act of aggression against them, they are ready to enter singly into the contest, rather than suffer any attack on their honour and independence, I shall proceed no further; I perfectly agree with my honourable friend, that war ought to be avoided, though he does not agree with me on the means best calculated to produce that effect. From any opinion which he may express, I never differ but with the greatest reluctance; for him my affection, my esteem, and my attachment are unbounded; and they will only end with death; but I think an important lesson is to be learned from the arrogance of Buonaparte. He says, he is an instrument in the hands of Providence, an envoy of God; he says, he is an instrument in the hands of Providence, to restore Switzerland to happiness, and to elevate Italy to splendour and importance. Sir, I think he is an instrument in the hands of Providence to make the English love their constitution better, to cling to it with more fondness, to hang round it with truer tenderness. Every man feels, when he returns from France, that he is coming from a dungeon, to enjoy the light and life of British independence. Whatever abuses exist we shall look with pride and pleasure on the substantial blessings we still enjoy. I believe, also, that he is an instrument in the hands of Providence to make us more liberal in our political differences, and to render us determined, with one hand and heart, to oppose any aggression there may be made on us. If that aggression be made, my honourable friend will, I am sure, agree with me, that we ought to meet it with a spirit worthy of these islands; that we ought to meet it with a conviction of the truth of this assertion—that the country which has achieved such greatness, has no retreat in littleness; that, if we should be content to abandon everything, we should find no safety in poverty, no security in abject submission; finally, that we ought to meet it with a firm determination to perish in the same grave with the honour and independence of our country."

On the 21st of December, a bill was passed for appointing commissioners to inquire into frauds and abuses in the several naval departments, and for the better conducting the business of those departments. No other business of importance was transacted before the Christmas recess.



TRIAL OF COLONEL DESPARD.

{A.D. 1803}

During the month of November in the preceding year, a conspiracy against the king and government was discovered. This originated with Colonel Despard, an officer of courage and ability, who, having been reduced in circumstances, on account of the abolition of an office held by him on the coast of Honduras, organized a society in London for the subversion of that tyranny which he attributed to the ministers of his sovereign. In the scheme proposed by him, his objects were the constitutional independence of Great Britain and Ireland; an equalization and extension of rights; a liberal reward to all who would exert themselves in the cause of the people; and an ample provision for the families of those who might fall in the cause. Despard, however, with twenty-nine of his followers were arrested in the act of deliberating on the execution of their designs; and in the month of February of this year were tried by a special commission. The colonel himself was found guilty, and executed, as were also six of his associates; the rest were either acquitted by the jury, or were pardoned on their recommendation.



PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

Parliament reassembled on the 23rd of February, but no debate of importance occurred until the 8th of March. On that day a message from the king to both houses represented the preparations made in the French and Dutch ports as grounds for defensive arrangements. The message stated that discussions of great importance were carrying on between his majesty and the French government, the result of which was uncertain. His majesty said that he relied with confidence on parliament to enable him to take such measures as circumstances might require, for supporting the honour of his crown, and the essential interests of his people. Lord Hobart moved the responsive address in the lords, and it was carried nem. con.; but in the commons, many members wished for further information before the ministerial recommendations received attention. Fox, in particular, wished to know the precise reasons for putting the country into a warlike attitude; he still thought peace might be preserved. But in the commons, likewise, the address was voted unanimously; and, in compliance with the ministerial demands, on the 11th of March, 10,000 seamen were added to the existing number. A motion to that effect was agreed to without a division.



ACT TO RELIEVE CATHOLICS, ETC.

Before the Easter recess, an act was passed to relieve Roman Catholics from certain penalties and disabilities, on subscribing the declaration and oaths contained in the act of the 31st of George III. A bill was also introduced into the upper house by Lord Ellenborough, which made the maliciously maiming, wounding, and disfiguring of any of his majesty's subjects, a capital felony; attempts also to discharge loaded fire-arms, with intent to kill or wound, were made subject to the penalty of death. The attention of both houses was also occupied by a clergy residence bill, the coroner's bill, debates on the Paneras workhouse, &c. After the Easter holidays, a bill was unanimously carried which was intended to put down the rioting which had occurred among the electors of Nottingham, by allowing the magistrates of the county a concurrent jurisdiction in the town of Nottingham with the magistrates residing in that town. A bill was likewise passed for continuing the militia in Ireland, as well as in England and Scotland, but which substituted in that country the giving of bounties for the system of ballot.



WAR PROCLAIMED WITH FRANCE.

On the 6th of May Lord Pelham communicated to the lords, and Mr. Addington to the commons, another message from his majesty, stating that orders had been given to Lord Whitworth, our ambassador, to quit Paris immediately, unless he found a certainty of bringing the pending negociations to a close against a certain period; and that the French ambassador had applied for a passport to be ready to leave London so soon as he should be informed of Lord Whitworth having quitted Paris. Both houses adjourned till the Monday following; and after they again met, on the 16th of May, they were informed by another royal message, that Lord Whitworth was recalled, and that the French ambassador had departed. On the next day after the message was delivered, an Order of Council was published, directing that reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects of the French republic; and a proclamation was issued for an embargo belonging either to the French and Batavian republics, or to any countries occupied by French arms. Papers relating to the correspondence between France and Great Britain, were laid before both houses on the 18th of May and on the 23rd the subject was taken into consideration. In each house an address was moved, reechoing the sentiments of the king's message and declaration; and though stern opposition was made by some members and peers, they were carried by large majorities. Recently Pitt had absented himself from the commons, but on this occasion he was present to defend the approaching contest. His speech produced a great impression on the house, and was greatly admired; Fox himself said, that if Demosthenes himself had been present, he must have admired, and might have envied. Notwithstanding, Fox placed himself at the head of those few who opposed the address; and ventured to palliate the conduct of Napoleon's haughtiness and insolent language to Lord Whitworth. Buonaparte, he said, had as much right to complain of our aggrandizement in India, as we had to complain of his encroachments in Europe; that his expressed determination to take possession of Egypt on some future day, was not a sufficient cause for war; and that we were going to war on a sordid principle, which would deprive us of the possibility of obtaining any allies. The tendency of Fox's speech was severely reprehended by several members, but he nevertheless continued his opposition. On the 27th he even moved an address, to advise his majesty to accept the proffered mediation of the Emperor of Russia; but this he was induced to withdraw, on a declaration from Lord Hawkesbury, secretary for foreign affairs, that the government, though it could not suspend the preparations for pursuing the war, would be ready to accept the mediation of Russia, if the first counsul would accept it, and accede to reasonable terms. In both houses censures were moved on the conduct of the Addington administration, but they were negatived by large majorities.



THE CAUSES FOR THE RENEWAL OF WAR WITH FRANCE.

The causes of the renewal of hostilities between France and England were manifold. Some of the remote causes have before been noticed; and it has been remarked in a previous page, that while the first consul required England to fulfil every stipulation in the treaty of Amiens, he denied our right of interference in his own political arrangements. This naturally gave rise to disputes between the two governments; disputes which soon became warm and acrimonious, and which finally ended in an open rupture. The first remonstrance of the British cabinet against the unjustifiable encroachments of the first consul related to his conduct with reference to Switzerland. This remonstrance was vain; and expostulation, as regards usurpations in Holland and Italy, were equally fruitless. The British government also complained that numerous persons were sent to reside in our maritime towns on pretence of trade, but in reality to procure such intelligence as might be useful in the event of war; and that while this scheme was put in practice, restrictions on British commerce were enforced in France with extraordinary vigour. Moreover, the British cabinet complained of insults: such as, that Great Britain could not contend alone with France; an insult which should have been treated only with contempt. On the other hand, Napoleon complained of the freedom with which the British press handled his character, and of the protection given to discontented emigrants. But the chief object of his complaint was the retention of Malta. He remarked:—"My pretended encroachments are mere trifles; and even if they were highly important, you have no concern with them: but in refusing to surrender Malta, you are openly violating the treaty of Amiens, which I will not tamely suffer to be infringed." Dissension increased. Napoleon demanded that the Bourbons and their partisans should be expelled from England, which met with a firm and generous denial. Thus baffled, the first consul directed his political agents to circulate outrageous libels against the highest characters in the kingdom; they plotted, he averred, conspiracies against his life. At length Napoleon demanded, why the British government had not evacuated Malta, according to stipulation? The reply was, "because he had increased his European territories and threatened Egypt." To demand Malta of the first consul was in reality to declare war; he declared that harmony could not be restored, unless that island was restored to the knights, or put into the possession of some continental power; and that he would as soon see Paris in the hands of the English as Malta. The Russian emperor now offered his mediation, but as he proposed no scheme of accommodation, his offer was politely refused. Finally, Lord Whitworth suggested the following terms of an amicable arrangement:—If the cession of Lampedosa could be procured from the King of Naples, it should serve as a naval station for the English in lieu of Malta, which should then be left to the natives on the basis of independence. At the same time Holland was to be evacuated by the French troops, while Switzerland was to be freed from all encumbrance. His Britannic majesty promised to recognize the Spanish prince who had been made King of Etruria, as well as the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics; in return for which France was required to cede some valuable territory to the King of Sardinia. By a secret article, Malta was to remain ten years under British government before the exchange took place. On the acceptation or refusal of these terms, peace or war was to be determined. A week only was allowed for a reply; and at the lapse of that time, no reply being given—Napoleon wishing still to prolong the discussion—the British ambassador, in compliance with his instructions, declined all further negociations, and prepared to quit Paris, which he did on the 12th of May. Orders were immediately issued for seizing the ships of France, and of the states subject to her power, in British ports; and Napoleon detained all British subjects who remained in the French territories after Lord Whitworth, our ambassador, had taken his departure. Thus recommenced the struggle betwixt the two rival nations of England and France: a struggle which, for the inveteracy of its spirit and the variety of its fortunes, stands unrivalled in the history of the world. Vast were the treasures spent, and still more vast was the blood shed, before the sword thus drawn was again sheathed.

{GEORGE III. 1801-1806}



WAR WITH HOLLAND.

As the proposal that French troops should be withdrawn from Holland was refused, war was accordingly denounced against that unfortunate State. On the 17th of June, the king announced by message, that he had communicated to the Batavian republic his disposition to respect its neutrality, provided only the French government would respect it, and withdraw its forces from that country; but that, this proposition not having been acceded to by France, his majesty judged it necessary to recall his minister from the Hague, and to give order for the issuing of letters of marque and reprisals against the Batavian republic. Subsequently, the sum of L80,000, and a pension of L16,000 per annum was granted to the ex-stadtholder of Holland, our late ally, the Prince of Orange, who had by this event been despoiled, and left without a home, and without any reliance, except on the generosity of this country.



MILITIA BILL, ETC.

A bill for rendering the militia as effective as possible was passed on the 20th of May; but in consequence of a message from his majesty on the 18th of June, recommending more extensive measures, a proposition was carried for embodying a new species of Militia, to be denominated "the army of reserve." This body was to consist of 50,000 men for England, and 10,000 for Ireland, and they were to be raised by ballot, but allowed to volunteer into the regular army. This bill, however, was only the precursor of one of greater magnitude—a bill which comprehended the arming and training of the whole effective male population, and which passed into a law on the 27th of July. This measure was proposed in case of an invasion; and as the opposite coasts of France and Belgium were lined with troops, and the French and Brussels papers were calculating how many days it would take Napoleon to reach London, it met with very general support. Fox himself offered his hearty concurrence to it, because it was for the defence of the country, rather than for any project of offensive war. It passed in the commons nem. con.; and the lords adopted it unanimously, one or two peers only censuring ministers, as Pitt had done in, the lower house, for not producing it sooner. This scheme, however, was not generally acceptable to the nation at large, nor was the danger so great as to justify its adoption. Nevertheless a large body of volunteers started up in every part of the realm, and a force of 400,000 men wore soon collected on the coasts to defend their beloved country. The whole population of England, under the impression that their altars and firesides were endangered by the menace of the first consul of France, rose

"Like one man, to combat in the sight Of a just God, for liberty and right."



FINANCIAL MEASURES.

In discussing the military estimates during this session, an addition of 30,000 men was proposed and agreed to. Supplies were demanded in June to the amount of L33,730,000, but the whole granted during the year exceeded L41,000,000. In order to raise this sum, the custom and excise duties were increased, and the income-tax was renewed, though not to its former extent; a duty of one shilling in the pound was imposed on land, to be paid by the landlord, and nine-pence by the tenant. The war taxes were estimated at L12,700,000 annually, but they were to cease at the end of six months after the return of peace, Some of the new taxes imposed were extended to Ireland, and the lord-lieutenant of that country was authorised to raise L1,000,000, by loan.



PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

This session closed on the 12th of August, by a speech from the throne. In his speech, his majesty expressed his reliance that, under the continuance of the Divine protection, the exertions of his brave and loyal subjects would prove to the enemy and to the world, that an attempt to subvert the independence of the United Kingdom would terminate in the ruin of that people by whom it was sought. He assured his parliament that economy in the public expenditure should be carried as far as was consistent with the necessary exertions to frustrate the designs of the enemy.



INSURRECTION IN IRELAND.

During this summer an insurrection, headed by one Robert Emmett, a brother to the barrister of that name who took part in the recent rebellion, broke out in Ireland. Emmett had been expelled from the university of Dublin, and had resided abroad so long as the Habeas Corpus act was suspended, but on the removal of that obstacle, he returned to Ireland. On his return, as rebellious spirits still abounded in every part of that unhappy country, he formed a party for the purpose of endeavouring to overturn the existing system of government. The stoppage of the coaches was to be the signal for revolt in the country, while the grand object of the insurgents in the metropolis was to secure the seat and ministers of government, and to proclaim a new constitution. There were scarcely above one hundred immediately connected with the plot; but these were so sanguine of success, that they supposed the spirit of rebellion would, at their bidding, pervade the whole kingdom. It was on the 23rd of July that the spirit of revolt began to manifest itself. On the evening of that day, a mob assembled in St. James's-street and its vicinity, and about nine o'clock the concerted signal was given by a number of men riding furiously through various parts of the city. Outrage followed; the chief justice of Ireland, Lord Kilwarden, was stabbed to death with pikes, Colonel Brown was shot, and others were wounded. But this conspiracy was soon quelled; about half-past ten, a small body of regular troops approached the insurgents, and they fled in every direction; nothing more was heard of Emmett or his associates till they were brought to justice. A special commission was issued for the trial of those rebels who were captured, and Emmett and several others were executed. On this occasion, the Roman Catholics, with Lord Fingal at their head, came forward and rendered government important services in quelling the rebellion.



LETTER OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.

While parliament was sitting, and when the country was preparing for war, the Prince of Wales repeated a claim, which he had often made before, for military promotion, requiring to be placed in a situation where his example might contribute to excite the loyalty of the people. This was a natural request; for the Duke of York had for some years been captain-general and commander-in-chief of the forces, and the Dukes of Kent, Cumberland, and Cambridge were lieutenant-generals, but the prince himself was simply a colonel of dragoons. No notice, however, was taken of this letter, and it was only by repeated applications that a reply was elicited. That reply was, that should the enemy succeed in landing, he, the prince, would have an opportunity of manifesting his zeal at the head of his regiment. Thus disappointed in his views, six days before the prorogation of parliament, he addressed a letter on the subject to the king himself; and from him likewise received a similar reply. The prince now exhibited a very unfriendly spirit both towards his majesty and Mr. Addington. In a letter to the Duke of York, he called "the opportunity of displaying his zeal at the head of his regiment," which was intended to be consolatory to his feelings, "a degrading mockery." The whole correspondence, in truth, brought great discredit, both on the heir-apparent and his advisers. It ended, however, in the prince joining his regiment at Brighton, in opposition to the expressed wish of Addington; he being bound to do so, he remarked, "by the king's precise order, and by that honest zeal which was not allowed any fitter sphere for its action."



MOVEMENTS OF THE FRENCH

A few days after the king's message had been sent to parliament, the French admiral, Linois, was despatched with a strong squadron for the East Indies. The armies of the republic were increased to 480,000 men; that of Holland being destined to occupy Hanover; and that of Lombardy to invade Naples, garrison Tarentum, and other parts of the Adriatic. The first consul was resolved to occupy Hanover, as a pledge for the restitution of Malta. The electorate was summoned by Mortier on the 25th of May, and the Hanoverians being unable to resist, soon capitulated possession was taken of the country, and Mortier was enabled to control the navigation of the Elbe, and the Weser, as well as to levy contributions on the rich towns of Hamburg and Bremen. A British squadron, however, blockaded the mouths of those rivers, which measure caused such distress to Hamburg and Bremen, that they appealed to the King of Prussia for protection, as one of those sovereigns who guarded the neutrality of the empire. The King of Prussia, however, declined to interfere, and the French were left to continue their exactions with impunity. Napoleon, also, made severe exactions on the Batavian and Italian republics; drew pecuniary assistance from Spain and Portugal; and augmented the supplies of the French treasury, by the sale of Louisiana to the United States, for three millions of dollars. His grand objects, however, at this time, were the army and flotilla for the invasion of England. His army was swelled by contingents of allied states, and the command of it was given to Soult, Davoust, and Ney; the familiarity of his old generals having by this time offended his pride. It was for this invasion chiefly that he drew his contributions from the neighbouring countries. Rome and Naples were plundered on base pretexts, and the latter was obliged to let the French occupy a part of its territories and ports.



NAVAL CONQUESTS.

The naval campaign of this year in Europe, was of a comparatively trifling character. The port and town of Granville were attacked by Sir James Saumarez, on which occasion the pier was demolished, and a number of vessels destroyed; the town and fort of Dieppe were bombarded by Captain Owen; and the Dutch ports, from the Zandvoort, in the vicinity of Haarlem, to Scheveningen, were also severally bombarded, and many vessels destroyed.

In June, an expedition under General Grinfield and Commodore Hood, captured the islands of St. Lucie and Tobago; and in September, the Dutch colonies of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice surrendered to the British arms. The islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, likewise, were captured, and the French were compelled to abandon the colony of St. Domingo.



EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.

In the East Indies, war was carried on by land on a large scale, and with great success. Since the death of Tippoo, and the capture of Seringapatam, a new enemy had appeared in the Mahratta confederacy, and Perron, a clever Frenchman, was lending his aid in the strife. M. Perron had first appeared in India, when the government of Louis XVI. were struggling with the genius and resources of Warren Hastings for the supremacy in Hindustan. In the course of events he was raised to the rank of a general, and to the command in chief of the forces of Scindiah, in whose ranks he had entered against the British. His honours, wealth, and authority, all given him by his grateful master, excited the envy and malice of the Mahratta chiefs, for they were eclipsed by this foreigner. In 1802, when the Scindiah made war upon the Mahratta sovereign of Poonah, and expelled him from his territories, Perron, who had recently had a large portion of the Jumna region assigned him, lent his valuable assistance. This event led to a war with the British. The dispossessed chief applied for assistance to the English, and a subsidiary treaty was concluded with him at Bassein. Lord Wellesley, the governor-general, had two great objects in view—to restore the Peishwa, and to crush the forces which Perron had raised, and which had long given him uneasiness. He was joined by the Nizam of the Deccan, while the Rajah of Berar united his forces to those of Scindiah. Lord Wellesley calculated that he might detach Perron from his old Indian master by bribery; for when General Lake took the field with an army of 10,000 men, he instructed him to make every possible effort to destroy, scatter, or win over Perron and his officers. Proclamations were made to this end, but without effect; Perron took the field with about 17,000 infantry, disciplined in the usual European manner, besides a large body of irregular infantry, about 20,000 Mahratta horse, and a numerous and well-appointed train of artillery. In the mean time a younger brother of the governor-general had rescued Poonah from the Mahratta troops of Holkar, and had re-established the Peishwa in his capital. Holkar joined Scindiah and the Rajah of Berar; and this confederacy was the more dangerous, as Scindiah possessed several sea-ports from whence he could receive assistance from the French. This confederacy, however, was soon dissolved. General Lake defeated, routed, and annihilated that army of Perron which caused the governor-general such great and reasonable alarm; and, between him and General Wellesley, all the perilous portion of the Mahratta confederacy was shaken, and the power of Scindiah broken. Both the Rajah of Berar and Scindiah were compelled to sue for peace, which was granted; the Rajah agreeing to add the important province of Cuttack, with the district of Balasore, to the company; and Scindiah to yield to them all the country between the Jumna and the Ganges, besides numerous forts, territories, rights, and interests. Both the Rajah of Berar and Scindiah likewise agreed to dismiss all the French or other European officers in their service, and the latter was never to take them into his service again, without consent of the British government. In the course of the same year, two other armies were sent into the Mahratta dominions, which resulted in the conquest of much Indian territory. The varied successes of this year, indeed, gave to the British empire, not only the Mahratta dominions between the Jumna and the Ganges, but other and still more important advantages. By them the British secured the possession of Delhi, Agra, and Calpee, which gave them the mastery and free navigation of the Jumna, with an important tract of country along the right bank of the river. They secured, likewise, the greater part of the rich province of Bundelcund, the whole of Cuttack in Orissa, and the most valuable territory in Guzerat, with ports which were before accessible to our mortal enemy, France. Finally, they gave to the company a stronger frontier in the Deccan, and to our allies, the Nizan and the Peishwa, an important accession of strength. Subsequently a war ensued with Holkar; but his forces were rapidly dispersed by General Wellesley, and peace again prevailed in India; and in 1805 the victorious general returned to Europe.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament reassembled on the 22nd of November. In his speech, the king enlarged upon the successes in the West Indies, and upon the early suppression of the Irish insurrection. He alluded, also, to the conclusion of a friendly convention with Sweden, for the purpose of adjusting certain differences about maritime rights, arising out of an article in an old treaty concluded by Charles II. Mention was made of the measures adopted for a vigorous prosecution of the war; and his majesty declared, in reference to the menaces of an invasion, that as he and his people were embarked in a common cause, it was his determination, should occasion arise, to share their exertions and dangers in defence of the constitution. The usual addresses were agreed to without a division, and without opposition; and the houses occupied themselves up to the Christmas holidays with passing acts to continue the Habeas Corpus Act, and the prolongation of martial law in Ireland, and to grant certain exemptions in favour of the volunteers of Great Britain. The regular force proposed for the public service amounted to 167,000 men the embodied militia of Great Britain and Ireland, were 110,000, and the volunteer corps about 400,000. According to the statement of Lord Castle-reagh, indeed, the effective force of this country, in rank and file, amounted to 615,000 men, or reckoning the non-commissioned officers, 700,000. The number of ships of war, amounted to four hundred and sixty-nine.



CHAPTER XXVI.

{GEORGE III. 1804—1807}

His Majesty's Indisposition..... Change in the Ministry: Pitt Resumes Office..... The Slave-Trade Question..... Additional Force Act..... Debate on the Corn Laws..... The Budget: Parliament Prorogued..... Affairs of France: Napoleon created Emperor..... Naval Affairs..... Coalition between Pitt and Addington..... Meeting of Parliament..... Army and Navy Estimates, &c...... Debate on the Rupture with Spain..... Claims of the Catholics..... The Slave Trade Question..... Impeachment of Lord Melville..... Parliament Prorogued..... Dissensions in the Cabinet..... Napoleon crowned King of Italy..... Conquests of Napoleon in Bavaria..... The Battle of Trafalgar, &c...... Meeting of Parliament..... Death of Mr. Pitt..... The Grenville Administration..... Negociations for Peace..... Windham's Military Plan..... The Budget..... Trial of Lord Melville..... The Slave-Trade Question..... Parliament Prorogued, &c...... Death of Fox..... Naval Successes..... Disputes with America..... Affairs of Sicily..... War between France and Prussia, &c,..... Meeting of Parliament.



HIS MAJESTY'S INDISPOSITION.

Parliament had scarcely re-assembled after the Christmas recess, before it became known that the king was suffering from an attack of his old malady. It was announced by a bulletin on the 14th of February, that his majesty was much indisposed, and a succession of similar notices left little doubt as to the nature of the complaint. The attack, however, was not so serious as to render a suspension of the royal functions necessary; and on the 14th of March the lord chancellor declared that "the king was in such a state, as to warrant the lords commissioners in giving the royal assent to several bills."



CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY—PITT RESUMES OFFICE.

At this time a systematic attack on ministers was pursued by all parties in opposition, through the medium of investigations into the military and naval affairs of the empire. Pitt himself at length appeared in the character of a direct antagonist to Addington. On the 15th of March he moved for an address, requesting that his majesty would order to be laid before parliament an account of the number of ships in commision on the 31st of December, 1793, on the 30th of September, 1801, and on the 31st of December, 1803, specifying the service in which they were respectively employed. The debate on this motion lasted several hours, but it was lost on a division, by a majority of two hundred and one votes against one hundred and thirty. Addington was next attacked by Fox, who, on the 23rd of April, moved for a committee to revise the several bills that had been proposed for the defence of the country. Fox had supported Pitt in his motion, and Pitt now stood forward to support his ancient rival. There was, indeed, but one point on which these two eminent men differed on this occasion, and that was, the power vested in the sovereign of calling all his subjects out to defend the country in case of an invasion. Fox questioned the royal prerogative in this particular, while Pitt asserted and maintained the principle. The concurrence of opinions, on all other points between the two rivals, however, produced a division, in which ministers had a majority of only fifty-two in a full house. Two days after the attack was renewed in a more effective manner; Mr. Yorke moved for the house to resolve itself into a committee on a bill for suspending the army of reserve act, and though Pitt resisted this, ministers had a majority of only thirty-seven. Mr. Addington now resolved, as soon as the financial concerns of the year could be adjusted, to retire from office. This was effected on the 12th of May; the supplies granted, being L36,000,000 for Great Britain alone; and on that day it was announced that Addington had resigned the office of chancellor of the exchequer, and that Pitt had been appointed to succeed him. Those of the Addington ministry retained were the Duke of Portland, president of the council; Lord Eldon, chancellor; the Earl of Westmoreland, lord privy seal; the Earl of Chatham, master-general of the ordnance; and Lord Castlereagh, president, at that time, of the board of control. The new members were Lord Melville, first lord of the admiralty; Lord Harrowby, secretary for foreign affairs; Lord Camden, secretary for the department of war and colonies; and Lord Mulgrave, chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, with a seat in the cabinet. The government of Ireland was left unchanged, except that Mr. Wickham, chief secretary, retired on account of ill health, and was succeeded by Sir Evan Nepean. The appointments made in the subordinate offices of state, were, Mr. William Dundas, secretary at war; George Rose and Lord Charles Somerset, joint pay-masters of the forces; the Duke of Montrose and Lord Charles Spencer, joint pay-masters general; Messrs. Huskisson and Sturges Bourne, secretaries to the treasury; and Mr. Canning, treasurer to the navy. No changes were made in the law departments of the country, and very few in the household offices; the most important in the latter was the appointment of the Marquis of Hertford to be master of the horse.



THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.

On the 30th of May Mr. Wilberforce, who had been labouring in his vocation session after session, without making any visible progress in the noble cause he had espoused, moved for the appointment of a committee to consider the propriety of introducing a bill for the abolition of the slave-trade, after a time to be limited. Both Pitt and Fox supported the philanthropist, and his motion was carried by a majority of seventy-five against forty-nine. A bill was now brought in for the abolition, and the third reading was carried on the 28th of June, by a majority of sixty-nine voices against thirty-three. Mr. Wilberforce began to have hope that his long labour was about to be rewarded—that the one grand object of his life was now about to be accomplished. But he was doomed to be disappointed. It was rejected in the upper house, on the ground, that having been introduced at so late a period of the session, interested parties would be unable to obtain substantial justice.



ADDITIONAL FORCE ACT

On the 5th of June Pitt introduced a bill for raising and supporting a military force, and for a general reduction of the additional militia, and which was denominated, "The additional force act." The essential part of his plan was to increase the permanent strength of the regular army, to which end he proposed limiting the militia to its usual amount of 40,000 for England, and 8000 for Scotland, and removing the difficulties which now stood in the way of recruiting for the regular army, by destroying the competition existing between those who recruited for the regular service, and those who recruited for limited service only. He likewise proposed that the army of reserve should be raised for five years, and that while it was not to be called out for foreign service, it should serve both as an auxiliary force to the regular army, and as a stock from which that army might be recruited. According to his plan, it was to be joined to the regular army in the way of second battalions; and he considered that from so close a connexion, a considerable number of the reserve might be induced to volunteer for the regular army, Pitt's bill was opposed by Windham, Fox, Addington, and others, but it was carried through the commons with small majorities, and in the lords, by one hundred and fifty against sixty-nine.



DEBATE ON THE CORN-LAWS.

In consequence of a report of the commons, it was thought expedient, at the close of this session to adopt some new legislative regulations concerning the corn-laws. From that report, it appeared that though yielding, on an average, a fair remuneration to the grower, the price of corn from 1791 to 1803 had been irregular. It was also found that the effect of high prices had begun to stimulate industry, and to bring-large tracts of waste land into cultivation. This added to the last two favourable seasons had occasioned a great depreciation in the value of grain, and it was thought agriculture would be discouraged unless immediate relief were afforded. Under this impression, although L30,000,000 had been paid to foreign countries for the supplies of corn, it was proposed to annex a bounty to exportation. A bill was introduced allowing exportation when the price of wheat was at or below forty-eight shillings a quarter, and importation when the price, in the twelve maritime counties of England, should exceed sixty-six shillings. This "bill to starve the poor" passed, and became the law of the land.



THE BUDGET—PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

The budget had been discussed before Pitt's return to office; but on the 2nd of July, the house of commons resolved itself into a committee of supply, to which several accounts were referred relative to the augmentation of the civil list, which was now greatly in arrears. During the session the total supplies granted were L12,350,600 for the navy; L6,159,114 for the militia and fencible corps; L3,737,091 for the ordnance; L4,217,295 for miscellaneous services in Great Britain; L2,500,000 for miscellaneous services relating to Ireland; L591,842 for discharging arrears and debts on the civil list; and L60,000 for an additional sum for the better support of his majesty's household. The sum total granted was, L53,609,574; to raise which recourse was had to new taxes and duties, loans, annuities, and to three lotteries. Little other business of importance was transacted during this session. The session closed on the 31st of July, when the king expressed a hope that the exertions of the country might, by their influence on other states, lead to the re-establishment of a system which would oppose a barrier against those schemes of ambition which threatened the ancient monarchies of Europe.



AFFAIRS OF FRANCE: NAPOLEON CREATED EMPEROR.

In the midst of this prosperity Napoleon was not without his enemies; about this time, indeed; a formidable conspiracy was formed against him in the heart of France. At the head of this conspiracy was Pichegru, a French refugee in England. Pichegru, acting with the royalist agents, corresponded with Moreau, whom Buonaparte had recently slighted, and entered into a plot with him for overthrowing the consular government. With them the Chouan leader, George Cadoudal, was also associated. Pichegru, left England early in the year 1804, to assist in carrying their plan into effect; but the conspiracy was discovered in February, and Pichegru and Cadoudal suffered death, while Moreau was banished. Others of less note were likewise executed for this conspiracy. Coupled with it stands a fearful deed in the page of Napoleon's history—the foul murder of the Duke D'Enghein. This noble youth, who was the last scion of the house of Conde, inhabited a place called Ettenheim, in the duchy of Baden. As he was an emigrant, and naturally attached to the fortunes of his house, it was resolved that he should be sacrificed, in order to strike terror into the heart of the Bourbons. By Napoleon's order he was surprised in his castle, which stood on neutral ground, conducted to Vincennes, tried by a military commission, and shot in the fosse of the chateau, with the grave in which he was to be buried full in his view. Yet it was immediately after this execrable deed that Napoleon ascended the summit of his desires—the throne of France. By it he endeared himself to the old regicidal Jacobin party; and they promised to support him in his attempt to mount the imperial throne. The blood of the Duke D'Enghein, indeed, cemented the steps of the adventurer's throne. Immediately after the senate prayed him that he would govern France under the name of Napoleon Buonaparte and with the title of "emperor;" and on the 18th of May they passed a decree styling him "Napoleon Buonaparte, Emperor of the French." The remainder of this year was spent by Napoleon in making arrangements on assuming his new title. Excepting England, all the states of Europe were consulted; and even Austria, his ancient foe, recognised his title. Finally the pontiff was brought to Paris from Rome in order to consecrate the new dynasty. He was crowned on the 2nd of December, 1804, on which occasion Pope Pius VII. in his homily compared himself to Elias and Samuel, and Napoleon to Hazael, Jehu, David, and Saul.

"Look now on that adventurer who hath paid His vows to fortune; who, in cruel slight Of virtuous hope, of liberty, and right, Hath followed wheresoe'er a way was made By the Wind goddess—ruthless, undismayed; And so hath gained at length a prosperous height, Round which the elements of worldly might Beneath his haughty feet like clouds are laid. Oh, joyless power that stands by lawless force Curses are his dire portion, scorn, and hate, Internal darkness and unquiet breath; And if old judgments keep their sacred course, Him from that height shall heaven precipitate By violent or ignominious death." —WORDSWORTH.

On ascending the throne of France Napoleon surrounded himself with all the array of courts. His brothers Louis and Joseph were created princes, and many of his officers dignified with the title of marshals. Dignitaries of the crown were also appointed, and pages and chamberlains swarmed in his palace. His court vied with that of the Bourbons in their most palmy days for its magnificence. "Princes of the house," it has been observed, "grand dignitaries without emoluments, without other functions than the ceremonial of presentation; grand officers of the empire, officers of the court in manifold gradation, with all the oriental pageantry, formed a barrier between the sultan and his people." Then, indeed, was the proud nation of France humbled. From a nation of kings they became a nation of slaves to one man, and that one man of men the meanest. Their one cry had been "Equality and liberty," and now they saw themselves under the feet of one of their own order; of one who was able to keep them in a state of utter and abject subjection.



NAVAL AFFAIRS.

During this year Napoleon made great efforts to acquire the means of meeting the British navy on equal terms. By a convention with Genoa he obtained the service of 6000 seamen, with the use of its harbours, arsenals, and dock-yards; while the Ligurian republic engaged to enlarge the basin for the reception of ten sail of the line at its own expense. The fleet of Spain also was now at his own disposal, the Spanish government being compelled by France to make preparations for the resumption of hostilities. A Spanish squadron was preparing for action in the port of Ferrol; and Captain Moore was sent with four frigates in order to intercept such Spanish vessels of war homeward bound as contained Dullion or treasure; it being supposed that the Spanish government waited only for their arrival before they commenced war. In the month of October Captain Moore fell in with four large frigates, and an engagement took place, in which one of the Spanish ships blew up, and the others struck in succession after sustaining considerable loss. This squadron was from the Rio de la Plata, and it contained about four millions of dollars, besides merchandise of great value.

Early in this year a gallant action was sustained by the British off the straits of Malacca. When Admiral Linois, whose departure for the East Indies has before been noticed, withdrew from the road of Pondicherry, he captured several East India ships, made a successful descent on Bencoolen, and then, collecting his whole force, he cruised off the Straits of Malacca, in expectation of the British homeward-bound fleet from Canton. As he had with him one ship of the line, three frigates, and a brig, and as our merchant-vessels had no men-of-war to convoy them, he made sure of a rich prize. On the 14th of February he fell in with his expected prey. But by this time the company's ships were generally armed and well officered, and Captain Dance, who was acting as commodore to the fleet of traders, gallantly hoisted his colours and offered him battle. The French admiral, however, stood aloof; and Dance formed in order of sailing and pursued his course. Linois now followed him; and on the 15th Dance finding that the enemy's intention was to cut off his rear, made the signal to tack, and bear down on them, and engage in succession. The "Royal George" bore the brunt of the action, being ably seconded as they came up by the "Ganges," "Warley," "Alfred," and the "Earl Camden." The action lasted nearly one hour, and then, before any of the other ships could come up, the enemy hauled away to the eastward with all the sail they could set. This was two o'clock in the day, and Dance pursued Linois till four in the afternoon; when fearing that a longer pursuit would carry him too far from the Straits of Malacca, he made the signal to tack, and by eight in the evening they all anchored safely in a situation to enter the strait next morning. Nothing more was seen of Linois; and the squadron returned safely to England, when Dance was knighted by the king, and with his brave crew rewarded by the East India Company. Liberal sums were also given him and to the officers and crews by the committee of the "Patriotic Fund."

During the autumn of this year, after various attempts to destroy the French flotillas in their own harbours had failed, Lord Keith was directed to make an experiment with the catamaran flotilla. The catamaran's were copper vessels filled with combustibles, and so constructed as to explode at a given time by clock-work. They were to be fastened to the bows of the vessels by the aid of a small raft rowed by one man who, being up to the chin in water, was expected in the darkness of the night to escape discovery. Sir Sidney Smith with other able officers were selected for this perilous enterprise; and the attack was to be covered by Lord Keith's squadron. The expedition anchored about a league and a half from Boulogne on the 2nd of October; and soon after nine at night a detachment of fire-ships was launched. But this enterprise proved signally abortive. The catamarans sent exploded with an awful noise, and created a great alarm, not only in the French flotilla, but also in the shore batteries; but the explosion only wounded some half-dozen Frenchmen, while they blew up nothing but themselves. In the whole affair, which lasted till four o'clock in the morning, the French had only fourteen killed and seven wounded, while the English had not a single man hurt. This catamaran expedition, indeed, from which mighty things were expected by the whole nation, ended only in laughter and derision. It brought disgrace not only on the projectors, but to our national character, it being a plan unworthy OF men of valour. It had been projected by the Addington administration; but as it was tried under the present cabinet, the admiralty won for themselves the dishonourable appellation of "The Catamaran Admiralty." As for Napoleon, it served him for a pretext for disseminating the most bitter invectives against the English throughout the continent; and many, even in England, were induced to believe that he had not adopted his own violent measures without the means of justification.

{GEORGE III. 1804—1807}



COALITION BETWEEN PITT AND ADDINGTON.

At the close of this year Pitt felt his ministerial condition to be one of extreme difficulty. Under these circumstances he was compelled to make peace with Addington, who had carried with him a considerable force to the mixed opposition. It is said that the king insisted upon this reconciliation; and it appears to be proved, not only by expressions used by Pitt himself in hisletters to Wilberforce, but from the fact that Adding-ton was raised to the peerage as Viscount Sidmouth of Sidmouth. He was brought into the cabinet as president of the council, in the room of the Duke of Portland, who resigned office on account of age and infirmity. At the same time Lord Mulgrave was appointed secretary of state for the foreign department, in the place of Lord Harrowby, who was suffering from a severe illness; and the Earl of Buckinghamshire took Lord Mulgrave's post, as chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1805}

Parliament was opened by the king in person on the 15th of January. In his speech the king announced that preparations for invasion were still carried on by France with unceasing activity; and that Spain, under French control, had declared war against this country. But his majesty was still confident of ultimate success; for after referring to the skill and intrepidity of the British navy, the formidable state of the army, and the general ardour manifested by all classes of his subjects, he characterized the intended invasion as "presumptuous and desperate." The usual addresses were passed unanimously in both houses.



ARMY AND NAVY ESTIMATES, ETC.

On the 23rd of January the commons voted 120,000 men, including marines, for the service of the navy during the present year. A few days after the secretary at war moved the army estimates, which amounted to L12,395,490 for 312,000 men under various heads of service; on which occasion lie stated that in the United Kingdom there were 600,000 men in arms, including volunteers, of whom 240,000 were fit for active and immediate service. The budget was opened on the 13th of February, when the supplies stated amounted to L44,500,000 for Great Britain and Ireland. The ways and means comprised a loan of L20,000,000 for Great Britain, and L2,500,000 for Ireland; and a considerable addition was made to the war-taxes. Thus the income-tax was raised to six and a quarter per cent., and the salt-duty was augmented by one-half. The new taxes were estimated at L1,000,000; yet Pitt, while thus adding to the public burden, and while war menaced England on every hand, congratulated the house on the increasing prosperity of the country. At this time, however, the prime minister had lost much of his usual confidence, arising partly from his declining health. Although in the prime of life, Pitt, from the task which he had undertaken, and which he so energetically performed, was now in constitution a worn-out man. The burden of office was too great for his strength; and it had become manifest that he would never arrive at the allotted age of man.



DEBATE ON THE RUPTURE WITH SPAIN.

In the month of February a debate took place on the rupture with Spain. Opposition endeavoured to prove that it arose from our attack on its frigates, before recorded. Ministers, they said, had rushed into this war unnecessarily; and Lord Grenville reprobated the act of attacking the frigates of Spain, as contrary to all the laws of civilized warfare. "No capture of treasure," he remarked, "could wash away the stain of innocent blood thus brought on our arms." Ministers replied that Spain, by her treaties with France, in which she bound herself to furnish, on demand and without demur or inquiry into the justice or policy of the war, a certain aid of ships and men to France, became a principal in the war—an argument which could not be refuted. It was plain to all the world, indeed, that Spain intended to declare war as soon as her treasure-ships arrived at Cadiz; she had, in truth, no alternative, for the Spanish government was under the vassalage and dictation of the ruler of France.



CLAIMS OF THE CATHOLICS.

In the debate on the address in the commons, Pitt had been reminded that he had done nothing to redeem the pledge which he was understood to have given to the Roman Catholics. In his reply the prime minister stated, that on a future occasion he should have an opportunity of explaining what had induced him to let their claims remain unsatisfied, and that he had no doubt the house would then, for the reasons he should give, give him credit for consistency. Notwithstanding this assurance, petitions, praying relief from civil disabilities, were presented by Lord Grenville in the lords, and by Fox in the commons. Pitt, however, declared that existing circumstances were unfavourable to their request; and it was accordingly rejected by large majorities. As he resigned office because he could not compel the king to grant the claims of the Roman Catholics, and as he resumed it with an acquiescence in their disabilities, Pitt's character has been vehemently attacked on this question—he stands charged with sacrificing principle to ambition. There is no good reason for such a charge: it is evident that Pitt did intend bringing this question before the house whenever a favourable moment should arrive. That moment did not arrive during the present session; and before the next was two days old Pitt was dead. It is unreasonable therefore to stigmatize his memory as unprincipled, on a subject which he had no opportunity of bringing forward; for, from the time of his resuming office till the day on which he died, his mind was wholly occupied in providing for the safety of his country.



THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.

During this session, contrary to the advice of Pitt, the question of the slave-trade was again brought forward by Wilberforce. His bill was read the first time on the 10th of February, and the second reading was fixed for the 28th. He seemed to have nothing to fear in the house of commons; but on the 28th his constancy in the righteous cause he had undertaken was severely tried. On "that fatal night," as he called it, not one of his usual supporters, excepting Fox, spoke in its favour; and several who had been neutral in the last session now voted against him. The Irish members also were either absent or hostile, although they had hitherto been warm in his favour. His bill was lost by seventy-seven against seventy.



IMPEACHMENT OF LORD MELVILLE.

Early in this session Lord Melville was threatened with impeachment. In February Wilberforce wrote, "Rumour has for some time impeached Lord Melville's integrity. I have had much talk with George Rose about him. Rose is confident that Pitt will defend him, though he tells me some stories, and strong ones, of jobs which have fallen under his own view." The storm which menaced Melville fell upon his head in April. In 1803 a bill had been passed, appointing commissioners to make inquiries into the abuses of the naval department. These commissioners produced many reports, the truth of which appeared to implicate Lord Melville, who, while he filled the office of treasurer of the navy, had illegally retained balances of the public money. This report was brought under the consideration of the commons by Mr. Whitbread, who exhibited three charges against Lord Melville:—first, his application of the public money to other uses than those of the naval department, in express contempt of an act of parliament;—secondly, his connivance at a system of peculation in an individual, for whose conduct he was officially responsible;—and, thirdly, his own participation in that system. This second charge had reference to Mr. Trotter, who, it was said, appropriated the public money to private purposes, at the express connivance of Lord Melville. In making these charges Whitbread remarked:—"To the honour of public men, charges like the present have seldom been exhibited; and it is a remarkable circumstance that the only instance, for a long-period, is one that was preferred against Sir Thomas Rumbold by this noble lord himself, on the ground of malversations in India." With respect to the first point of accusation, it appeared from the report that there had been for several years deficiencies in the accounts of the treasurer of the navy, to the amount of L600,000 a year and upwards. When Lord Melville was asked a plain question respecting the appropriation of this money, he, as well as Trotter, professed total ignorance of the deficiencies; but presently, beginning to recover his recollection, he confessed that from the year 1788 down to the period of his examination, he had been in the habit of drawing out public money, and placing it in the hands of his own bankers. When the commissioners extended their inquiries a little further, he had the assurance to declare that they had no right to interfere in his private affairs. In a letter to the commissioners he acknowledged the fact of advances having been made to him, but said that he could not give the other information required, because he could not disclose state secrets, and because he was not in possession of the accounts of advances made to other departments, having himself committed them to the flames. And not only had the noble lord destroyed the papers, but he had actually lost all recollection of the whole transaction. This was the principal charge against the noble lord; and Mr. Whitbread concluded by moving thirteen resolutions, founded on the circumstances which he developed in making the whole of his charges. Lord Melville was defended by Pitt, who observed that neither the report nor Mr. Whitbread himself alleged that any loss had proceeded from the transactions set forth to the public. The subject, he said, was of a grave and solemn nature; and that if, in a great pecuniary department, irregularities had been committed, though unattended with loss, the house might justly set a mark on such proceedings. As, however, all the circumstances of the case were not before them in the report, he contended that till they were the house could not be in a situation to come to any vote. Pitt moved the previous question; and after some observations from the attorney-general, Mr. Canning, the master of the rolls, and Lord Castle-reagh, in support of Pitt's views,—and from Lord Henry Petty, Messrs. Ponsonby, Fox, and Wilberforce in support of Whitbread's resolutions, the house divided. On a division there were two hundred and sixteen votes for, and an equal number against Mr. Whitbread's motion, and the speaker gave a casting vote in its favour. This led to Lord Melville's retirement from office. On the 10th of April the house was informed that he had tendered his resignation to the king, and that it had been accepted. On the 6th of May Mr. Whitbread proposed the erasure of the delinquent's name from the list of the privy-councillors; but as Pitt observed that the measure was generally considered expedient, no motion was made on that subject. Later in the session, after a long and able speech, he moved that "Lord Viscount Melville be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors;" and this measure was adopted on the 25th of June, Mr. Whitbread being appointed manager. On the next day, in company with a great number of members, Whitbread impeached Lord Melville at the bar of the house of lords; and subsequently he brought a bill into the commons to avoid those differences of opinion which had arisen in the case of Warren Hastings, or to prevent the proceedings in the impeachment of Lord Melville from being affected by any prorogation or dissolution of parliament. This bill was carried without a division; but here the proceedings rested for the present. Before any further progress could be made in them, Pitt, on whose health and strength they had operated unfavourably, was laid in Westminster Abbey.



PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

Parliament was prorogued by commission on the 12th of July. On that occasion, his majesty sent a message to the lords and commons, stating that the communications which had taken place, and were still depending between him and some of the powers on the continent, had not yet been brought to such a point, as to enable him to lay the result of them before the house, or to enter into any further explanation with the French government consistently with the sentiments he uttered at the opening of the session. At the same time he recommended parliament to consider the propriety of making provision for enabling him to take such measures, and entering into such engagements, as the exigencies of affairs might require. A sum, not to exceed L3,500,000 was instantly voted by the commons, for the purposes stated in the message.