The directory saw that another victory would place Austria at its feet; and in order to ensure this consummation, Bernadotte was dispatched with 30,000 men to re-enforce Napoleon, while Hoche was sent to supersede Pichegru, on the lower Rhine. Napoleon crossed the Alps early in March; and he was opposed by the Archduke Charles. But opposition was vain; for his legions were yet incomplete, and unable to withstand his victorious enemy. The French penetrated on the one side into Tyrol, and on the other over the Paive, towards the Carinthian passes. Victory followed victory; and the conquerors entered Klagenfurt and Laubach, and stood in Tyrol, at the foot of the Brenner mountains. The main army, driving the Austrians before them, finally marched into Leoben; and the archduke retreated as far as Styria. The enemy was now only thirty-six leagues from the Austrian capital; and the inhabitants were seized with terror and consternation. But here the victories of Napoleon were stopped for a season. Jealous of his success, or deterred by dissensions which raged in Paris, the directory stayed the progress of the armies of the Rhine, without whose co-operation it would have been imprudent in that of Italy to advance. Under these circumstances Napoleon sent to the archduke proposals of peace; and after some delay a preliminary treaty was signed at Leoben, on the 18th of April. By this treaty Austria ceded to the republic Belgium and the countries of Italy as far as the Oglio; for which she was to receive in return the Venetian territory from the Oglio to the Po and the Adriatic Sea, Venetian Istria, and Daimatia; and when general peace should be re-established, Mantua and Peschiera. "This peace," says Rotteck, "concluded when the hour of great decision was approaching: more yet, its conditions, unexpectedly favourable to the vanquished, proved the mutual fear of those that made peace. For Austria, the fall of Vienna would have been a severe and humiliating blow. But could Buonaparte advance so far after he actually stood in danger of being surrounded, and, perhaps, annihilated by the swelling masses of the enemy? On the one side approached the Hungarian insurrection army, on the other and around, the Austrian land-storm. But in Venice a general revolt had broken out against the French, which the aristocratic government had excited out of hatred towards the democratic revolutionary system. In this situation a reverse might be ruinous to Buonaparte: he therefore concluded peace."

The insurrection in Venice had not been commenced by the aristocracy, but by the democracy. It broke out in the towns of Brescia and Bergamo, and the senate, in its turn, raised the mountaineers and the anti-revolutionary peasants, who proceeded to every species of atrocity: their watchword being "Death to Frenchmen and Jacobins." On Easter Monday more than four hundred Frenchmen are said to have been massacred at Verona. But the knell of Venice itself was rung. Napoleon having made peace at Leoben, brought his cannon to the edge of the lagoons, and the panic-stricken senate and cowardly doge, passed a decree to dissolve their ancient constitution, and to establish a species of democracy. Venice fell after a political existence of more than one thousand years. The aristocracy of Genoa, also, succumbed to the same storm; but they were permitted to retain an independent government, under the name of "the Ligurian republic."

The definitive treaty between the Emperor of Austria and the French republic was signed on the 17th of October, at Campio Formio, near Udina. Its conditions were somewhat different from those of the first treaty: Austria, in recompense for the Netherlands, receiving the Venetian provinces to the Adige, and not to the Oglio; and Mantua being retained by the French. In return for these possessions, France obtained the Netherlands; the Greek islands belonging to Venice in the Adriatic; an acknowledgment of the Cisalpine republic; and an indemnification for the Duke of Modena in Brisgau. Some secret conditions were annexed to this treaty; and it was agreed that a congress should be held at Radstadt, for settling the peace of the empire.

By these victories France remained in possession of Savoy, Nice, Avignon, and Belgium. She was also mistress of Italy and Holland, and could reckon on the dependence of the German empire, owing to the cession of the left bank of the Rhine. The German empire, abandoned by Austria, likewise was at her mercy, and tremblingly expected its fate; while the government of the church and the kingdom of Naples were tottering to their very foundations. Spain, moreover, with all its resources, was wholly in the hands of the French. England now stood alone in the contest; and though she remained mistress of the ocean, it was deemed advisable to renew pacific negociations with France. Lord Malmesbury was again sent on this mission; and the city of Lisle was fixed on by the directory for a conference. But the directory were not inclined for peace; after continuing at Lisle until September, exchanging useless notes and receiving many insults, Lord Malmesbury was ordered to quit the place within four and twenty hours. It was demanded by the French negotiators that the Cape of Good Hope, and every island or settlement, French, Dutch, or Spanish, in the possession of Great Britain, should be given up without receiving any compensation. Such terms as these were incompatible with the nation's interests and safety; whence the failure of this mission. Moreover, there was a belief existing in France that England was on the verge of ruin; and the directory fondly imagined that they would one day triumph over her as they had done over the nations on the Continent.



INTERNAL HISTORY OF FRANCE.

During this year the harmony between the directory and the legislative councils vanished. The new elections produced this change; for men of a different spirit were returned by the communes. The royalist party had, indeed, obtained the control of elections; and the newly elected third entered the chambers of the representatives with plans of counter-revolution. The directory had the mortification of seeing the emigrants allowed to return, the re-establishment of priests, and a vote of censure passed upon the conduct of their emissaries in the colonies. The directory were, in fact, shorn of power, and there was a faint prospect of the whole work of the revolution being set aside. But the nation was not yet prepared for such a step. As the plans of the royalists, which were concocted in the club of Clichy, became disclosed, the government regained strength. From fear of the return of the old order of things, the patriots of 1791 united with the party of the convention; and the club of Salm was got up in opposition to that of Clichy. A contest soon followed. The directory relied upon the armies, and they assembled some troops in the neighbourhood of Paris; while the councils decreed the restoration of the national guards. The directory, however, by one fell blow, annihilated the hopes of their enemies. On the 10th Fructidor, answering to the 4th of September, troops were brought to the capital under pretence of a review, and placed under the disposal of Augereau. These troops surrounded the Tuileries, which was protected by the guards of the legislative body, which, upon the question of Augereau, "Are you republicans?" immediately laid down their arms. The contest was then decided. Augereau took possession of the palace, and arrested the opposition deputies. Barthelemy and Carnot, with forty members of the "Council of Five Hundred," eleven of the "Council of the Ancients," and ten other persons of note were condemned to be deported to Cayenne. Most of these underwent their punishment; but some escaped, and others were pardoned. Thirty-five journalists were likewise sentenced to deportation; and the elections of forty-eight departments were declared null. In the whole one hundred and forty-nine members were excluded, and the vacancies were filled up by the directory, with men willing to give them their support. The laws enacted in favour of priests and emigrants were revoked, and the oath of hatred to royalty renewed. Thus a revolutionary government returned; and the constitution was trodden underfoot by men who ostensibly were its supporters. And all this they called "Liberty."



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

The British parliament met on the 2nd of November. In his speech his majesty dwelt on the excessive pretensions of the French; the failure of the negociations at Lisle; the flourishing state of trade and the revenue; our naval victories, and our new conquests in the West Indies: and recommended those exertions which could alone ensure peace. As Fox and the other great orators of the opposition still absented themselves from parliament, there was little interest in the debate which followed, or in any of the debates during this session. The army and navy estimates were readily passed, and supplies were early voted, to the amount of L25,000,000. Among the ways and means adopted was the trebling of all the assessed taxes. This measure met with strenuous opposition from a few members; but the bill passed by a large majority.



CHAPTER XXIV.

{GEORGE III. 1798-1801}

Redemption of the Land-Tax, &c..... Irish Rebellion..... Invasion of Belgium..... Expedition to Minorca..... Battle of the Nile, &c..... Meeting of Parliament..... Income Tax sanctioned, &c...... Treaty with Russia..... Union with Ireland considered..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Campaign in Italy..... Campaign in Egypt..... Establishment of the Consular Government in France..... Affairs of India..... Meeting of Parliament..... Parliamentary Discussions..... Union with Ireland completed..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Campaign in Italy..... Capture of Malta..... Naval Operations..... Meeting of Parliament..... Motions for Peace, &c.

{A. D. 1798}



REDEMPTION OF THE LAND-TAX, ETC.

Early this session Pitt proposed and carried a bill for the redemption of the land-tax. This was followed by a bill, proposed by Mr. Dundas, for enabling his majesty to call out a portion of the supplementary militia. A second bill was also carried, to encourage voluntary armed associations for the protection of the country, it being now considered as menaced with invasion. Another bill was brought into the house by Dundas, by which the suspension of the habeas corpus act was revived. The alien bill also was renewed; and Pitt proposed and carried a measure for more effectually manning the navy. As in the last session, so likewise in this, the chancellor of the exchequer found himself compelled to lay before the house a second estimate of supplies, and to make a further demand of more than L3,000,000, which was readily voted, as were also a new increase of taxes on salt, tea, dogs, horses and carriages, &c. to meet it. Late in the session Mr. Wilberforce renewed his motion for the abolition of the slave-trade; and though his proposition was rejected, several regulations were enacted for alleviating the sufferings of the wretched Africans on their passage. These were the principal measures taken into consideration during this session. Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of June.



IRISH REBELLION.

During the sitting of parliament a rebellion had broken out in Ireland. Discussions on this subject had been entered into with closed doors; and in the month of June, when the Irish insurgents had attacked and beaten several detachments of the king's troops, a message was delivered to parliament from the king, desiring that he might be enabled to take all such measures as might be necessary to defeat any enterprise of his enemies. The chief object of this message was to allow the officers and privates of different militia regiments, who had made a voluntary tender of their services to assist in the suppression of the rebellion, to go to that country and act with the royal troops; and a bill was brought in and carried for that purpose. The rebellion, which was one of a formidable nature, had its origin in the association of United Irishmen, first instituted for obtaining universal suffrage. This association was afterwards re-organized for the accomplishment of a revolution and a separation from Great Britain: parliamentary reform and catholic emancipation being demanded only as pretexts to cover ulterior designs. A correspondence had long been maintained between the leaders of this association and the French directory, and notwithstanding the failure of Hoche, and likewise of a design of another armament, an agent was still resident in Paris. Application was made to the directory for a loan to assist the revolutionists; but the French rulers refused to grant it, unless they were permitted to send sufficient forces to effect the conquest of the country. It was evident that they wanted Ireland for themselves; but the Irish "patriots" wanted to rule themselves, and not to exchange masters; whence they expressed themselves averse to this plan of invasion. The Irish indeed prepared for an insurrection without waiting for continental assistance. They had been ripe for rebellion through a long succession of ages, and no concessions made to them soothed their chafed minds. Their turbulence had manifestly increased from the time of the American war, when the Irish volunteers had been allowed to arm themselves; and, "whether acting wisely or unwisely, liberally or illiberally—whether granting concessions or withholding them, nearly every act of government had tended to augment the disaffection." For the last ten years concessions had been made to the Irish catholics, who formed about seven-tenths of the population: but it was all to no purpose—the more they obtained, the more they wanted. At length the smouldering embers of disaffection burst forth into a flame. Early in this year a military commission was appointed by the executive council of the United Irish, and nocturnal assemblies were held in various parts of the kingdom. People were, indeed, everywhere sworn in, and it was finally settled that they should take up arms. Rebellion commenced by midnight outrages. The most savage atrocities were committed on those whom the associates were taught to consider as enemies and interlopers in their domains, which outrages were severely retaliated by the Orangemen and military. In February, a pressing letter was addressed by the Irish executive to the French directory, urging them to send immediate succour, and stating that the people of all classes throughout Ireland ready to take up arms amounted to 300,000 men. It was soon discovered that mischief was afloat; and on the 28th of February, Mr. Arthur O'Conner, said to be lineally descended from Roderic O'Conner, King of Connaught, Binns, an active member of the London Correspondent Society, and Coigley, an Irish priest, were arrested at Margate, as they were on their route to France. A paper was found on the priest, addressed "To the French directory;" and this paper and the trial which followed put government in possession of many important secrets. Coigley was executed on Pennenden Heath; O'Conner was remanded on another charge of high-treason; and Binns was acquitted. Several arrests took place in consequence of the information thus gained, and some more papers were discovered in the printing-office where O'Conner had been publishing the revolutionary journal called, "The Press." But the most complete information obtained by government was from Thomas Reynolds, who was deep in the secrets of the association of United Irishmen. On his information, warrants were issued against several of the principal conspirators: as, Messrs. Emmet, Sampson, and McNevin, and Lord Edward Fitzgerald. The three former of these were soon apprehended; but Lord Fitzgerald concealed himself for some time; and when discovered he made such a desperate resistance, killing a magistrate and wounding others sent to apprehend him, that Major Sirr lodged the contents of a pistol in his shoulder, from the effects of which he soon after died. He was the leader of the conspirators. But notwithstanding his fall, and in spite of the flight or arrest of every member of the "executive." the Irish flew to arms on the 23rd of May: that being the day appointed for their muster. A body of pikemen, amounting to 14,000, and headed by Father John Murphy, soon made themselves masters of Wexford and Enniscorthy; and having procured some artillery, they fortified a position on Vinegar Hill. Colonel Walpole with a small detachment of Cork Militia fell into an ambuscade, and was slaughtered, together with nearly all his men, by the insurgents; and encouraged by these and other successes they made a rush at Newross, where they began to plunder the inhabitants. But here they received a check. Like the London rioters, they soon became mad with drink; and being attacked by General Johnson, nearly three thousand were either slain or captured. This victory over them was followed by another more decisive: on the 21st of June General Lake attacked the fortified position at Vinegar Hill, and carried it with a frightful loss to the insurgents. The rebels, indeed, never rallied again; and though some fearful atrocities were committed by isolated bands of them, they were, in effect, from that time subdued. Soon after, Lord Camden was recalled from the lieutenancy of Ireland, and he was succeeded by Lord Cornwallis, who brought with him a general pardon to all who submitted. Four of the leading conspirators were executed; O'Conner, McNevin, Emmet, and Sampson were banished; and others were pardoned. The rebellion was somewhat revived in August, when three French frigates reached Killola, and threw on shore nine hundred troops of the line, commanded by General Humbert; but though these troops were joined by some catholics, and though Humbert defeated General Lake, and advanced into the heart of the country, he was eventually beaten by the advanced guard of General Cornwallis, who was marching against him with troops of the line, and on the 8th of September, the French laid down their arms, and became prisoners of war. Subsequently, another French armament reached the western coast of Ireland; but Sir John Borlase Warren met it there with his squadron, and captured one ship of the line, and three frigates; and the rest of the armament, consisting of five frigates, returned to France. On board the French ship of the line was Wolfe Tone, one of the Irish leaders of the rebellion: his execution was the last on account of this outbreak. Ireland was again quieted, but it was only for a brief season. It has ever been its fate to be disturbed by agitation, and to this hour it remains the same. It is, in fact, a fine field for the agitator: the ardent passions of the people are easily worked upon; and he who is bold or artful enough to address himself to those passions, is ever sure of obtaining a listening and an admiring audience.



INVASION OF BELGIUM.

In the month of May, after due preparations, Captain Home Popham, with a small squadron, having on board a body of troops commanded by Colonel Coote, set sail for the purpose of destroying the sluices, gates, and basin of the Bruges canal at Ostend. This town was bombarded, and the sluices were blown up; but on returning to the beach to re-embark, the soldiers were hemmed in by a superior force, and Coote found himself under the necessity of surrendering.



EXPEDITION TO MINORCA.

An expedition to Minorca was more successful. In the autumn Admiral Duckworth's squadron landed in Addaya Bay in that island a land-force of about eight hundred men, under General Sir Charles Stuart, which compelled the Spanish governor to surrender the whole of the island by capitulation.



BATTLE OF THE NILE, ETC.

The grand aim of the French directory this year was the seizing and colonizing of Egypt. This idea had been suggested by Vergennes to the French government during the monarchy, and it had for some time been entertained by Napoleon. The blow was chiefly aimed at England; for the project was to gain possession of Egypt, with a two-fold design of obtaining the riches of the Nile, and extending their sway to the banks of the Ganges, so that the empires of Turkey and Hindustan might become annexed to the French republic. It was to these ends that Napoleon proposed an expedition to Egypt; and the directory were well pleased with it, because if its great object should fail, they hoped thereby to rid themselves of a dangerous and troublesome rival. But funds were wanting to carry this design into effect; for though Italy and other countries had been pillaged by the French soldiery, with a defiance of all principle or political honesty, yet was the government poverty-stricken: however, the French directory looked around for some weak ally or neutral to plunder, and their cupidity was directed towards free Switzerland. Berne had a well-replenished treasury; and on the flimsy pretext of its having publicly enrolled emigrants and given shelter to deserters, a French army, under General Breme, was sent on the marauding errand of demanding the public purse of its citizens. Success attended this armed banditti; the ruling families of Berne were displaced; the government changed; the most respectable senators were banished; the treasury was confiscated; and large contributions likewise exacted for the supply of the invading army. The money thus fraudulently obtained enabled Napoleon to set sail for Egypt. His expedition counted thirteen ships of the line, with seven frigates and smaller vessels, making in the whole forty-four sail. The fleet was commanded by Bear-admiral Brueys, and the transports had on board about 20,000 men, with a proportionable number of horses and artillery, provisions and military stores, as well as a lai-ge body of scientific men, who joined the armament in order to make researches into the antiquities and productions of Egypt. The capture of Malta was included in the plan of the French directory, and Napoleon arrived there on the 9th of June; and Hompesch, the Grand Master, terrified by the threats of some of the Knights of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in the French interest, capitulated on a summons to surrender. Having plundered the churches, and the Alberghi, and other establishments of the order, and having left General Vaubois to take care of the island, Buonaparte re-embarked for Egypt. He came in sight of Alexandria on the 29th of June, and on the next day the troops landed within three miles of that city. Alexandria was captured, and from its walls Napoleon issued a proclamation, telling the inhabitants that he came as the friend of the Sultan, to deliver them from the Mamelukes, and that he and his soldiers respected God, his prophet Mohammed, and the Koran. On the 7th of July Napoleon moved from Alexandria to Cairo, and on the 21st, on arriving in sight of the great pyramids, he discovered the whole Mameluke force, under Murad Bey and Ibraham Bey, ready to meet him. Battle was soon joined, and was easily won by the French. Such of the Mamelukes as escaped destruction retreated towards Egypt. The conqueror took possession of Grand Cairo, sending Desaix against Murad Bey in Upper Egypt.

As the French fleet was sailing towards Egypt, it passed near an English squadron, under Nelson: a thick haze sheltered it from his observation, and favoured its progress. Nelson had been despatched by Lord St. Vincent to watch the preparations at Toulon, having under him three ships of seventy-four guns and four frigates. At the time of the French fleet's sailing he had put into the Sardinian port of San Pietro, to relit his squadron, it having been damaged by a storm. While here, he received a re-enforcement of ten line-of-battle ships, and one of fifty guns; and with this force—except the frigates, which had been separated from him during the storm, he finally set sail towards Naples. Here he learned that the enemy's fleet had visited Malta; and being left by his commander to act upon his own judgment, he formed a plan of attacking it there. On his arrival, however, he discovered that the French had already departed eastward, and rightly judg-ing that Alexandria was their destination, he steered thither. He arrived at Alexandria on the 28th of June, and gaining no intelligence of the enemy, he returned to Sicily. By the public voice of England, he was declared for this failure worthy of impeachment; and Earl St. Vincent was censured for sending so young an officer on so important a service. On arriving at Sicily, the Neapolitan ministry, anxious to avoid everything which could endanger their peace with the French directory, declared openly to aid him; but through Lady Hamilton's influence at court, Nelson procured secret orders to the Sicilian governors, under which he obtained all necessary supplies from Syracuse. As soon as he had re-victualled and taken in fresh water, he turned his power again toward Egypt, asserting in a letter to his commander, that if the French were bound to the Antipodes, or if they were anywhere above water, he would discover them and bring them to action. He searched for them in vain along the coast of the Morea, and he took the resolution of again sailing towards Alexandria; and on the 1st of August, Captain Flood in the "Zealous" signalized the enemy's fleet at anchor in Aboukir Bay. No time was lost by Nelson in preparing for action: he had sought them with eagerness, and he determined to conquer them now that they were discovered. Signals were given for battle: to attack the enemy's van and centre, as they lay at anchor. Nelson had scarcely taken rest or food for some days, but he now ordered dinner to be served up; and he observed to his officers as they rose from the table: "Before this time to-morrow I shall have gained a peerage or Westminster Abbey." The enemy's ships were moored in compact line of battle, describing an obtuse angle, close in with the shore, flanked by gunboats, four frigates, and a battery of guns and mortars on an island in their van. This was a formidable position, and to some commanders one which would have deterred from an attack. But it was not so with Nelson. As soon as he discovered the enemy's position, his genius dictated what should be done. Where an enemy's ship could swing, he reasoned, there was room for a British ship to anchor. Acting upon this thought, therefore, he determined to station his ships on the inner side of the French line. In this way the two fleets joined battle. Minutely to describe this great sea-fight would require many pages, it will be sufficient therefore to say, that the victory on the part of the English was complete. Of the thirteen French ships of the line, eight surrendered, two struck on the shore and were afterwards captured, one blew up, and two only escaped. Had Nelson not received a severe wound in the head in the very hottest of the battle, it is probable that not one of the enemy's fleet would have left Aboukir Bay. The British loss in killed and wounded was 895; the French, 8330 in killed, wounded, and captured. "Victory," said Nelson, "is not a word strong enough for such a scene: it is a conquest."

The effects of this battle were soon seen in Egypt. The Sultan issued an indignant manifesto, declaring war against France for invading one of his provinces in a time of peace and amity; and called upon the Pashas of Syria to collect their forces. The destruction of the French fleet was announced far and wide by fires kindled by the Arabs; and on the 22nd of September, the people of Cairo killed a great number of the French in the streets. This insurrection was put down by a dreadful massacre of the inhabitants; but the blood of the Moslems thus slain, and many of them in the great mosque of the prophet, called for vengeance, and it was easy to forsee that Napoleon, albeit he proclaimed himself to be the man of destiny foretold in the Koran, would soon be compelled to retire from Egypt.

In Europe, the effects of this battle were instantaneous and surprising. It raised the drooping spirits of the Anti-Gallican party in every country; and it filled all England with transports of joy and triumph. Nelson was raised to the peerage with the title of Baron Nelson of the Nile, and many other honours were heaped upon him. He returned to Naples, where he found that the king was collecting a numerous army, with a view of driving the French from Rome and Tuscany; that the congress at Radstadt had been virtually broken up; that the Emperor of Austria was again arming; and that a new coalition was forming against the French; their conduct at Rome, in Switzerland, and other countries, being in direct opposition to the conditions of the treaty at Oampo Formio. In November the island of Gozo, separated from Malta by a narrow channel, capitulated to a detachment of Nelson's squadron, and Malta itself was closely blockaded.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament assembled on the 20th of November. In his speech from the throne his majesty spoke with exultation of the victory gained by Nelson; and after alluding to other successes, and to the suppression of the Irish rebellion, congratulated the country on the prospect of new alliances, by which it might be anticipated that the power of France would be humbled. This alluded more especially to Russia, where the Czarina Catherine had recently been succeeded by her son Paul, whose line of policy was different from that of his mother. The address was animadverted upon in both houses by some members of opposition; but it was, nevertheless, carried without a division.



INCOME TAX SANCTIONED, ETC.

During this session the primary objects of parliamentary Consideration were, financial propositions, with measures for internal defence, for invigorating the European confederacy now forming, and for effecting a permanent union between Great Britain and Ireland. The estimated supplies for the ensuing year were put at L29,272,000; and Pitt proposed a new plan for raising a considerable part of them—by an income tax. A series of resolutions to this new and bold plan were passed in the house of commons before the close of the year; and the bill finally passed into a law on the 18th of March ensuing, the 5th of April being the day fixed upon for making the returns of personal property. Pitt's resolutions in substance were, that the augmentation of the assessed taxes made in the last session should be repealed, and have its place supplied by a duty upon all incomes above sixty pounds a year. If a man's income exceeded two hundred pounds a year, he was to pay ten per cent, upon it; if it exceeded one hundred pounds, he was to pay considerably less upon it; and if between sixty pounds and one hundred pounds, he was to be taxed in a diminished proportion. This bill, after undergoing some amendments of detail, passed; and Pitt anticipated a revenue from it of L10,000,000, the yearly income of the whole nation being about L102,000,000. Early in the session 120,000 men were voted for the navy, and an increase of the yeomanry and militia was sanctioned.



TREATY WITH RUSSIA.

On the 18th of December a provisional treaty was concluded between Great Britain and Russia; the general object of which was to oppose the progress of the French arms. In allusion to this, on the 18th of December, Mr Tierney moved, "That it was the duty of ministers to advise his majesty against entering into engagements which might prevent or impede negociations for peace with the French republic." On this occasion Mr. Canning delivered a master-piece of eloquence, which inspired the country at large with admiration of his talents. Mr. Canning entered into a full investigation of our foreign policy, and vindicated the treaties and alliances made by government. He remarked:—"It is justly contended that the deliverance of Europe cannot be effected by our exertions alone, and that, unless other powers are sincerely disposed to co-operate, we are setting out on a romantic and absurd enterprise, which we have no chance of accomplishing, no duty or call to undertake. I perfectly agree, that if other powers are not disposed to co-operate, we have no chance of success; but I cannot help asking at the same time, if there be no such disposition on tlie part of other powers, where is the use, or what is the necessity of the honourable gentleman's motion? Why need parliament interfere to prevent his majesty's ministers from taking advantage of dispositions which do not exist, and from accepting cooperation which will not be offered? But if the powers of Europe, or any of them, are ready to do their part toward the common salvation, and want only our countenance and encouragement to begin; if the train is laid, if the sparks of resentment, which the aggressions of France have kindled in every nation throughout Europe, want but our breath to blow them into a conflagration, it is the dictate of our duty, our interest, our feeling, to save France from destruction, and not by a coarse and hasty proceeding, like that now recommended to us, to throw a wet blanket on the flames." Mr. Canning proceeded to show how an alliance with Russia and Turkey might enable us to sweep the remains of the French armament from the Levant and the Mediterranean, and how the probable accession of other allies might wrest from the republic both Italy and the Netherlands, Pitt followed in the same strain, eloquently unfolding the favourable prospects of another coalition. The picture he drew made a favourable impression on the house; and Mr. Tierney's motion was lost. Moreover, all sums required for Russia were voted, and three millions more also were granted to his majesty, for making good such other engagements as he might contract. Soon after this the Porte, Russia, and Naples signed a treaty of union with England, the duration of which was fixed for eight years. Their conditions were generally a mutual guarantee of all possessions, including Egypt in the case of the Porte; a common prosecution and termination of the war; the closing of all harbours, and especially those in the Mediterranean, against the French; with British subsidies to other states. Italy was to be the first field of action for the allied powers, the design being to save the King of Naples from French domination.



UNION WITH IRELAND CONSIDERED

{A.D. 1799}

A plan for uniting Ireland under one legislature with Great Britain, as Scotland, had been discussed and seriously entertained before the breaking out of the recent rebellion; but that event had made the necessity of such a union more apparent. The union of England and Ireland, indeed, was a favourite measure at this time with Pitt; and a pamphlet was published, under his auspices, by the under-secretary, Mr. Cooke, setting forth its advantages. The public mind was therefore prepared to discuss the question; and parliament was soon called upon to take it into consideration. On the 22nd of January a message was received from his majesty, recommending the consideration of the most effectual means of defeating the designs of our enemies to promote a separation between the two kingdoms, by settling such a complete and final adjustment as might perpetuate a connexion essential for the common security, and consolidate the power and resources of the British empire. This message was reported next day, when Mr. Duudas moved and carried an address, importing that the house would proceed with all speed to a consideration of the several interests submitted to their attention. It was agreed that the question should be considered on the 31st of January; and on that day Pitt, after explaining the grounds which would make the union as beneficial to Ireland as to England, proposed certain resolutions as the basis of the measure. Those resolutions were, that the two islands should be united into one kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland; that the succession to the crown should be limited and settled as at present; that the united realm should be represented by one parliament, in which a certain number of Irish lords and commons, hereafter to be defined, should have a seat; that the churches of England and Ireland should be preserved as by law established; that the Irish should be entitled to the same privileges, in point of navigation and trade, with the English, subject to certain regulations relative to equality of duties; that the charge for payment of the interest of the debt of each kingdom before the union, should be continued to be paid by the respective countries; and that all laws in force at the time of the union, and all the courts, civil or ecclesiastical, should remain as already established, subject only to such alterations as circumstances might recommend to the united parliament. After some long and warm debates these resolutions, with some slight amendments, were agreed to, and sent up to the peers; and after another warm debate in the upper house, a joint address to the king was agreed to, presenting the resolutions as a proper basis for the union. But here, as regarded England, the matter rested for the present year.



PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

During the remainder of this session no subject of vital interest was discussed. Parliament was prorogued on the 12th of July, when his majesty declared that the decision and energy of his ally, the Emperor of Russia, and the intimate union established between them, would enable him to employ the means intrusted to him advantageously, both for the safety and honour of this country, as well as the independence of Europe. His majesty also adverted with satisfaction to the restored tranquillity of Ireland and its future security, intimating that it could only be insured by a complete union with Great Britain.

{GEORGE III. 1798-1801}



CAMPAIGN IN ITALY.

Before the subsidiary treaty was signed between England and the Emperor Paul, the court of Vienna had formed a close alliance with the czar; and Russian troops had begun to assemble on the frontiers of Austria, while a large German army was collecting between the rivers Inn and Lech. The great object proposed was to drive the French out of Italy, where their arms were still making great progress. In November of the last year the liberation of the states of Italy was undertaken by the King of Naples, who placed General Mack at the head of his forces. Mack succeeded in making himself master of Rome; while 5000 troops, conveyed by British ships, took possession of Leghorn. But this success was of short duration. In the month of December the Neapolitan troops suffered a signal defeat at Civita Castellana; and this disaster was followed by the evacuation of Rome. Nor did the French successes stop here. Following up their victory, under General Champiounet, by the middle of January they obtained possession of Naples; and the King of Sardinia was obliged to take refuge on board the British fleet. He afterwards went to Palermo under British protection, resigning all his continental territories to his conquerors, who also soon occupied all Tuscany; Sicily was preserved from their domination by the energy of Nelson, assisted by Sir Charles Stuart, who hastened from Minorca with 1000 troops, in order to assist him in measures for its defence.

While Naples was thus falling a prey to the French, Austrian and Russian troops were collecting on the other side of the Alps. After demanding from the Emperor of Germany the dismissal of all the Russian troops, the French negociators declared the congress at Radstadt dissolved. War, therefore, commenced anew with Austria; and Jourdan once more crossed the Rhine, and established himself in Suabia. In the month of March he advanced towards the Danube; but he was again met by the Archduke Charles, who drove him back over the Rhine. About the same time, also, the Austrian generals, Bellegarde and Hotze, recovered the Grison country, and poured into Switzerland, driving the French, under Massena, before them. In the meantime another Austrian army, commanded by General Melas, poured through the Tyrol, driving all the French outposts before him, and entered Upper Italy, where he obliged the French general, Scherer, to retire beyond the Mincio. Moreau subsequently took the command of Scherer's forces; but he was likewise defeated by Melas. It was while Melas was giving chase to Moreau that Suvaroff came up with 50,000 Russians, and assumed the chief command of both armies. A great battle was gained by Suvaroff at Cassano, on the 27th of April, and by that victory the fate of the Cisalpine republic was sealed; everywhere the people rose in arms against the French; and the native democrats whom the French had set up as a government, Brescia and Peschiera, surrendered; Mantua was invested; and Suvaroff entered Milan in triumph. Moreau continued his retreat towards Genoa, hoping to be joined there by the army of Macdonald from Naples. But Macdonald was already on his route to meet the Russo-Austrian army, which he found by the river Trebia. In his route he had been joined by General Victor; but after three days' hard fighting on the banks of the Trebia, he was defeated by Suvaroff; and flying thence towards the pass of Bochetta, he joined Moreau, who had recently received some re-enforcements from Nice and Genoa. Moreau had made some entrenchments on the declivities of the Apeu nines, and in the entrance of the Bochetta pass, behind the Piedmontese town of Novi. While here he was superseded in command by Jourdan, who stationed himself on the same heights behind Novi, and improved and extended his field-works. He was attacked in this formidable position by Suvaroff; and his army was defeated and himself slain. Shortly after this victory Suvaroff struck across the Alps to make head against Massena, who had recently defeated a Russian corps under General Korsakoff, who had arrived in Switzerland to co-operate with General Bellegarde and the Austrians. There was some fearful fighting in the ravines of St. Gothard, and Suvaroff opened a way into the heart of Switzerland; but not being assisted by either the Russian general, Korsakoff, or the Austrian general, Bellegarde, he turned aside towards the lake of Constance and Germany. He was interrupted in his march by Massena; but he attained his object, and effected a junction with Korsakoff; and then the two Russian generals marched to Augsburg, leaving the French once more absolute masters of Switzerland.

The Neapolitan kingdom was recovered in the course of the months of June and July by Cardinal Ruffo, assisted by Lord Nelson. A sanguinary vengeance was taken on the republicans by the Neapolitan government; and Nelson himself tarnished his fair fame by deeds at which a right-minded Englishman must shudder, and which no one will venture to palliate. It had been guaranteed to the republican garrisons that their persons and property should be respected; but these garrisons were delivered over to the vengeance of the Sicilian court, and that by the brave Nelson. "A deplorable transaction," says his biographer, "a stain on his memory and on the honour of England! to palliate it would be vain; to justify it wicked." Nelson conceived that nothing more was essential to the tranquillity of Naples than the recovery of Rome; and this he effected by a small detachment of his fleet, under the able conduct of captains Trowbridge, Hallowel, and Louis. The French having no longer any hope in arms soon concluded a capitulation for all the Roman states; and Captain Louis, rowing up the Tiber in his barge, hoisted the British standard on the capitol, and acted for a time as governor of Rome.

While the arms of France were thus occupied in Germany and Italy, a favourable opportunity seemed to offer itself for the liberation of Holland. A treaty was effected with the Emperor Paul, by which 17,000 Russian troops were engaged to co-operate with 20,000 English troops in that country. Troops set sail from England in the month of August; find the fleet, under Sir Ralph Abercrombie, after encountering much bad weather, came to anchor off the Helder, a point which commands the entrance of the Zuyder Zee. The troops were disembarked on the 27th, and on the next day took possession of Helder, the French and Dutch republicans having abandoned it in the night; and the Dutch fleet in the Texel surrendered to the British admiral without firing a shot. The main part of the army destined for this enterprise was still in England, and the Russian auxiliaries had not yet arrived. Before they received re-enforcements the invaders were attacked by about 12,000 men; but so strong was their position on the Zuyp, and so bravely was it defended, that the assailants were defeated, with the loss of nearly one thousand men. The Duke of York, with the main force from England, arrived on the day after this battle; and as the allied troops now amounted to 35,000 men, his royal highness, who superseded Abercrombie in the chief command, ventured on active operations. The army advanced, on the 19th, in four columns. That on the extreme right, consisting chiefly of Russian troops, under General De Hermaun, made an unsuccessful attack upon Bergen. Abercrombie with a column penetrated to the city of Hoorn, which surrendered; and the two other columns under Generals Dundas and Pulteney, also forced their way through great difficulties, in a tract of country intersected with deep ditches and canals. The rash confidence of the Russians, however, soon exposed the whole army to such danger that it was compelled to retire to its original position. For some time, in consequence of tempestuous weather, the invading force was blocked up by inferior numbers; but on the 2nd of October the British army resumed the offensive, and commenced an attack on the enemy's whole line. A battle was fought at Egmont, which was favourable to the British; for, although it was indecisive, yet the retreat of the enemy in consequence gave them an opportunity of occupying several strong positions. The republican soldiers took up a strong post between Beverwyck and the Zuyder Zee; and the Duke of York resolved to attack them there, before their position could be strengthened by fresh works or re-enforcements. An action took place on the 6th of October, and it terminated so far in favour of the British and the allies, that they were left masters of the field; but the loss on both sides was very severe; and the enemy, who soon afterwards received a re-enforcement, maintained their position. The allied army, indeed, soon found itself in so critical a situation from the strength of the enemy, the severity of the weather, and the indifference of the party of the stadtholder, that the Duke of York suddenly issued an order for the troops to assemble; and they commenced a retreat toward Pelleu and Alkmaer. Before the troops could re-embark, however, the Duke of York was compelled to conclude a convention, by which it was agreed that the English and Russians should be allowed to leave Holland without molestation, on condition that 8000 prisoners of war, French and Batavians, then detained in England, should be released.

{GEORGE III. 1798—1801}



CAMPAIGN IN EGYPT.

It has been seen that Napoleon had entered Cairo, and that his fleet while there was annihilated in Aboukir Bay. In the month of February he quitted Cairo, with the intention of dispersing the Turkish forces that were collecting near the Syrian frontier, and then of conquering all Syria. Gaza and Jaffa were stormed; the man of destiny, as Napoleon styled himself in Egypt, swept everything before him until he came to the walls of Acre. This place, which is the key of Syria, was defended by the Pasha Djezzar; by Colonel Philippeaux, an emigrant royalist; and by Sir Sidney Smith, with some of his sailors and marines. It was in vain that Napoleon attempted to breakthrough the crumbling walls of this ancient place: sixty days were spent before them, and seven or eight assaults made; but he was every time repulsed, and after losing three thousand men, he was compelled to raise the siege and return to Cairo. During his absence General Desaix had ascended the Nile, and had driven the remnant of the Mamelukes from Upper Egypt and beyond the cataracts of Assonau; and soon after his return he was called down to the coast, where Nelson had annihilated the French fleet, by the arrival of a Turkish army, amounting to 18,000 men. A terrible battle was fought on the 25th of July; but the French were victorious—10,000 Turks perished. Napoleon now began to make secret preparations for returning to France; and on the 23rd of August he embarked secretly in a frigate, leaving his army, which was reduced to 20,000 men, behind him.



ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSULAR GOVERNMENT IN FRANCE.

The return of Napoleon agitated all France and all Europe. The character of this bold soldier was, indeed, now well known, and none could tell what game fraught with blood he next might play. Suspicion was well founded: Napoleon had designs in view when he returned from Egypt which time alone could unfold. The fact is, when in Egypt, letters from his brothers Joseph and Lucien, and from some of his admiring friends, informed him that Italy was lost; that the French armies were everywhere defeated; that the directory were quarrelling among themselves; and that the people, sick of the present state of affairs, were ripe for another revolution. Here then was another field for the ambitious to play their part; and Napoleon resolved to return to it. He had arrived in Paris two days before the directory knew anything about it; and in the meantime he had been consulting with chiefs of parties and officers of the army as to what step should be taken. Talleyrand and the Abbe Sieyes gave his councils the benefit of all their abilities; and a plan of attack upon the constitution was soon agreed upon. The Council of Ancients were easily persuaded that a new constitution was wanting; but the Council of Five Hundred vowed that they would die for that which they had already got. On the 9th of November it was agreed in the Council of Ancients that the assembly should adjourn to St. Cloud, and that Napoleon should put this into execution, being made supreme commander of all the forces for that purpose. The sitting was then dissolved; and Napoleon instantly issued two proclamations, announcing his command, and inviting the army and national guard to aid him in restoring liberty, victory, and peace to France. In this state of affairs, Barras, Sieyes, and Ducos, three of the directory, resigned; Moulins and Gohier remained to support the present constitution. These, however, by the orders of Napoleon, were guarded in the Luxembourg, so that the directory was in point of fact dissolved. It remained now for the councils to form a new executive; and to this end they met at St. Cloud, surrounded by troops. The Council of Five Hundred swore fidelity to the constitution; and Napoleon resolved to crush them. At his command the troops entered the Orangery with fixed bayonets, and the deputies were glad to make their escape by the windows and through the adjacent woods. On that evening the Council of the Ancients and about fifty of the scattered Five Hundred abolished the directory, and established in its place three consuls, who, with two committees chosen from each council, were charged with the task of preparing a new constitution. These consuls were Napoleon, Sieyes, and Ducos, the men who concerted together to bring about this new revolution. "Thus the French revolution closed its agitated career almost in the point from whence it set out—in despotism." All their hopes of the blessings of liberty were with one fell blow dashed to the ground by the conqueror of Egypt and Italy—by one man, and he of men one of the meanest.



AFFAIRS OF INDIA.

During this year the power of Tippoo Sultaun was destroyed. Recently he had been encouraged in his hostility by the French, who eagerly sought to strike a blow at the commercial prosperity of Great Britain. It was for this purpose that the Egyptian expedition had been undertaken, and for this purpose likewise alliances were formed with the native powers of India. In Tippoo Sultaun the French found an implacable foe to the English—a foe which was ever ready to unsheathe his sword to destroy them. In order to crush their power and to regain what he had lost in the late war, Tippoo Sultaun had sent an embassy to Cabul, to bring the Affghan tribes down into India; he had negociated with the Nizam of the Deccan and with other native princes; and in 1797 he had sent two ambassadors to the Isle of France to propose an alliance with the French republic, and to request a supply of troops sufficient to enable him to expel the English from every part of Hindustan. The governor of the Isle of France had no troops to spare; but he forwarded Tippoo's letters to France, and allowed his ambassadors to enrol some Frenchmen for his aid. Some sixty or seventy of these volunteers proceeded to Tippoo's capital, where they first set up a tree of liberty, and next proceeded to organize a Jacobin club. These proceedings soon became known to the government at Calcutta; and the Earl of Mornington, then Governor-general of India, determined to anticipate Tippoo. Troops were sent under Generals Harris and Stuart; and the sultan was defeated in the route, and compelled to take refuge in his fortified capital. Seringapatam was besieged, and on the 4th of May was stormed and captured. Two of his sons were taken alive; but Tippoo fell near one of the gates, and was found buried under a heap of dead bodies. His territories were divided among his enemies; the English kept Seringapatam with the island on which it is situated, the whole of his territories on the Malabar coast, the district of Coimbatoor, and all the country that intervened between the company's possessions on the western and those on the eastern coast; the Nizam of the Deccan obtained a more inland country; and another great tract of country was conferred upon a descendant of the ancient Hindoo rajahs, who had been dispossessed by Hyder Ali. Thus ended a dynasty which was founded by a daring adventurer on the ruins of the Hindoo house of Mysor. It began and ended its career in spoliation and the shedding of blood.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

The British parliament assembled on the 24th of September. The chief object of this early meeting Was the introduction of a bill for facilitating the re-enforcement of our regular army, by allowing three-fifths of the militia of each county to enlist in the regulars, for service within Europe. This bill passed into a law on the 4th of October; the remainder of the session, previous to the Christmas recess, was occupied by commercial and financial matters. The supplies granted were between six and seven millions; but these were only for the time being: parliament again separated on the 12th of October.



PARLIAMENTARY DISCUSSIONS.

{A.D. 1800}

On Christmas day of the preceding year, the first consul, Napoleon, addressed a letter from the ancient palace of the Bourbons to the King of Great Britain, indicating a desire of peace in these terms:—"How can the two most enlightened nations of Europe, powerful and strong beyond what their safety and independence require, sacrifice to ideas of vain greatness, the benefits of commerce, internal prosperity, and domestic happiness? How is it that they do not feel that peace is of the first importance as well as the first glory? These sentiments cannot be foreign to the heart of your majesty, who reign over a free people, and with the sole view of rendering them happy. France and England, by the abuse of their strength, may still, for the misfortune of all nations, long retard the period of their exhaustion, but I will venture to say, that the fate of all civilized nations is attached to the termination of a war which involves the whole world." The answer given to this letter intimated, that the French government afforded no ground for trust; but notwithstanding this repulse, Napoleon made another attempt at negociation. Talleyrand, in a letter to the British secretary, vindicated France from the censures contained in this reply; throwing the blame of war on the league of European powers, and offering a suspension of arms, that plenipotentiaries might meet at Dunkirk or elsewhere, as might be agreed upon, for the purpose of making a treaty of peace. The reply to this communication was equally unsatisfactory as that made to the letter of the first consul. His majesty expressed his concern that the unprovoked aggressions of France were defended by her present ruler; and refused to enter into a refutation of allegations universally exploded, and, as far as his own conduct was concerned, utterly groundless. This correspondence was the first subject of importance which engaged the attention of parliament after its adjournment; and while the minority animadverted on the precipitancy by which the door was closed against all hopes of pacification, the majority approved of what had been done, and it was determined to prosecute the war with vigour.

On the 17th of February a debate took place on a royal message, in which his majesty, after stating that he was concerting such engagements with the Emperor of Germany, the Elector of Bavaria, and other powers of the empire as might be conducive to the advantage of the common cause in the course of the ensuing campaign, informed the house that he was desirous of authorising his minister to make provisionally such advances of money as might be necessary for this purpose. Pitt declared that L500,000 was all that he required at the commencement; and after some little opposition, his motion for the grant was carried by a large majority. Ministers were also equally well supported in a proposal, made by opposition, for an inquiry into the causes of the disgraces which had attended the British arms in Holland: it was quashed at once.

The total supplies voted for this year was L47,900,739. The income-tax was continued; and there was a loan of L21,000,000, including a vote of credit. For two months 120,000 seamen and 90,000 soldiers were granted, exclusive of subsidiaries; but for the rest of the year 10,000 were deducted from each number. On the annual motion for renewing the act for suspending the Habeas Corpus bill, there was a stormy debate; but the measure was carried with the usual majorities. An attempt made by a maniac named Hadfield to shoot the king in Drury-lane theatre, led to the insertion of two additional clauses in the insanity bill, by which the privilege of bail to alleged lunatics was abridged, and the personal safety of the sovereign thereby consulted. Subsequently a committee of each house was appointed to consider of the most effectual means for remedying the distress which prevailed at this time, from a scarcity of corn; and a bill was brought in and passed, prohibiting the sale of bread which had not been baked twenty-four hours, it being generally admitted that stale bread satisfied the appetite sooner than new bread. The Archbishop of Canterbury recommended a series of resolutions in the upper house, and a voluntary association, by which each of their lordships should bind himself to lessen the consumption of bread and flour in his family, by using such articles as might be conveniently substituted in the place thereof. These resolutions were passed unanimously in the upper house; and the commons, from a message sent them from the lords, fully concurred with their lordships. This example of the lords and commons was followed very generally by the upper classes throughout the kingdom; and thus effectual relief was afforded by the simple means of self-denial.

Another measure taken into consideration this session tended to morality of conduct. Of late the crime of adultery had become very prevalent; and it was thought by political moralists that intermarriage, permitted to the offending parties after a divorce, was one fertile source of crime. A bill was proposed by Lord Auckland to prevent such intermarriage; but it was rejected by a considerable majority, it being doubted whether it would prove effectual to the diminishing of the crime to which it referred.

Among other parliamentary topics discussed this session was that of the affairs of the East Indies. Mr. Dundas having investigated the state of its finances, detailed them to the commons; and on the whole, from his statements, the company's affairs appeared to be in a flourishing condition. An act was passed, instituting a high court of judicature for that of the recorder of Madras.



UNION WITH IRELAND COMPLETED.

The most important act of this session was the completion of the union between Great Britain and Ireland. At first the resolutions which had passed the British parliament excited much opposition in the Irish parliament and throughout the country. When the Irish commons debated on an address proposed by ministers, in answer to the speech from the throne in January, 1799, it was carried only by one vote; but on the 15th of January, 1800, a motion made in the same house to declare their disapprobation of the union, was negatived by one hundred and thirty-eight against ninety-six. Subsequently the measure of the union was agreed to by a large majority in the Irish parliament, both in the lords and the commons. On the 27th of March, indeed, the two Irish houses agreed in a joint address, informing his majesty that they considered the resolutions of the British parliament as wisely calculated to form the basis of an incorporation of Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom; that they adopted them as their guide; and that they now laid before his majesty certain resolutions which they had agreed to, and which, if they should be approved by the two houses of parliament of Great Britain, they were ready to confirm and ratify, in order that the same might be established for ever, by mutual consent of both parliaments. On the 2nd of April this address was made the subject of a message from his majesty to the British parliament. In addition to the resolutions adopted by the British parliament, it was proposed by the Irish parliament, that the number of Irish peers to be admitted to the house of lords of the United Kingdom should be four lords spiritual, by rotation of sessions, and twenty-eight lords temporal, elected for life by the peers of Ireland; and that the number of representatives to be admitted into the house of commons should be one hundred. Such a union as this was opposed in the upper house by Lord Holland, on the grounds that it would not remedy the discontents of the various classes of society in Ireland; that it would not insure a redress of their grievances, but would increase the influence of which they now loudly complained; that it was offensive to the great body of the Irish people; and that, if carried into effect, it would endanger the connexion between the two countries, and probably produce mischief. The measure was defended in the upper house by Lord Gren-ville; and on a division eighty-one peers voted with him, and only two with Lord Holland. In the commons the union was opposed from the supposition that it would injure our constitution, inasmuch as the influence of the crown, arising from places in Ireland being to be concentrated upon only one hundred members instead of three hundred, it must necessarily be augmented. Pitt denied that the union would, or that he wished it to have such an effect; and he contended that the system proposed was calculated to favour the popular interest. The members for Irish counties and principal cities, he said, would be sixty-eight, the remaning thirty-two members being to be elected by towns the most considerable in population and wealth; and that, as the proposed addition would not make any change in the internal form of representation, it would entail none of those dangers incident to innovation. If anything could counterbalance the advantages that must result from the union, he remarked, it would be the necessity of disturbing in anyway the representation of England; a necessity which happily did not exist. He continued:—"In stating this I have not forgotten what I have myself formerly said and sincerely felt upon the subject of parliamentary reform; but I know that all opinions must necessarily be subservient to times and circumstances; and that man who talks of his consistency merely because he holds the same opinion for ten or fifteen years, when the circumstances under which that opinion was originally formed are totally changed, is a slave to the most idle vanity. Seeing all that I have seen since the period to which I allude, considering how little chance there is of that species of reform to which alone I looked, and which is as different from the modern schemes of reform as the latter are from the constitution;—seeing that where the greatest changes have taken place the most dreadful consequences have ensued, and which have not been confined to the country where they originated, but have spread their malignant influence to almost every part of the globe, shaking the fabric of every government;—seeing that in this general shock the constitution of Great Britain has alone remained pure and untouched in its vital principles;—I say, when I consider all these circumstances, I should be ashamed of myself if any former opinions of mine could now induce me to think that the form of representation which, in such times as the present, has been found amply sufficient for the purpose of protecting the interests and securing the happiness of the people, should be idly and wantonly disturbed from any love of experiment or any predilection for theory. Upon this subject I think it right to state the inmost thoughts of my mind; I think it right to declare my most decided opinion that, even if the times were proper for experiments, any, even the slightest, change in such a constitution must be considered as an evil." Pitt proposed the adoption of the resolutions voted by the Irish house of parliament; and after some opposition, especially from Mr. Grey, who moved an amendment, which was lost, they were carried without further delay. All proceedings both in England and Ireland relative to this great measure were concluded in the month of June; and on the 2nd of July the act of union received the royal assent. His majesty declared that he ever should consider this measure as the happiest of his reign. The Irish session, which had been prolonged till the bill passed in England for the purpose of ratifying it was dissolved on the 2nd of August, and with it the existence of the Irish parliament. On the subject of this union Dr. Miller remarks:—"The whole history of Ireland up to the union presents a series of events most curiously combined. Its early period, unhappy as it was, prepared that party of Roman Catholics which, in the struggles terminated by the English revolution, was opposed as an antagonist force to the Scottish Presbyterians, and thus assisted in effecting the adjustment of the English government. When this important function had been discharged, Ireland had to prepare itself for entering with advantage into the general incorporation of a united empire; the preceding period of its history, however beneficial in assisting to adjust the balance of the English constitution, having been inauspicious to the domestic interests of the country. Of that preparation it was a necessary condition that one of the two parties by which it was distracted should suffer a temporary depression, so entire that the other should not be embarrassed or obstructed in its efforts to obtain national independence. The prosperity, however, thus acquired extended its influence even to the party by whose depression it had been obtained; and the Roman Catholics, participating in the advantages of Protestants, rose again to a political importance, in which they were opposed to the ascendancy of the prevailing party. A short struggle of rebellion, the natural result of an ungoverned desire of independence among a portion of the Protestants, aided by the ancient disaffection of the adverse party, brought the country into a situation in which the minister was able to consolidate the empire by the union of Ireland." It was hoped that this great measure would have the effect of conciliating the Irish Catholics; but experience has proved that they are still dissatisfied with the rule of England. It is evident, in fact, that ages will elapse before the Irish consider themselves to be "one and indivisible" with the English—before they are satisfied with the sway of the house of Brunswick.

{GEORGE III. 1798—1801}



PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of July. His majesty's speech expressed peculiar satisfaction at the effecting of an entire union between England and Ireland, he being persuaded that it would tend to their mutual interests. There were other less cheerful notes in the royal speech; for the campaign of this year, which had been commenced with success, had by a sudden reverse ended in defeat.



CAMPAIGN IN ITALY.

It has been seen that the Russian troops had plucked the laurels which the French had gained in Italy from their brows. Thus situated the French government sent Massena across the Alps, together with generals Soult, Oudinot, and Brune, to refix the national banners on the banks of the Po. Their efforts were vain; Massena was finally driven by the Austrians within the ramparts of Genoa. Assisted by a British squadron the Austrians formed the siege of Genoa; and Massena had in a little time no other alternative but to force his way through the enemy or to surrender. In this emergency Soult attempted to open the blockade, and leading on his division he attacked their fortified post of Monte Creto, and penetrated into the enemy's camp. But his career was checked. Recovering from their surprise, the Austrians met the French with firmness, and they were put to flight. Massena was obliged to capitulate, and Genoa was evacuated. But here the success of the allied armies was checked. Giving the command of the Rhine to Moreau, Napoleon assumed the direction of the army of Italy. A battle was fought in the plain of Marengo, which annihilated the fruit of all the Austrian victories in the preceding campaign, and put Italy again under the power of France. Melas saw himself forced, by the hopelessness of his position, to the proposal of an armistice as the only means of deliverance; and it was granted upon these conditions:—that the Austrians should retreat beyond the Mincio; and that Genoa, Tortona, Alessandria, Turin, Arona, Coni, Ceva, Savona, Milan, and several other-cities, with all Piedmont and Liguria, and nearly all Cis-alpinia should be given up to the French government. The star of Napoleon shone more brilliant than ever; and leaving the Italian army under Massena, he returned to Paris to reap the fruit of his conquest.

In the meantime the Austrians had been likewise defeated in Germany. On the 25th of April Moreau crossed the Rhine upon six points; and in several battles at Enger, Stockach, and Moesskirch, defeated Field-marshal Kray, who was now at the head of the Austrian troops. Kray was compelled to retreat before him; and Moreau finally occupied a large part of Bavaria as well as Munich. Lecourbe also drove the Austrians from the Grisons and entered the Tyrol; while on the left another army of French and Batavians were preparing to penetrate into Franconia and Bohemia. The court of Vienna now sued for an armistice, which was granted; and on the 28th of July preliminaries of peace, on the basis of that of Campo Formio, were signed at Paris. The world now expected peace. The emperor, however, having received his subsidy from England, and concluded a new treaty with that power, again unsheathed his sword. He declared the truce at an end; and both sides prepared again for the strife. The emperor putting himself at the head of his army, endeavoured to rouse the whole force of Germany; but the north was kept inactive by the neutrality of Prussia, and other princes were overawed by the invaders. Another armistice was purchased by him for the short space of forty-five days, by the delivery of Philipsburg, Ulm, and Ingoldstadt; and when this period expired, late as the season was, both parties took the field. The contest was soon decided. On the 2nd of December a battle was fought at Hohenlinden, between the rivers Iser and Inn, in which the Austrians, under Archduke John, were utterly defeated. Moreau advancing occupied Saltzburg; and the road to Vienna was not only open to his army, but also to the armies of Brune and Macdonald. In this emergency the Emperor Francis was compelled to sue for a separate peace, and the British government obliged to release him from the terms of his alliance. A treaty was signed in the ensuing February, which ratified all the conditions of the treaty of Campo Formio, and included several new articles of an humiliating nature to the house of Austria. Tuscany was taken away from the Grand Duke Ferdinand and bestowed upon Louis, son of the Duke of Parma; and the emperor again acknowledged the independence of the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics, renouncing all right or pretension to any of those Italian territories, A new and extended frontier also was drawn for the Cisalpines, the line of the Adige being taken from where that river issues from the Tyrol down to its mouth on the Adriatic. Piedmont was for the present left to the King of Sardinia; and shortly after this monarch, through the mediation of the Czar Paul, obtained a peace, agreeing on his part to close his ports against the English, withdraw some troops sent into the Roman states, and to give up the principality of Piombino, with some other detached territories on the Tuscan coast. Through the same mediation Italy was treated by Napoleon with leniency; and Pope Pius VII., recently elected to the Pontificate, was allowed to retain the reins of government.



CAPTURE OF MALTA.

During this year the island of Malta, which had been blockaded for more than two years, was surrendered to Major-general Pigot. The French troops who had defended it were permitted to return to France, on condition of not serving till regularly exchanged. This was a great prize, for Malta is the citadel of the Mediterranean, as Gibralter is its key: from this time it became a pillar of the British throne.



NAVAL OPERATIONS.

The naval operations of England this year were various, though no very important results accrued therefrom. The small island of Goree on the western coast of Africa surrendered to Sir Charles Hamilton; and the British captured the Dutch island of Curacoa. A squadron was sent under Sir Edward Pellew to the peninsula of Quiberon; but all that was done was to destroy some brigs, sloops, gun-boats, and a few trading vessels. This armament proceeded to the coast of Spain to destroy the arsenal and the shipping at Ferrol; but it was attended with the same ill-success. The land forces accompanying it under Sir James Pulteney then joined to those of Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who, with the Mediterranean fleet under Lord Keith, was to make an attack upon Cadiz, and to capture or destroy the Spanish fleet. But this enterprise was given up as impracticable; and soon after General Pulteney was sent to Lisbon for the defence of Portugal, now threatened by Spain; and General Abercrombie received information that his troops were to be employed in Egypt. The year, however, was now far spent, and it was the middle of December before the armament arrived as far as Malta.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

In the midst of these foreign reverses—for such many of the events may be termed—the scarcity of grain still continued in England. The national spirit was greatly depressed by these circumstances, and notwithstanding the hand of charity was active in the alleviation of distress, several riots took place throughout the kingdom. London was much agitated: but the Lord Mayor, Mr. Combe, by the aid of volunteers, succeeded in repressing the commotion without bloodshed. In order to obtain relief, the city of London and other places petitioned the King to convene parliament; and it assembled in the month of October, and passed in rapid succession a number of acts, granting bounties on the importation of foreign corn, enjoining the baking of mixed and inferior flour, &c. The distillation of spirits from grain was also suspended. But the hand of private charity did more good than all this legislation: it was opened wide, and the sufferings of the poor were thereby greatly alleviated.



MOTIONS FOR PEACE, ETC.

On the 1st of December, after sundry attacks on the foreign policy of the ministers, Sheridan moved for an address to his Majesty, praying him to enter into a separate negociation with France, for a speedy and honourable peace. This was negatived; and on the 4th of December, Mr. T. Jones moved another address, imploring his Majesty to dismiss his present ministers; but this was likewise rejected. The supplies voted were for three lunar months only; 120,000 men were granted for the service of the navy, from the 1st of January to the 1st of April, 1801. The king closed the session of parliament on the last day of the year. His majesty said that the time fixed for the commencement of the union of Great Britain and Ireland necessarily terminated their proceedings, and that the Imperial Parliament—as the united parliament was to be denominated—was appointed to meet on the 22nd of January, 1801. Before he retired, his majesty ordered the chancellor to read a proclamation, declaring that the individuals who composed the expiring parliament, should be members on the part of Great Britain, of the New or Imperial Parliament.



CHAPTER XXV.

{GEORGE III. 1801-1806}

Commencement of the Union with Ireland..... Meeting of Parliament..... Resignation of Mr. Pitt, &c...... The New Ministry..... Motion for an Inquiry into the State of the Nation..... Parliamentary Measures..... War with the Northern Powers..... Dissolution of the Northern Confederacy..... Expedition to Egypt..... Affairs on the Continent..... Naval Operations..... Treaty of Amiens..... Meeting of Parliament..... Parliamentary Measures..... Preparations for Hostility..... Meeting of the New Parliament..... Trial of Colonel Despard..... Parliamentary Proceedings..... Act to Relieve Catholics, &c...... War Proclaimed with France..... The Causes for the renewal of War with France..... War with Holland..... Militia Bill, &c...... Financial Measures..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Insurrection in Ireland..... Letter of the Prince of Wales..... Movements of the French..... Naval Conquests..... East India Affairs..... Meeting of Parliament.



COMMENCEMENT OF THE UNION WITH IRELAND.

{A.D. 1801}

On the 1st of January a royal proclamation was issued, concerning the style and titles appertaining to the imperial crown of Great Britain and Ireland; and also to the ensigns, armorial flags, and banners thereof. The regal title was thus expressed:—"George the Third, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith." The great seal was made in conformity with the alterations made in the titles and arms. In the new heraldic arrangement the fleur de lis was omitted, and the title of the King of France wisely expunged. The arms or ensigns armorial were ordered to be quarterly:—first and fourth England, second Scotland, third Ireland. In honour of the union, many new titles were conferred on the Irish nobility, and several of them were created peers of the United Kingdom.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

The first imperial parliament was opened by commission on the 22nd of January. The king did not meet his parliament till the 2nd of February, when, in his speech from the throne, after adverting to the happy accomplishment of the union, and to the adverse course of events on the continent, he announced a fresh storm in the north. The court of Petersburgh, he said, had proceeded to commit outrages against the ships, property, and persons of his subjects; and a convention had been concluded by that court with those of Copenhagen and Stockholm, by which they were engaged to re-establish a new code of maritime law, inconsistent with the rights and hostile to the best interests of the country. His majesty stated that he had taken the earliest measures to repel the aggressions of this confederacy, and he called upon both houses of parliament to afford him the aid required in the emergency. The debates which ensued were of an interesting character. In both houses opposition recommended conciliatory measures; and some even proposed the suspension of the right of search we claimed at sea, or a tacit assent to the principles of the armed neutrality, on the ground that terrible consequences would attend the closing of the corn-ports on the Baltic in this season of scarcity. In the upper house an amendment to the address was moved by Earl Fitzwilliam; but on a division the address was carried. Mr. Grey was the chief opposer of the address in the commons; he likewise moved an amendment; but the address was there carried by a majority of one hundred and eighty-two. Preparations were, therefore, now made for sending the British fleet into the Baltic; and this, it will be seen, together with the death of the Czar Paul, soon put an end to this coalition.



RESIGNATION OF MR. PITT, ETC.

In bringing about the union of England and Ireland, Pitt had given assurances to the Irish Catholics of a complete participation in political privileges, as soon as that union should take place. This proposition was submitted to the cabinet-council, some of the members of which expressed their dissent to the measure. But its chief opposer was the king, who alleged that the coronation oath precluded his compliance with a scheme which might endanger the ecclesiastical establishment. Under these circumstances Pitt felt bound to retire from the administration; for although his majesty promised not to use his influence in obstructing the progress of the measure through parliament, it was manifest, that as he was known to be adverse to it, there would be no chance of success. On the resignation of Mr. Pitt, his majesty entrusted the formation of a new cabinet to Mr. Addington, who resigned his post for that purpose. On account of financial arrangements, however, and the difficulty of settling the new appointments, Mr. Pitt consented to remain at his post a little longer. His majesty a few days after was taken ill; and it appears that his indisposition was a return of his former malady, brought on by the Catholic question and the resignation of the premier. This caused him to remain at his post still longer, and then further delay was occasioned. On the 18th of February the house resolved itself into a committee of supply. The sum required was L42,197,000 of which Ireland was to pay L4,324,000, and England the remainder. To raise this, recourse was had to the old system: L25,000,000 was borrowed, and the rest was raised by taxes, some of which were newly imposed. Besides the money borrowed for England, it was found necessary to borrow about L2,500,000 for Ireland. These resolutions being agreed to, with some slight alterations, Pitt, on the 14th of March, resigned office; and he was accompanied in his resignation by Dunclas, Earl Spencer, Lord Grenville, and Windham; and other changes took place shortly after. In the lords, the reasons of their resignation were thuss given by Lord Grenville:—"We wished that the benefits of the union should be rendered as great and extensive as possible, by the removal of certain disabilities under which a great portion of the inhabitants of Ireland laboured. Imagining that this measure could only be effectual by coming from the executive government, we felt it our duty to propose it to those who direct his majesty's councils: it was not deemed eligible, and we were unable to prevail. As our opinion of its policy remained unaltered, and we still think this measure alone capable of establishing the tranquillity and prosperity of the empire on a permanent basis, we consider ourselves bound to retire. Accordingly we have tendered to his majesty the resignation of our several employments, and he has been graciously pleased to dispense with our services." By Pitt's enemies it was said, that his delicacy about his pledged faith to the Irish, and his sense of the justice and expediency of granting Catholic emancipation were but pretexts; and that the real cause of his resignation was the tardy conviction that he had involved the country in a labyrinth from which he had not the power to extricate it—being too weak to carry on the war, and too proud to make peace with the French. These imaginings were not founded in justice. Pitt, up to the period of the union, had uniformly opposed Catholic emancipation; but he now thought conscientiously that it ought to be carried into effect, in order to make the union complete. As for being dismayed at the hostile array in the north or in any part of Europe, it does not appear at all probable. Almost the last words of Pitt before he resigned office were full of hope and confidence: "he was convinced," he said, "that the British fleet would, with one blow, shatter the coalition of the north." There is no reason, in truth, for doubting the word of Pitt that the question of Catholic emancipation was the real cause of his resignation. How far he was implicated in the question, and to what extent he stood pledged, is not fully known; but that was the rock on which Pitt's ministry foundered their bark.



THE NEW MINISTRY.

The new ministry when formed consisted of Mr. Addington, first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, the Duke of Portland, president of the council; Lord Eldon, chancellor; Earl St. Vincent, first lord of the admiralty; the Earl of Chatham, master general of the ordnance; Lord Pelham, secretary for the home department; Lord Hawkesbury, secretary for foreign affairs; Lord Hobart, secretary for the colonies; Viscount Lewisham, president of the board of control for the affairs of India; Mr. Yorke, secretary of war, &c. In this general change, indeed, the Duke of Portland and Lord Westmoreland alone retained their seats in the cabinet, the former as president of the council, the latter as lord privy seal. The sentiments which the new ministry maintained were made known by Lord Grenville in his explanation before mentioned. After commenting on the effect of past exertions, his lordship remarked:—"It is our consolation to reflect, that the same vigorous line of conduct will be still pursued; no change of measure will take place; but the system which has already proved so salutary will be maintained by our successors." This proved true; although some supposed that they would seek peace, it was soon discovered that war was to be continued. Addington professed anti-warlike sentiments, but he found there was no alternative but to continue the contest.



MOTION FOR AN INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.

A motion was made both in the lords and the commons, soon after the re-assembling of parliament, for instituting an inquiry into the state of the nation. In the upper house it was moved by Lord Darnley, who proposed such an inquiry as might point out remedies for the disorders of the state. He was supported by the Earl of Carlisle, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and Earl Fitzwilliam; but his motion was lost by a considerable majority. In the commons the necessity of inquiry was strongly urged by Mr. Grey, and ably supported by Sir William Young and Lord Temple, but his motion shared the fate of its counterpart in the upper house. The debate was chiefly remarkable in the commons for calling up Pitt to defend himself and the system which he had pursued, which he did with unanswerable argument. It was on this occasion that he made explicit declaration of the motives which induced him to resign.



PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES.

During the sitting of this new parliament acts were passed for the suppression of rebellion, and for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, that country still remaining in a turbulent state. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was continued also for England and Scotland, and an act for preventing seditious meetings was revived. Acts of indemnity were likewise passed in favour of all persons concerned in the securing, imprisoning, and detaining individuals under the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, both in Great Britain and Ireland, from the period when that suspension took place in the respective countries. Various motions to the miscarriage of expeditions—to the conduct of Admiral Lord Keith in breaking the convention of El Arish, &c.—were made during the session, but were all negatived. Additional supplies were demanded by Mr. Addington, and sanctioned by the house. The session was prorogued by commission on the 3rd of July.



WAR WITH THE NORTHERN POWERS.

The late ministry had issued an order in council, dated the 14th of January, imposing an embargo on all Russian, Swedish, and Danish vessels in the ports of Great Britain; and preparations were also made to send a fleet into the Sound, and to hazard all the evils likely to result from a war, which threatened to exclude the British flag from the navigation of the Baltic, and her commerce from the shores of the Elbe, the Embs, the Vistula, and the Weser. On the other band, preparations were also made by the governments of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden for the coming strife. In the course of the spring the Danes took possession of Hamburgh, for the alleged purpose of stopping the British trade to that port. The King of Denmark was now likewise joined by the King of Prussia, who seized this occasion to invade Hanover, and to reduce it to his own dominion. As no hopes, therefore, could be entertained of the pacification of Europe on terms honourable to Great Britain, a British fleet, consisting of eighteen ships of the line, and four frigates, with a number of gun-boats and bomb-vessels, were dispatched against her enemies. This fleet proceeded from Yarmouth Roads for the Baltic, under the command of Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, assisted by Vice-admiral Lord Nelson and Rear-admiral Tolly. It sailed on the 12th of March, and as it was supposed that Denmark, whose prosperity had increased considerably during the war, might be prevailed upon to sue for forbearance; the first efforts of the armament were directed against her capital. On board was Mr. Vansittart, who, as minister plenipotentiary, was to seek to detach the court of Copenhagen from the northern alliance before proceeding to extremities. His mission, however, failed; he returned with a report that he had left the Danish government hostile in the highest degree to the court of Great Britain, and in a state of preparation far exceeding what our cabinet had considered possible. Nelson advised that no time should be lost in attacking the enemy; and Sir Hyde Parker, who was "nervous about dark nights and fields of ice," having yielded to his persuasions, it was determined to force the passage of the Sound. This was done without great loss: on the 31st of March the fleet anchored between the isle of Huen and Copenhagen. Sir Hyde Parker, Lord Nelson, and other officers proceeded in a lugger to reconnoitre the enemy's preparations, which they found to be of a very formidable nature. Undaunted, however, by any fear of danger, Nelson offered to lead the attack, requiring for the service ten ships of the line, with all the smaller craft. Sir Hyde acceeded to his proposal, adding two other ships of the line to the number demanded, and leaving the whole business to his management. It was on the 2nd of April that Nelson made the signal to weigh and engage the Danish line of defence. The difficulty of the navigation and the ignorance of the pilots were so great, that three of the ships grounded, and others were unable to take their proper station in the line. With those, however, that could approach the enemy, Nelson ventured an action. It commenced soon after ten o'clock; and at one, few, if any, of the enemy's ships had ceased to fire, while some of the English ships had sustained much injury. Under these circumstances, therefore, Sir Hyde Parker made a signal for retreat. But Nelson had no idea of retreating. All the notice he took of the signal was to give strict orders that his own signal for close action should be kept flying, and, if necessary, nailed to the mast; and turning to Captain Foley, he jocosely remarked: "You know I have only one eye; I have a right sometimes to be blind:" and putting his glass to the blind eye, he added, "Really, I don't see the signal for recall." The action continued unabated for another hour; but at that time the greater part of the enemy's ships ceased to fire; some of the lighter vessels were adrift, and the carnage on board their ships was dreadful the crews having been continually re-enforced. Soon after this, the Danish commodore's ship took fire, and drifting in flames before the wind, spread terror and dismay throughout their line. The ships a-head, however, with the crown-batteries, as well as the prizes made by the British, still continued to lire, and Nelson, humane as he was brave, being shocked at the slaughter which their bold resistance caused him to make in their ranks, retired into the stern gallery to write a letter to the crown prince. This letter stated, "that he had been commanded to spare Denmark when she no longer resisted; that her line of defence had struck to the British flag; and that, if the fire were continued, he should be obliged to destroy all the floating batteries which he had taken, without having the power of saving their brave defenders, who were the brothers, and ought not to be the enemies, of Englishmen." This letter, with a flag of truce, was sent by Captain Sir Frederic Thesiger; and in about half-an-hour he brought an inquiry from the prince: What was the object of Nelson's note? Nelson's reply was, that he sent the flag of truce out of humanity; and that he consented that hostilities should cease, and that the wounded Danes might be taken on shore. He added: "Lord Nelson, with humble duty to his royal highness the prince, will consider this the greatest victory he has ever gained, if it may be the cause of a happy reconciliation and union between his own most gracious sovereign and his majesty the King of Denmark." Sir F. Thesiger was dispatched a second time with the reply, and the Danish adjutant-general was referred to the commander-in-chief for a conference upon this overture. Nelson availed himself of this critical moment to get his crippled ships under weigh, and the imminent danger from which he had extricated them soon became apparent. His own ship, the Elephant, and three others remained fixed upon the shoal for many hours. Nelson left the Elephant soon after she took the ground, observing as he left her: "I have fought contrary to my orders, and I shall perhaps be hanged. Never mind, let them." It was soon agreed that there should be a suspension of hostilities for twenty-four hours; that all the prizes should be surrendered; and that the wounded Danes should be carried on shore. Nelson landed on the day after the battle, and had an interview with the crown prince for the purpose of arranging preliminaries. The negociation lasted some time, and on one occasion was on the point of breaking off; but Nelson's firm conduct overawed the Danish negociators, and it was agreed that there should be an armistice of fourteen weeks. Nelson's own account of the battle of Copenhagen was, that it was the most dreadful he had ever witnessed. Several British officers fell in the action, and among the rest "the gallan, good Rion." For this victory Nelson was raised to the rank of Viscount; a reward which, his biographer, Southey, justly observes, was inadequate for services of such paramount importance to the interests of England.