DEBATES ON THE SUPPLIES.

Lord North had soon another contest to sustain. On the 7th of March he brought forward his annual statement of the supplies and resources for the current service. The sum demanded for the year was L22,458,337, twelve of which, he stated it would be necessary to raise by a loan. The terms were unusually high. A contract had been entered into with the subscribers to grant L150 stock at three per cent., and twenty-five at four per cent, for every L100 in money, being L9,000,000 more than the sum paid into the exchequer. To defray the interest of this loan new taxes would be required to the amount of L660,000 annually; that is L60,000 more than the legal interest of five per cent., exclusive of which, as the subscription to the loan bore a premium of ten per cent., the further sum of L1,200,000 appeared to be lost to the nation. Mr. Fox reprobated this bargain, as the most corrupt in its origin, the most shameful in its progress, and the most injurious in its consequences that ever came under the notice of the house. The profits of the loan were estimated by him at about L1,000,000, and this sum, he said, was entirely at the disposal, and in the hands of the minister, to be granted in douceurs to the members of that house, either as compensations for the expenses of their late elections, or as bribes for future services. Fox also strongly objected to a proposed lottery, which was a part of the loan scheme, as a means of raising money for the public service. Taught by experience—for Fox was at this time reduced to a miserable state of embarrassment and dependence, from his love of the gambling table—he delivered an impressive harangue on the vice of gambling, and declared that lotteries were the most pernicious of all species of gaming inasmuch as they immediately affected the morals, habits, and circumstances of the lower orders of society. Lord North defended both the loan and the lottery, and asserted that the L12,000,000 could not have been obtained upon easier conditions. Fox had moved that the clause respecting the lottery should be omitted; but this was rejected by one hundred and sixty-nine against one hundred and eleven, and the minister's measures were all passed. The matter, however, did not end here. Opposition to the loan bill was renewed under a variety of forms while passing through the lower house; and when carried to the Lords, it encountered the severe censure of the Marquess of Buckingham, and others of his party. Eight peers entered a protest against the bill on the journals. Subsequently the subject was revived in the commons, by a motion of Sir George Saville for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the circumstances of the loan. Sir George argued, that though the bargain had been ratified, it was yet not too late to pass a vote of censure, or even of impeachment, on the minister who had thus grossly and daringly sacrificed the interests of the public. A vehement debate followed this motion; but it was lost by a majority of two hundred and nine against one hundred and sixty-three.



MOTION ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF THE MILITARY IN THE LATE RIOTS.

It must have been very clear to any unprejudiced mind, that the employment of the military in the suppression of the London riots of the preceding summer, so far from being premature, had not been resorted to in time to save the city from the ravages of a lawless mob. At this time, however, as in many preceding years, no stone was left unturned by opposition whereby there was the remotest chance of bringing ministers into public contempt. They were assailed at every point wherein they were considered vulnerable; and one attack was but the precursor of another. Mr. Brinsley Sheridan, who had made his first speech during last November, and had won golden opinions by his oratory on that occasion, moved three propositions: the first declaring that the military force could not justifiably be applied in dispersing tumultuous assemblies, without waiting for directions from civil magistrates, unless outrages had broken out with such violence as to overcome civil authority, and threaten the subversion of legal government; the second affirming that the unprecedented order to the military on the 7th of June last, afforded strong presumption of the defective state of the police; and the third for the appointment cf a committee to inquire into the conduct of the magistracy and civil power during the riots. Sheridan delivered a severe philippic against the administration, which was adorned with glowing periods, and abounded in bitter invectives; but after a long debate, in which the government were fully vindicated from all blame, all the motions were negatived. On this occasion, however, Sheridan obtained the reputation of a first-rate orator, which probably pleased him more than he would have been had his propositions received the sanction of the house.



PETITION OF THE DELEGATES OF THE COUNTY ASSOCIATIONS.

During the stay of the delegates of the county associations in London, they were busied in getting up meetings of their own, and in preparing a petition to the house of commons, in which they attempted to combine all the complaints of the nation, and all the prayers for economical and parliamentary reform. These delegates, however, were compelled to sign their petition merely as individual freeholders, and not in their delegated character, inasmuch as the general sense of the house was known to be against them. Their exertions, indeed, had been matter of frequent allusion during this session; and while the few applauded them as enlightened and devoted patriots, the many denounced them as factious demagogues. Their petition was presented on the 2nd of April by Mr. Buncombe; but it was suffered to lie on the table until the recovery of Sir George Saville, who had undertaken to move for referring the petition to a committee. Sir George made this motion on the 8th of May; but the contents of the petition, and the unconstitutional character of the delegates, were severely reprobated; and the motion was lost by a majority of two hundred and twelve against one hundred and thirty-five.



THE MARRIAGE ACT CORRECTED.

It had been found, by a late decision in the court of king's bench, that a clause in the Marriage Act of 1751 rendered all marriages unlawful whereof the banns had been published in churches or chapels erected since the passing of the act. This decision would have dissolved thousands of marriages hitherto supposed to be valid, and would also have rendered their offspring illegitimate, had not the legislature interfered. A bill was brought in by Lord Beauchamp, which had a retrospective operation, in order to render such marriages valid and their issue legitimate. This bill was adopted by both houses unanimously; and it received the royal assent early in June. After it had passed, Fox, who inherited his father's dislike to the whole of the marriage Act, brought in a bill for amending or rather repealing it in toto. Fox's motion, which was rejected without a division, excited much notice from the circumstance that it brought him into collision for the first time with Burke, his bosom friend. Burke as strenuously supported the original act, as Fox opposed it; considering that "it hit the just mean between a mischievous restraint and that laxity which formerly occasioned so much disorder." Each supported their own views with their known abilities.



MOTION OF FOX RESPECTING THE AMERICAN WAR.

On the 30th of May, Colonel Hartley moved for leave to bring in a bill vesting the crown with sufficient powers to treat, consult, and finally agree upon the means of restoring peace with the provinces of North America. This motion was rejected by a large majority, but a few days afterwards intelligence arrived of reverses in North Carolina, which emboldened the opposition to recur to the subject. On the 12th of June, Fox moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee to consider of the American war; and at the same time he gave notice that he intended to move in committee "That his majesty's ministers ought immediately to take every possible measure for concluding peace with our American colonies." In his speech, Fox contended that success by force of arms was impossible, and expressed his belief that the Americans would have treated upon far more moderate and honourable conditions than they ever entertained a notion of admitting. The orators on both sides went over the whole history of the war; but their oratory was chiefly remarkable for its mutual recrimination: each party endeavouring to throw the blame upon the other. In the course of the debate the memory of Chatham was treated with disrespect. It was urged by some, that he had been one cause of the dispute, or of the ill-success which had attended its management; that his notions were contradictory; and that if one of his leading principles was to be followed the war would never end. William Pitt rose to defend the character of his father; but his eloquence failed to reconcile the manifest contradictions which had appeared in the proceedings of that great statesman. When he had performed this duty, Pitt proceeded to state his own opinion on the subject of the American war. He remarked:—"The war was conceived in injustice, nurtured in folly, and its footsteps are marked with slaughter and devastation. It exhibits the height of moral depravity and human turpitude. The nation is drained of its best blood and its vital resources, for which nothing is received in return but a series of inefficient victories or disgraceful retreats; victories obtained over men struggling in the holy cause of liberty, or defeats which filled the land with mourning for the loss of dear and valuable relatives, slain in a detested and impious quarrel." Some members, however, argued that the Americans might yet be subdued; while others doubted whether at this moment, when they were backed by France, Spain, and Holland, they would not treat all overtures with contumely. It was also questioned whether the house could, or ought to interfere with the prerogative of the crown; in which was vested the power of peace and war, and whether they could bind the sovereign by their resolution, which was not likely to be adopted by the lords. Moreover, on both sides of the house there were men who still shrunk from the idea of recognizing the independence of America, and hence, when the house divided the motion was rejected by one hundred and seventy-two against ninety-nine.



PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

This session terminated on the 18th of July. In his speech the king thanked the members for their long attendance, their loyalty, and their affection. At this time a prospect of brilliant successes had opened in India, and that the British would build up an empire more vast in its extent than that for which they were contending in the West. His majesty dwelt at some length upon this subject, and warmly applauded measures adopted, or in progress, for checking abuses in these possessions, and for making our conquests mutually advantageous to the natives and ourselves. On the subject of America he remarked:—"While I lament the continuance of the present troubles, and the extension of the war, I have the conscious satisfaction to reflect, that the constant aim of my councils has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and see the tranquillity of Europe restored. To defend the dominion and to maintain the rights of this country was on my part the sole cause, and was the only object of the war. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart; but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the nation, and the powerful assistance of my parliament, and the protection of a just and all-ruling Providence, to accept it upon any other terms than such as may consist with the honour and dignity of my crown, and the permanent interests and security of my people." At the time when his majesty delivered this speech there was indeed no prospect of peace: war raged on every hand.

{GEORGE III. 1781-1782}



ATTACK ON JERSEY.

Early in this year the French, under the Baron de Rullecourt, made another attempt upon the island of Jersey. Its little capital was captured by night, and Major Corbet, the lieutenant-governor, signed a capitulation for the surrender of the whole island. Major Pierson, however, was not so pusillanimous. Collecting all the force he could, he fell upon the French invaders in the market-place of St. Heliers, and, being-assisted by the towns-people, killed a great many of them, and captured the rest. But unfortunately Pierson was himself killed by almost the last shot fired by the French. At the commencement of the action the Baron de Rullecourt received several wounds, of which he died immediately after the surrender. In the whole, nearly eight hundred French were either killed or taken, and they had previously lost two hundred men in a terrible storm which overtook them at the commencement of their expedition, and which drove back many of their vessels to their own ports. This affair cost Major Corbet his honour: he was tried by a court-martial, and deprived of his commission of lieutenant-governor. The states erected a splendid monument in the town-church to the memory of the gallant Major Pierson.



THE GARRISON OF GIBRALTAR RELIEVED.

The garrison of Gibraltar, at the commencement of this year, were again reduced to great straits by the persevering Spaniards. The supplies which Rodney had thrown in the year before were nearly exhausted; and some vessels which had been accustomed to run down from Minorca and some of the Italian ports were captured by the French and Spanish cruisers. Under these circumstances, one of the first efforts of the campaign was the relief of this important place. Admiral Darby was appointed to this important service. After escorting the East and West India trade to a certain latitude, Darby arrived off Cadiz, where he saw the Spanish fleet at anchor. While, therefore, he forwarded the convoy with provision!, stores, etc., to Gibraltar, with some ships of the line and frigates to cover them, Darby remained with the rest of his fleet, cruizing between Cadiz Bay and the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltar, watching the enemy. The Spanish admiral, Cordova, had boasted that he would meet the English at sea; but upon second thought, he considered himself safer where he was, and still remained at anchor. The convoy got safe into the harbour, where it was hailed with transports of joy by the half-famished soldiers on the rocky heights of Gibraltar; and their cheers were responded to by those below. The succours were landed with very little difficulty, and Darby then returned to the Channel station. The Spaniards were disheartened by this success of the British, and were mortified by the circumstance that their grand fleet had cowered before an inferior force; but they were again encouraged by promises of co-operation from France, and therefore still continued the siege.



REVOLT IN WASHINGTON'S CAMP.

The earliest events of this year were unfavourable to the American cause. For some months all discipline had been relaxed in Washington's camp; the officers and men alike being dissatisfied with the treatment which they received from congress. They were on the point of starvation; and though they had long endured their hardships, on the night of the 1st of January, the Pennsylvania line, which was hutted at Morris Town in the Jerseys, turned out to the number of 1300 men, and declared that they would march to the seat of congress, and either obtain redress or return to their homes. After committing some excesses on those officers who opposed their movement, the men marched to Princeton. They were followed on the next day by General Wayne and his staff, with many officers who were supposed to possess their confidence, in the hope that they would be able either to bring them back to their duty, or to sow dissensions among them. Wayne came up with them near Middle Brook; but the demands of the revolted troops were such as he could not grant; and he therefore referred them to congress. The men continued their march to Princeton for that purpose; and while there, emissaries arrived from Sir Henry Clinton, with tempting offers to them, and with the suggestion that they should take up a position behind the South River, when he would soon cover them with detachments from the royal army in New York. The mutineers, however, showed themselves true to the cause of liberty, for they not only rejected Clinton's tempting offers, but communicated them to General Wayne, with assurances that, though they had left the American camp, they would never go over to the British. At the same time they seized Clinton's emissaries, and kept them in their own hands; they refused to leave Princeton; resolved that none of their former officers should enter their camp; and ordered Lafayette and others, who had presented themselves as mediators, to return immediately. Soon after, a committee of congress, the governor of Pennsylvania, and a part of his council came into the neighbourhood of Princeton to negociate with the revolters. A conference took place between the sergeants of the revolted troops and the committee; when the latter offered these propositions:—That congress would discharge all those who had enlisted for three years; and that they would give immediate certificates for the depreciation on their pay, settle their arrears as soon as they were able, and furnish the men with such clothing as they required forthwith, The sergeants agreed to distribute these propositions among the troops for consideration; and after due deliberation the mutineers agreed to march to Trenton, to meet their officers and commanders. At Trenton, the terms offered by congress were accepted; and then the mutineers gave up Sir Henry Clinton's emissaries, who were all hanged as spies. But mutiny did not end here. Encouraged by the success of the Pennsylvania line, a part of the Jersey brigade, stationed at Pomp-ton, flew to arms, and marched to Chatham to join another part of the same brigade; and these all demanded the same terms which had been granted to the Pennsylvanian mutineers. In the former instance, Washington, probably wishing that congress should be made to feel that the grievances of the troops must be redressed, and that the army must be treated with greater respect, had not taken any measures for bringing back the mutineers to their duty. On this occasion, however, foreseeing that continued revolts would tend to the disorganization of his army, he sent General How to Chatham with a considerable force, and with orders to make no terms with the revolted brigade while in a state of resistance. He even instructed How, after the brigade should surrender, to seize a few of the ringleaders and put them to death on the spot. How's task was not a very arduous one, for the mutineers at Chatham scarcely amounted to more than two hundred men; and he surrounded them in their quarters, seized a few of the ringleaders, and executed them according to Washington's orders, and reduced the rest to submission. These revolts alarmed congress; and they contrived to raise three months' pay in specie, and to obtain a quantity of clothes, which they forwarded to the camp, in order to prevent further defection. But this was only a temporary remedy for the evil; and as the inhabitants were distressed in order to satisfy the soldiers, congress resolved to seek a loan from France. Lieutenant-colonel Laurens, son of the prisoner in the Tower, was sent on this commission to the court of Versailles; and at the same time, Mr. Jay, the young lawyer, who was now installed as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Madrid, was instructed to press the court of Spain for co-operation and direct assistance. It is evident, indeed, that congress and the general officers of the army, all thought that the affairs of the Americans were in a desperate condition; and that if they did not speedily obtain assistance in money and troops from the Bourbons, the sun of liberty would be set for ever. Lafayette exerted his influence with M. de Vergennes, the French minister on this occasion. He furnished Laurens with a letter to him, in which he stated, that with a naval inferiority it was impossible to continue the war; that the resources of the country, great as they were, would be ineffectual unless money were sent; that the last campaign had been conducted without a single dollar; and that all that credit, persuasion, and force could do in the way of obtaining supplies had been done. In conclusion, he demanded clothes, arms, and ammunition, and represented that a great fleet, and a new division of 10,000 troops ought to be sent from France to New York, in order to destroy the power of the British on the continent.



ARNOLD'S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA, ETC.

On the very day that the Pennsylvanian line revolted, General Arnold appeared in Hampton Road on the Chesapeak, to carry devastation into Virginia. Arnold had with him about 1200 men, part of whom were American royalists; and with this force he proceeded up James's River, and landed at Westover, about twenty-five miles distance from Richmond, the capital of Virginia. There were 50,000 enrolled militiamen in that province; but Jefferson, its governor, could only collect a few hundred, and therefore he was obliged to relinquish all hopes of defending the city Knowing the rapidity of Arnold's movements, he caused some of the public property to be removed to the country above, and then fled with his council, secretaries, and officers, with the greatest precipitation. Arnold entered Richmond the morning after his flight, the troops evacuating the town at his approach. On his arrival he sent some of the citizens of Richmond to Jefferson, offering to spare the town if British vessels were permitted to come to it, and take off the tobacco there deposited, unmolested. This offer was rejected; and Arnold then detached Colonel Simcoe, with nearly half of his force, to Westham, to burn and destroy all the buildings there which contained arms, ammunition, and military stores; and when Simcoe had completed this work of destruction, and had returned, Arnold set fire to all the public buildings and tobacco-stores at Richmond. He then quitted the capital of Virginia, and encamped at Four-mile Creek, whence he returned to his shipping at Westover. From Westover he detached a party of horse to Charles City Court-house, where one hundred and fifty militiamen were surprised and routed; after which Arnold re-embarked his army, and began to descend James's River. He returned to Portsmouth, where he was joined by more men, who raised his force to nearly 2000 men, and where he established a permanent station, in order to co-operate with Lord Cornwallis. While at Portsmouth, it was suggested by the American leaders, that a few individuals should make a sudden incursion into his camp, and carry him off, in order to bring him to the gallows. The capture of Arnold was, indeed, a cherished object with the Americans, ever since his defection from their cause; but he was aware that he was in danger, and was therefore vigilant, so that if any attempt had been made, it would doubtless have failed. It would appear, in fact, that though 5000 guineas were offered in the event of success, none could be found hardy enough to make such a daring attempt. Washington, however, was resolved to capture the arch-traitor if possible; and with this view he sent Lafayette to blockade him on the land side, while a French squadron blockaded him by sea. Washington wished Destouches to employ nearly the whole of his fleet in this service; but the French admiral was apprehensive that Admiral Arbuthnot might have collected and repaired his scattered ships; and he therefore refused to risk more than one sixty-four-gun ship and two frigates. These were put under the command of Commodore de Tilley; and they sailed for the Chesapeak on the 9th of February. De Tilley, however, found Arnold so well posted as to defy attack, and he returned to Rhode Island. As he was returning, near the Capes of Virginia he fell in with and captured the Romulus, a fifty-gun ship, which was sailing from Charlestown to the Chesapeak. Washington now held a conference at Newport, Rhode Island, with Rochambeau, Destouches, and other officers, in which it was resolved to embark part of the French army, under the command of Count de Viominil, and to risk the whole of the French fleet to escort it, in order to capture Arnold. Destouches, the French admiral, set sail on the 8th of March; but he was followed by Admiral Arbuthnot, and brought to action off Cape Henry. After fighting for about an hour, the French bore up and ran to leeward; and Destouches then resolved to return to Rhode Island. In a few days General Phillips arrived at Portsmouth to take the command over Arnold; and the defence of Virginia was entrusted to Lafayette, who collected his forces on the Elk River, and then marched into that province. In the meantime Generals Phillips and Arnold were engaged in the work of destruction. Williamsburg, York Town, Petersburg, and Chesterfield Court-house were all captured, and public property, with a quantity of vessels found in the different harbours, etc., were destroyed by them. After the capture of Chesterfield Court-house, Arnold marched through Osbornes—where he destroyed the tobacco—to Warwick; just above which place, and between it and Richmond, an American flotilla had been collected. On his approach the crews set fire to these vessels or scuttled them; and escaping to the opposite shore, there joined a body of militia and fled with them. Generals Phillips and Arnold now again united their forces and marched to Manchester, a town on the southern bank of James's River, where they burned all the tobacco and stores. They contemplated crossing the river to Richmond; but Lafayette had reached that place in the course of the preceding evening, and they therefore retraced their steps by the way of Warwick, and retired to Bermuda Hundred. Soon afterwards they re-embarked their troops, and fell down the river to Hog Island, where they remained till they received notice from Lord Cornwallis that he was about marching into Virginia from the Carolinas, and expected their co-operation.



LORD CORNWALLIS'S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA.

This was the last year in which any grand efforts were made for the recovery of the colonies, and the plan of the campaign was thus arranged. Lord Cornwallis was directed to penetrate through the intervening provinces into Virginia, there to attack Lafayette, while Sir Henry Clinton himself engaged to keep Washington and Rochambeau in check. Cornwallis took the field early in this year, and having left a considerable force under Lord Rawdon for the defence of South Carolina, advanced towards the frontiers, and took a position at Winnsborough; General Leslie proceeding towards Camden. About the same time the American general, Greene, marched with the main body of his forces to the Cheraw-hills, on the Pedee, having detached General Morgan to act on the left of Lord Cornwallis. This movement alarmed the British commander from some of his posts, and he despatched Colonel Tarleton, with a force of about 1100 men, to counteract the designs of Morgan. This time Tarleton was unsuccessful. Meeting with the enemy at a place called the Cow-pens, although their force was greatly superior, he immediately engaged them, and was defeated with considerable less. Soon after this affair General Greene took the field in person, and Lord Cornwallis, being joined by General Leslie, resolved to cross the Catawba and give him battle. Cornwallis forced a passage over that river on the 1st of February, and his troops scattered the North Carolina militia that were stationed on the opposite bank to defend the ford, and killed many of them, with General Davidson, their commander. Greene retreated to the Yadkin, closely followed by Cornwallis, and both armies crossed that river. Cornwallis took up a position between Greene and the frontiers of Virginia, and a variety of manouvres and rapid marches ensued. In the end, however, Greene succeeded in placing the river Dan between him and the enemy, and getting on a line of march which would lead him into Virginia, without being compelled to risk a battle. Desisting from the pursuit, Cornwallis proceeded to Hillsborough, the capital of North Carolina, where he raised the royal standard, and issued proclamations to the people. All North Carolina appeared to be at his feet, for there was no army to resist him, and the royalists soon began to form themselves into independent companies, to serve with Tarleton's legion. Greene, however, who had been recruited on the Virginian frontier, soon returned, resolving to keep the field, though he wished to avoid a general engagement. Soon after his return he sent Lieutenant-colonel Lee, with a detachment, against a body of nearly three hundred loyalists, who had been collected by Colonel Pyle, and were marching to join the British army. These unfortunate men mistook Lee's troops for their British allies, and being suddenly surrounded by them, were butchered on the spot, in the act of imploring mercy. The disaster was rendered still more dreadful by a mistake made by Colonel Tarleton. Happening to be within a mile of this scene of slaughter, and hearing the alarm, he recrossed the Haw, and meeting in his retreat with another body of loyalists, he conceived that they were militiamen, and put them to the sword. All these circumstances combined wholly disconcerted the schemes of Lord Cornwallis in North Carolina, and he crossed the river Haw, and encamped on Allamance Creek, in order to afford protection to the great body of the royalists who resided between the Haw and the Deep Rivers. Greene now advanced a little, and having crossed the Haw near its source, took post between Troublesome Creek and Reedy Fork. Discovering this movement, Cornwallis carried his army across Allamance Creek and marched towards Reedy Fork, hoping to beat up the quarters of Greene's light troops, and to tempt Greene into a general engagement. Cornwallis attacked Reedy Fork, and some light troops made a slight stand upon the creek, but they were defeated with considerable slaughter; and then Cornwallis found that Greene was retreating as fast as he could across the Haw. Soon after, however, Greene received considerable reinforcements, and considering himself strong enough to face Cornwallis, he recrossed the Haw, and moved forward to Guildford Court-house. Cornwallis instantly prepared to meet him, and a battle was fought at that place on the 15th of March. The engagement, which was maintained with determined valour on both sides, terminated honourably to the British arms. Greene was compelled to retreat, and to leave the field of battle, with his artillery, consisting of four pieces, in the hands of Lord Cornwallis. The victory, however, was dearly purchased, as about one hundred were killed and above four hundred wounded, which amounted to nearly one-third of all the British troops engaged. The loss was rendered more severe on the following night, when many of the wounded expired from want of covering to shelter them from the rain, which poured down in torrents on the field of battle. On discovering the extent of his loss, Cornwallis felt that he was not in a condition to follow up his victory, and as he could obtain no provisions where he was, he was under the necessity of retreating. He left about seventy of his wounded, who could not be removed, under a flag of truce, at a Friends' meetinghouse, and on the third day after the battle, directed his march towards Wilmington, near the mouth of Cape Fear River, a post already occupied by the British troops, under the command of Major Craig, and where he arrived on the 7th of April. In the meantime General Greene, who had slowly moved in the rear of Cornwallis till he descended towards the sea-coast, carried the war into South Carolina. Aware of his movements, Cornwallis sent an express to Lord Rawdon, whom he had left in that state, warning him of his danger. Rawdon occupied cantonments, with the town of Camden for his centre, and against this position the efforts of Greene were directed. The American general reached Camden before the express, but Rawdon was apprised of his approach in sufficient time to call in all his detachments, and to prepare for the struggle. Rawdon had about 900 men under his command, and Greene about 1500 regular troops, and some corps of militia. Yet, although his force was greatly superior, the American general did not venture to storm or to invest Camden, but took up a position on Hobkirk's-hill, about two miles off, designing to remain there till he should be joined by Lee and the independent partisan, Marion, each with a considerable force. Lord Rawdon seems to have been aware of his expectations, and he resolved to attack him on Hobkirk's-hill before they could be realised. Rawdon was successful. He charged the enemy with such impetuosity that they were utterly routed, leaving behind them between two hundred to three hundred killed or wounded, and about one hundred prisoners. Greene retreated to a creek about twelve miles off, where he encamped to wait for reinforcements, to attend to his sick and wounded, and to levy supplies for his half-famished men. Lord Rawdou's loss amounted, in killed, wounded, and missing, to two hundred and fifty-eight, and as this number could be ill spared out of so weak, a force, and some reinforcements which he expected had not yet joined, he was obliged to retire from the scene of his victory, and to act on the defensive. A portion of the troops he expected arrived soon after at Charlestown, and Rawdon marched thither to effect a junction. In his absence, Greene captured Orangeburg, Fort Motte, Granby, and several other places, after which he invested the strong post of Ninety-six, which was considered as commanding the whole of the back country. Before this post could be reduced, however, Lord Rawdon was enabled to bring up his forces, and he retired into North Carolina, with his enemy in full pursuit. The British general soon perceived that it was in vain to pursue the American force, and he returned to Ninety-six, and from thence to Charlestown, taking with him all the loyalists in that district. Greene now returned to South Carolina, and being joined by detachments, under Lee, Sumpter, and Marion, he encamped on the hills of Santee. Lord Rawdon retired soon after to Orangeburg, from whence, on account of ill-health, he was compelled to return to England. His troops were left under the command of Colonel Stewart, who was attacked by the enemy at Eutaw Springs, having previously suffered a loss of above three hundred men, who were surprised in foraging. A desperate battle took place, during which the artillery on both sides was several times taken and retakers Vast numbers fell on both sides, and each claimed the victory; but it would appear that it rather belonged to the British; for Greene retreated, and they remained upon the ground the night after the action and all the following day without molestation. Notwithstanding the result was favourable to the Americans; for the British were compelled to retire, and thenceforward confined their operations to the vicinity of Charles-town. Hence it was that congress proclaimed the affair as a great and glorious victory; and they likewise passed a resolution, for presenting to Greene a golden medal and a British standard.

In the meantime Lord Cornwallis had been engaged in operations in the heart of Virginia. He advanced from Wilmington right through North Carolina, the whole of which he traversed without encountering opposition, and on the 20th of May he reached Petersburg, where the British forces were waiting for him. Before his arrival, General Phillips had died of sickness, so that the chief command of the troops had again devolved upon Arnold. Cornwallis found that Arnold had driven Jefferson and the assembly of Virginia from Richmond to the village of Charlottesville, and had compelled Lafayette to take up a post a few miles below Richmond. Allowing himself but three days' rest, Lord Cornwallis marched from Petersburg in search of Lafayette. He crossed James's River at Westover, about thirty miles below the enemy's encampment; but on his approach, Lafayette retired towards the back country, in order to effect a junction with eight hundred of the Pennsylvanian line, under General Wayne. No pursuit was attempted by Lord Cornwallis, who now directed his attention to various expeditions. As the Virginian planters possessed excellent horses, he was enabled, by seizures, not only to remount his cavalry in a superior manner, but also to have horses for mounting his infantry destined for rapid movements. With such a force Tarleton was detached to beat up Jefferson and the assembly at Charlottesville, where they were busy in voting taxes, making paper-money, draughting the militia, and recruiting for the Virginian line. Tarleton came upon the assembly so suddenly that seven members were taken prisoners, and he captured and destroyed large Quantities of military stores and tobacco. Jefferson and the rest of the assembly made their escape by getting upon fresher horses. Lieutenant Simcoe had been detached, with five hundred infantry, to destroy the military stores deposited at the Point of Fork, fifty miles below Richmond; and Tarleton now proceeded to join him in this enterprise. Simcoe found that these stores had been removed by Baron Steuben to the other side of the river Fluvanna, and that Steuben's whole force had followed in the same direction. Simcoe followed the baron, and by some ingenious stratagems, made him believe that the whole army of Lord Cornwallis was advancing against him. Acting upon this impression, Steuben fled in disorder, and abandoned his stores, which were destroyed by the British. Steuben joined Lafayette; and soon after, the Pennsylvanian line, under General Wayne, joined his forces likewise. At this time Lord Cornwallis was advancing with his main body upon Albemarle Old Court-house, where there was a great deposit of military stores. Lafayette resolved to protect these, and by a rapid movement he was enabled to take up a strong position in front, of Albemarle Old Court-house some hours before Cornwallis arrived. Cornwallis had just received orders from Sir Henry Clinton to send part of his troops back to New York, in order to defend that city from a contemplated attack by the joint forces of the French and Americans. Avoiding a battle, therefore, Cornwallis slowly retired to Richmond, followed in his rear by Lafayette, who had, however, no intention of risking an action. From Richmond, the British general proceeded to Williamsburg, which he captured without opposition. From Williamsburg, he marched to a ford across James's River, and sent part of his army, with his baggage and stores, to the opposite bank, in the direction of Portsmouth. Lafayette, who was still timidly following, conceived that nothing was left on his side of the river but the rear-guard of the British, and he then quickened his pace to strike a blow. A battle ensued, in which Lafayette was routed, and his cannon taken, while he lost about three hundred in killed and wounded. Lafayette retired up the river to repose his harassed forces, and Lord Cornwallis then crossed the river, and marched to Portsmouth. While here, he embarked the troops that were required at New York; but before they sailed, he received fresh orders from Clinton to retain them, as he had no longer any fear of Washington and Rochambeau. Under these circumstances, as Portsmouth was not proper for the reception and defence of ships of the line, and as it was not such a post as was desired by Sir Henry Clinton, he resolved to proceed to, and to fortify York Town, on York River. Part of his army was therefore sent up the Chesapeak to take possession of this town, and by the 22nd of August his whole force was concentrated there and at Gloucester Point.

{GEORGE III. 1781-1782}



SIEGE OF LORD CORNWALLIS IN YORK-TOWN.

By intercepted letters, written by Washington to congress, Sir Henry Clinton discovered that an attack on New York was intended as soon as Count de Grasse, the French admiral, should arrive with a new fleet. Discovering this, great preparations were made to sustain a siege, and it was when they were completed that Sir Henry Clinton countermanded the troops which he had ordered Cornwallis to send him. Cornwallis was in greater need of them than Sir Henry himself; for, although New York was still threatened, it was against him that Washington now resolved to direct his operations. Count de Grasse had avoided Admiral Rodney in his passage, and he arrived in the Chesapeak on the 30th of August, with a French fleet, consisting of twenty-eight sail of the line, and several frigates, and having on board with him 3200 land troops. De Grasse was here, also, joined by Count de Barras, with a French squadron, consisting of eight ships of the line, which had been stationed at Rhode Island. Having failed to intercept or to meet de Grasse in his passage to America, Admiral Rodney despatched Sir Samuel Hood to New York, with fourteen ships of the line, which, with the fleet at New York, it was conceived would be a match for the French fleet. Admiral Graves commanded the fleet at New York, but when Hood arrived he had only seven ships of the line, and five of these only were ready for sea. Nevertheless, as it was ascertained that de Grasse was either in the Chesapeak or making for it, Graves, taking the command as senior officer, on Hood's arrival set sail in hopes of first cutting off the French Rhode Island squadron, and then beating the larger fleet. Graves found de Grasse, who had landed his troops to join Lafayette, just within the Capes. The French admiral had not been yet joined by de Barras, and, as soon as he found that the ships advancing were British, he issued orders for them to put out to sea in line of battle, in order to protect the squadron which he expected from Rhode Island. Graves gave the signal for battle, and a warm engagement ensued, which was in favour of the British. At night-fall, however, the two fleets separated without any decisive issue on either side; and they remained within sight of each other five days without renewing the engagement. At the end of that period, on the 10th of September, de Grasse returned to his old anchorage within the Capes, where he now found the Rhode Island squadron. In the meantime Washington had put his forces in motion. Leaving General Heath to defend the Hudson, he led his army down the western side of that river, as though New York was still the point of attack. This was fully expected by Sir Henry Clinton, and it was not till Washington had passed the Delaware that his intention was suspected. When he became aware of his real intentions—when he saw that the efforts of the combined forces of the French and Americans were directed against Lord Cornwallis, at York Town, he sought to recall Washington to the north, by an expedition which he sent, under Arnold, into Connecticut. Arnold took and reduced New London to ashes; but Washington's attention was nevertheless not diverted by this terrible blow, from his main design. He proceeded southward to the Elk River, which falls into the Chesapeak, where transports from the French fleet were waiting to receive his forces; and, having seen them embarked, he and Rochambeau proceeded by land to join Lafayette at Williamsburg. A council of war was immediately held on board Count de Grasse's ship, wherein it was resolved that so soon as Washington's and Rochambeau's forces arrived, their united efforts should be directed against York Town. Lord Cornwallis, aware of his danger, as the hostile fleets and armies were gathering thick around him, fortified his positions as well as he could, hoping that he might be able to hold out till Sir Henry Clinton could send him assistance. His hopes were the more bright because the fleet at New York was about to be re-inforced by six ships of the line, under Admiral Digby. It was on the 28th of September that the combined army of French and Americans appeared in sight of York Town; and at the same time the French fleet advanced to the mouth of York River, so as to prevent Cornwallis from retreating or receiving succours by sea. On the same evening Lord Cornwallis received intelligence from New York, that Admiral Digby had arrived with three instead of six ships of the line, and that Sir Henry Clinton would embark on the 5th of October, with 5000 men for his relief. After receiving this intelligence, Cornwallis, under cover of the night, withdrew his army from the outer works which he had erected on the open grounds round about York Town, and concentrated them within the works close to it. Those which he abandoned were occupied by detachments from the combined army; and 2000 men took up a position in front of the British at Gloucester Point. A part of the latter were commanded by the Duke de Lauzun; against whom Colonel Dundas sallied out as he approached the lines, and killed a great number of his men. Dundas was reinforced by Colonel Tarleton and his legion, but the British then retired within the lines, and the French and Americans gave up all thought of assault and storm, and converted their operations into a blockade. The first parallel was begun within six hundred yards of the British lines, on the 6th of October, and by the 9th their well-garnished batteries were completed; and an incessant cannonade was commenced against the town, while showers of shells, thrown from many mortars, fell among the besieged. More batteries were opened on the following clay, and the shells and the red-hot balls set fire to a British ship of forty-four guns and three transports, which were all destroyed. On the night of the 11th, the combined army, which amounted to 14,000 men, commenced their second parallel within three hundred yards of the British lines. This occupied their attention three days, during which time they suffered severe loss from an incessant fire kept up upon them from York Town. They particularly suffered from two advanced redoubts; and it became necessary either to storm these or to abandon the approach. Accordingly a body of Americans were employed against one of these redoubts, under Lafayette, and a body of French against the other, under the Baron de Viominil. There were only forty-five men in the redoubt, against which Lafayette led his strong American column; yet before he could carry it, more than forty of the assailants were either killed or wounded. The other redoubt had more defenders, and caused greater mischief to the enemy; but it was carried, and then both of them were included in the second parallel of the besiegers, and the artillery that was taken in them was directed against the town. The situation of Lord Cornwallis was now becoming critical, for his works were sinking and crumbling, and nearly all his guns were silenced. To retard the completion of the second parallel, therefore, Cornwallis directed a sortie, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie, against two of the enemy's batteries that were guarded by veteran French troops. The assault was made on the 16th of October, and the French were driven from both batteries, with the loss of more than one hundred in killed and wounded; and having spiked the gnus, Abercrombie returned within the lines. The spiked cannons, however, were soon made again fit for use, and the batteries opened upon the town. Lord Cornwallis had reason to expect that before this time Sir Henry Clinton would have arrived with his promised relief. Still, though he was disappointed, he did not despair. He saw, indeed, that he could not defend the town, but he I still hoped to save at least a part of his army by a bold manouvre and a rapid movement. The French blockading force, on the Gloucester side, was now commanded by de Choisi; and Cornwallis conceived the idea of attacking them, by night, and after dispersing this force, to mount his infantry on the horses of the enemy's cavalry, and then, by a rapid march, to gain the fords of the great rivers, and force his way through Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Jersey to New York. To this end the greater part of the guards and part of the twenty-third regiment were embarked in boats, and transported to Gloucester-point without being discovered; but they were scarcely landed when a violent storm arose, which prevented the return of the boats, and the whole scheme was frustrated. The troops transported to Gloucester-point returned in the morning without great loss, although the passage of the river was now exposed to the fire of the enemy. All hope was now lost, for by this time the British works were so demolished by the incessant fire of the enemy, that not a gun could be fired from them; and when the bombs were counted, they were found not to exceed one hundred. Under these circumstances, Lord Cornwallis proposed a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, to settle terms for capitulation. Washington replied, that it was his wish to save the effusion of blood, and to accept such terms as were admissible; and a negociation commenced, which ended in a treaty, by which, on the 19th of October, York Town and Gloucester-point were given up; the troops and stores being surrendered to Washington, and the ships and seamen to Count de Grasse. As Lincoln had been refused the honour of marching out of Charlestown with flying colours, this honour was refused, by way of retaliation, to Lord Cornwallis; and Lincoln was also appointed to receive the submission of the royal army in the same manner as his own had been conducted. When the British surrendered, they amounted to 5950 men, but of these only 4017 were fit for duty. On the other hand, at the termination of the siege, the French and Americans, owing to the constant arrival of recruits, volunteers, and militiamen, had 18,000 men under arms. On both sides about five hundred were killed and wounded during the siege. During the negociations Lord Cornwallis endeavoured to obtain an indemnity for those of the inhabitants who had joined his ranks; but he was obliged to consent that they should be given up to the unconditional mercy of their countrymen: Washington affirming that the matter of their forgiveness or punishment belonged to the civil power. As, however, his lordship obtained permission for the Bonetta sloop of war to pass unexamined to New York, he embarked as many as he could on board that vessel, in order to screen them from the vengeance of their countrymen. On the whole the terms of capitulation were easier than might have been expected, considering what a scourge Lord Cornwallis had been to the Americans. The whole of the south had smarted from his operations, and it was calculated that in Virginia alone 30,000 slaves were taken from their masters; and property to the value of L3,000,000 sterling was destroyed during this summer. But Washington felt that there was no time for driving a hard bargain, for he expected that the British fleet and the land force from New York would arrive on the scene of action, and he could not tell how soon they might appear. Had Sir Henry Clinton sailed on the day he mentioned, indeed, Lord Cornwallis would have been spared the anguish of a surrender; but, unfortunately, he did not leave Sandy Hook till the very day when the terms were signed, and it was the 24th before he reached the Capes of Virginia. On arriving here, Clinton received some vague accounts of the sad truth, and Admiral Graves did not venture up the Chesapeak to attack the French fleet, but lay off' the mouth five days, and then he and Clinton agreed to return to New York. Such were the events of the war in America during this campaign. It commenced with bright hopes of success on the side of the British; it closed by those hopes being dashed to the ground. The fall of York Town was but a prelude to the emancipation of North America.



LOSS OF THE BRITISH DOMINION IN FLORIDA.

Further south the British dominion was already diminished. Early in this year Don Bernardo Galvez arrived in the Gulf of Mexico with a considerable squadron, and a land force of 8000 Spanish troops. Before he could reach Pensacola he was overtaken by a hurricane, in which four of his ships were lost, with 2000 men on board; and he was obliged to run back to the Havanna. Solano, the chief admiral, had previously arrived at the Havanna, and being supplied with more ships and troops Galvez again put to sea. This time he succeeded in his designs. Pensacola, the last of the British fortresses, was reduced by him, and its fall completed the conquest of all Florida. The fortress was defended by General Campbell, who had a motley group of negroes, red Indians, foreign adventurers, and a few British regulars under his command; but, on the 9th of May, after his principal powder-magazine had been blown up, Campbell found himself under the necessity of capitulating. He had gallantly defended the place for two months, although he had not more than nine hundred and fifty men under his command, and had to sustain the siege against a fleet of fifteen sail of the line, and a land force almost ten times the number of his own troops. Thus Florida, which was one of the principal acquisitions made by the British during the last war, remained to the Spaniards.



ATTACK ON MINORCA.

In Europe the Spaniards not only continued the siege of Gibraltar, but also undertook the reduction of Minorca. This island had recently been offered to the Empress of Russia, as a bait to secure her friendship to Great Britain, and to induce her to become mediatrix for a peace, on the basis of the last treaty of Fontainbleau. At first the lure seemed to be acceptable, and Potemkin, the minister of Catherine, was anxious to obtain the acquisition; but subsequently the empress seemed to think that the British empire must soon become dismembered, when probably she might obtain more; and she therefore declined accepting it under the conditions offered. This secret negociation became known to Florida Blanca, the Spanish minister, and it became a pressing motive for an attack on Minorca. Accordingly, having obtained the consent of the court of Versailles to co-operate, this became one of the principal objects of Spanish ambition. An expedition was fitted out with great skill and caution, and the Duke of Crillon was appointed to the command. The united fleets of France and Spain sailed out of Cadiz Bay on the 22nd of July, and while the mass of the force stretched out into the ocean as if with the intention of making a descent upon England, 8000 land troops were transported through the straits to Minorca. A landing was effected on the 19th of August, and General Murray, with his weak garrison of two British and Hanoverian regiments, retired into Fort St. Philip, the principal defence of the island. Crillon commenced operations by an act which would have made the blood of his brave ancestor boil within his veins: he offered General Murray a bribe of L100,000 sterling, and rank and employment in the French or Spanish service, if he would surrender and save him the trouble of a siege or blockade! This offer was indignantly refused, and Crillon then laid siege to Fort St. Philip. Yet, though he was reinforced in the course of the autumn by 4000 French troops, with good artillery and engineer officers, with more ordnance and other requisites for the siege, and though disease thinned the originally weak ranks of the besieged, at the close of the year the fort still remained in the hands of the British.



FRENCH AND SPANISH FLEETS IN THE ENGLISH CHANNEL.

In the meantime the French and Spanish fleets advanced towards the British coasts, and for some time rode triumphant in the Channel. At this time Admiral Darby had sailed from Spithead on a cruise to the Westward; but on the 26th of August he returned and got safely into Torbay. He had with him only twenty-three sail of the line, twelve frigates, and six fire-ships; while the united fleets amounted to seventy sail, the greater number of which were ships of the line. The French and Spanish commanders held a council of war, to consider whether they should attack Darby in the harbour; but fear prevented them; and after some unavailing attempts to intercept our homeward-bound traders, this mighty armament, by the wretched state of its ships and crews, caused by sickness and dissension, was compelled to return to port, in the month of September, without performing any deed worthy of notice. All that the French and Spanish admirals did was to pick up some English vessels, which were bringing home part of the money and property which the British had seized, as hereafter noticed, at St. Eustatius.



NAVAL ACTION WITH THE DUTCH.

While the French and Spanish fleets were menacing the English coasts, a dreadful sea-fight took place between the British and the Dutch. On returning from the Baltic with a convoy of merchant vessels, Rear Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, in the beginning of August, fell in with Admiral Zouttman, with a convoy of Dutch traders, off Dogger Bank. Parker's fleet consisted of six line-of-battle ships and several frigates; and Zouttman's, of ten ships of the line, eight large frigates, and five sloops. On discovering each other both commanders prepared for battle, and advanced in gloomy silence until the hostile fleets were within pistol-shot. Never, perhaps, was more determined valour exhibited than on this occasion. Ranged abreast of each other, the hostile squadrons fought without intermission for nearly four hours. The slaughter on each side was terrible: the English losing about five hundred, and the Dutch about 1200 in killed and wounded. The action did not cease till the fleets on both sides were disabled; and then they lay-to for some time repairing damages, and apparently with the intention of renewing the struggle. As soon as Zouttman's ships were made manageable, however, he wore round, and with all the sail he could carry, bore away for the Texel. Parker could not pursue him with any hope of overtaking him; but on the next day his frigates discovered the Hollandia, a sixty-eight gun-ship, which had been ruined in the battle, sunk in twenty-two fathoms of water; and it is said that most of the crew were in her when she went down. By this victory the voyage of the Dutch to the Baltic was abandoned; their means of procuring naval stores were cut off; and their valuable carrying-trade was, for this year at least, annihilated. On his arrival at the Nore, Parker was visited by the King and the Prince of Wales; and every captain that had been engaged in the action, and had escaped death, was presented to his majesty on board the Fortitude. Notwithstanding, Sir Hyde Parker was so indignant at the insufficiency of his fleet to effect any great enterprise, that he resigned; and his son, Sir Peter Parker, was appointed to the command of a squadron of frigates to block up the Dutch ports.



CAPTURE OF ST. EUSTATIUS.

The Dutch met with a severe punishment for their perfidious conduct at the hands of Admiral Rodney. Early intelligence of hostilities between the two countries had been communicated to Rodney; and in conjunction with General Vaughan he blockaded the island of St. Eustatius with his whole fleet. Eustatius was a free port, and general depot of West Indian and American produce, the property of nations both neutral and belligerent. It was, however, a Dutch island, and that was sufficient to warrant the seizure. And this was done without any difficulty. De Graaf, the governor, incapable of making any defence, surrendered at discretion; and merchandise of all descriptions, at the estimated value of more than L3,000,000 sterling, which was stored up in the island, fell into the hands of the British. About two hundred and fifty vessels also, with much valuable property on board, were captured in the port; and a fleet of thirty Dutch West Indiamen, that had just sailed for Europe, was pursued by two ships of the line and a frigate, and every vessel was taken. Moreover, as General Vaughan kept the Dutch colours flying at St. Eustatius, a considerable number of Dutch, French, and American vessels were subsequently decoyed into the harbour, where they fell into the hands of the conquerors. Finally, the neighbouring small islands of St. Martin and Saba, Dutch settlements, were reduced; and about the same time others of their settlements on the rivers of Demarara and Essequibo, in Guiana, after losing all their shipping and most of their property, submitted to the governor of Barbadpes. Among the sufferers by the capture of St. Eustatius were many British merchants, who, confiding in its neutrality, had there accumulated large quantities of West Indian produce and European goods. These merchants stated the hardship of their case to Rodney and Vaughan; but the reply given them was, that "the island of Eustatius was Dutch, everything in it was Dutch, everything was under the protection of the Dutch flag, and as Dutch it should be treated." But this was only the law of the sword. Suits at law ware subsequently instituted in the British courts, which decided otherwise; for large sums were recovered by the British merchants from the admiral. Notwithstanding, though Rodney erred against strict legal right, he had a powerful argument on his side—namely, that he considered himself justified in confiscating the property of British subjects, who, for their own private gain, had sacrificed the interests of their country. This argument was founded in strict truth. Eustatius had long been the chief magazine whence the Americans had procured supplies; and in that commerce British merchants, more selfish than patriotic, had anticipated. But the largest portion of the property seized belonged to the Dutch West India Company, the Amsterdam merchants, and Americans, and these had no courts to which they could appeal for its restoration. Notwithstanding, as before seen, England did not reap the full advantages of these seizures, as some of the ships in which the treasures were stored, were captured by the French and Spanish fleets in the English Channel. The island itself also was surrendered to the French, towards the end of the year, by Colonel Cockburn, in a manner that reflects no great honour on his valour.



COMMODORE JOHNSTONE ATTACKED BY DE SUFFREIN, ETC.

During this year the British Cabinet aimed at dispossessing the Dutch of the Cape of Good Hope. Commodore Johnstone was appointed to this enterprise; and he sailed with five ships of the line, some frigates, and smaller vessels, having on board three regiments, under the command of General Meadows. At the solicitation of their ally, the court of Versailles despatched a superior force, under M. de Suffrein, to counteract this design. De Suffrein found Johnstone in the neutral part of Praya, in the island of St. Jago, and proceeded to attack him. He advanced as to certain victory; but though the British force was at first thrown into some confusion, de Suffrein was in the end defeated. Failing in his attempt, the French admiral sailed to the Cape, which he succeeded in reaching before his enemy, and where he landed some troops for the defence of Cape Town. In following de Suffrein, the British commodore met with five Dutch East Indiamen, richly laden, and he succeeded in capturing four of them, and in burning the other. Perceiving, however, that he could not compass the original object of his expedition, he returned to England. When he first set sail, Johnson was accompanied by some outward-bound East Indiamen, which, on his return, he intrusted to Captain Christie, with whom he left a squadron for their defence. Christie captured a French frigate, and convoyed the East Indiamen safely to their place of destination. In the meantime de Suffrein sailed to Pondicherry; but he could not prevent the triumph of British arms on the coast of Coromandel and the island of Sumatra. During the autumn, Negapatnam, Pedang, and other places belonging to the French and Dutch, were captured.



FURTHER OPERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES.

It was while Admiral Rodney was employed at St. Eustatius, that de Grasse spread his sails for the Chesapeake. Rodney detached Hood and Drake, with seventeen sail of the line, to intercept his course off Fort Royal Bay, and a partial engagement took place, but de Grasse was nevertheless able to hold on his way.

While he proceeded onwards for America, the Marquis de Bouille suddenly appeared off the island of St. Lucie, and landed some troops; but he was foiled in his designs, and he then turned his attention to the reduction of Tobago. This island, though bravely and ably defended by Governor Ferguson, was captured; and this conquest terminated all naval operations for the year in the West Indies. Soon after, Rodney returned to England on account of his health, and Sir Samuel Hood was left in command of the fleet.



SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN POWERS TOWARD ENGLAND.

The British cabinet were everywhere frustrated in their endeavours to gain friends and allies. After the failure of their negociations with Spain, they sought to purchase the friendship of the emperor Joseph II., by offering to him the navigation of the Scheldt, and other advantages, both commercial and political. Joseph, however, still retained all his ancient resentment against George III. and his ministers, and their overtures were unheeded. The offers of the British cabinet, indeed, appear to have been construed by him into a confession of weakness; for he even ordered his subjects to withdraw their money from the English funds, under the plea that a national bankruptcy was inevitable. Probably, the long and loud cry of the opposition, concerning the weakness and poverty of England, had reached his ears, which may have led him into the belief that such a consummation was at hand. It would have been well for Joseph's honour had he stopped here. Although England was surrounded by enemies, and not a friend held forth a helping hand, he sought to arm the Empress of Russia against her; asserting, that as Great Britain had commenced hostilities against the Dutch, on account of the Armed Neutrality, she was called on to assist them by treaty. Joseph failed in his attempt to put the sword into the hands of the empress, but he diminished her attachment to the English, and increased her desire to extend that confederacy. As for Joseph himself, he now openly declared his accession to the Armed Neutrality, and thereby testified a desire for the triumph of the Americans, so that ministers plainly saw that they had nothing to hope from his mediation. This he continued to offer, while binding himself to the most active enemies of Great Britain; but "all was false and hollow."



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament reassembled on the 27th of November. Two days before this, intelligence had arrived of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis—intelligence which had caused great consternation in the British cabinet. His majesty, however, had heard the news with calmness, dignity, and self-command; and his speech from the throne was in the same determined language as at the close of the last session, when the prospects of the nation were radiant with hope. After expressing his concern at the sad reverse, he declared that he could not consent to sacrifice, either to his own desire of peace, or to the temporary ease and relief of his subjects, those essential rights and permanent interests on which the strength and security of this country must ever principally depend. He retained, he said, a firm confidence in the protection of Divine Providence, and a perfect conviction of the justice of his cause; and he called for the concurrence and support of parliament, together with a vigorous, animated, and united exertion of the faculties and resources of the people. In the course of his speech he remarked, that the favourable appearance of our affairs in the East Indies, and of the safe arrival of our numerous commercial fleets, were matters for congratulation: evidently designing these as a kind of set-off for our reverses in the West, and as encouragements to persevere in the struggle.

In the commons, an amendment to the address was moved by Mr. Fox, who declared, "that any one unacquainted with the British constitution, and not knowing that the speech was contrived by a cabinet-council, would pronounce it that of an arbitrary and unfeeling monarch, who, having involved the slaves, his subjects, in a ruinous and unnatural war, to glut his enmity or satiate his revenge, was determined to persevere, in spite of calamity or fate itself." In the burden of the speech, and the address, opposition had a fine theme for declamation. The mover of the address complained, in strong terms, that certain members were so lost to honour and duty, as to glory in the success of the enemy. Fox replied to this invective in the words which Lord Chatham had used at the commencement of the dispute: he "thanked God that America had resisted the claims of the mother country!" He then continued:—"All the calamities of the nation are ascribed to the wishes, the joy, and the speeches of the opposition. O, miserable and unfortunate ministers! Blind and incapable men!—whose measures are framed with so little foresight, and executed with so little firmness, that they crumble to pieces, and bring ruin on the country merely because a rash, weak, or wicked man in the house of commons makes a speech against them! Retrospective measures are deprecated; but ministers must bear to hear them from the representatives of an abused people. He even trusted that they would hear them at the tribunal of justice, and expiate them on the public scaffold! He would not say they were actually in the pay of France, for he could not prove the fact; but he would venture to say, that they had worked for the aggrandisement of the Grand Monarque more faithfully and successfully than any ministers of his own had ever done." Fox then reviewed the origin and conduct of the war, ascribing our loss to the undue influence of the crown, and connecting the calamities of the nation with the system of government, and to every one in power, and particularly to Lord Sandwich, as first lord of the admiralty He concluded by saying, that there was no hope of better things until the whole cabinet was changed; and by moving, as an amendment, a clause, binding the house to apply themselves with united hearts, to propose and adjust such counsels as might, in this crisis, excite the efforts, point the arms, and, by a total change of system, command the confidence of all his majesty's subjects. Mr. Thomas Pitt followed on the same side, reiterating the oft-repeated cry of secret influence, and expressing a hope that ministers would not be displaced till they had brought the nation to such a crisis as must draw down on their heads their just reward! Other members spoke in reproachful terms of the condition of the navy, and were answered by Lord Mulgrave, who proved that their accusations were unjust and unfounded. Lord North replied to Fox, and expressed great indignation at the insinuation, that ministers were in the pay of France. There was no man in the kingdom, he said, that would believe such a monstrous absurdity; and he vindicated their zeal in the service of their country, and ascribed any errors that had been committed to the head rather than to the heart. The American war, he continued, was prosecuted, not with the design of aggrandising the crown at the expense of the constitution, but of preserving, unbroken, that venerable fabric for which our forefathers had bled, and which all Europe envied. He then reminded the house, that the quarrel had been begun by parliament, and not by the king—not under the present ministry, but by that formed out of the ranks of the members of the existing opposition. A disaster had occurred in Virginia, but were we, he asked, on that account to lie down and die? For his own part, he thought, that it should rather animate us to increased exertions: by dejection and despair everything might be lost. As for himself, he declared, that he would not be deterred by menaces of impeachment from striving to preserve the rights and legislative authority of parliament. The war had been unfortunate, but not unjust: it was founded in right, and dictated by necessity. He had always thought so, he added, and if the share he had taken in it should bring him to the scaffold, his opinions would remain unaltered. Burke replied to the premier in a speech of great power. North's speech, he said, was not only imprudent but audacious. "The war," he "continued, was not unfortunate, but disgraceful; for the former epithet could only apply to occurrences in which fortune alone was concerned, whereas the present war exhibited neither plan nor foresight. Victory and defeat, in this case, were each equally calamitous, for each instigated us to go on; but the king's speech was the greatest of all calamities, for it showed the determination of ministers to consummate our ruin." Burke spoke largely on the "rights" for which it was said that the war was begun, and for which it was continued. He asked, whether we ought to risk everything, and think of no consequences for the sake of a right? Whether ministers did not know that right without might was of little worth? and whether a claim, without the power of enforcing it, was not nugatory in the copyhold of rival states? He compared the reasonings of ministers to a man, who, full of his prerogative of dominion over a few beasts of the field, should assert his right to shear a wolf, because it had wool upon its back, without considering whether he had the power of using the shears, or whether the animal would submit to the operation of shearing. He remarked:—"Are we yet to be told of the rights for which we went to war? Oh, excellent rights! Oh, valuable rights! Valuable you should be, for we have paid dear at parting with you. Oh, valuable rights! that have cost Britain thirteen provinces, four islands, 100,000 men, and more than L70,000,000 of money! Oh, wonderful rights! that have lost to Great Britain her empire on the ocean,—her boasted, grand, and substantial superiority,—which made the world bend before her! Oh, inestimable rights! that have taken from us our rank among nations—our importance abroad, and our happiness at home; that have taken from us our trade, our manufactures, and our commerce; that have reduced us from the most flourishing empire in the world, to be one of the most compact and unenviable powers on the globe! Oh, wonderful rights! that are likely to take from us all that yet remains!" This picture of the nation's misery, however, was greatly overwrought. England was not yet reduced to the abject state in which Burke would have had the house believe she was in. Her empire on the seas was not yet lost, nor was she shorn of her rank among the nations. Provinces, islands, men, money, and trade had been lost in the struggle, but she was still able to lift up her head among the nations of the earth. Opposition, in truth, in uttering this language, must have felt that it partook of the nature of Oriental hyperbole; and all men could see that it was adopted for party purposes. Fox's amendment was negatived by two hundred and eighteen against one hundred and twenty-nine.

A similar amendment to that of Fox was moved in the house of lords by the Earl of Shelburne, who decried the whole conduct of the war, imputing its disasters to a want of system, combination, and intelligence; expressed his fears that we might find another Chesapeak at Plymouth, or in the Thames; declaimed against the war with Holland, as a perfidious measure; and asserted, in the language of Chatham, that if the present system were pursued, "his majesty's crown would soon be not worth his wearing." The Duke of Richmond, the Marquess of Rockingham, and Lord Camden likewise censured the conduct of ministers: the former ascribing all the faults of government to an interior cabinet. In support of this, Richmond quoted Chatham's declaration, "that when he entered the king's closet, he found the ground rotten, and himself duped and deceived." The measures of government were defended by the lord-chancellor, Lord Stormont, and the Earl of Hillsborough, and the amendment was rejected by seventy-five against thirty-one.

On bringing up the report of the address, the debate was renewed, in the course of which William Pitt delivered a speech which was applauded by both sides of the house. In his speech Pitt protested against the house pledging itself by the address to continue the American war; asserted, that no two members on the treasury-bench agreed in sentiment, or were in heart sincere friends; denied that the war was either just or necessary; spoke with horror of the fate which awaited the American royalists by the capitulation of Lord Cornwallis; and expressed a hope, that if ministers persevered in their present course, they might meet with a fate equally severe. Burke also animadverted in glowing terms on the capitulation of Lord Cornwallis, and the omission of any article which would secure the American loyalists from the vengeance of their countrymen. He remarked:—"It is a horrid spectacle which must meet the eyes of a prince of the blood, (Prince William Duke of Clarence,) who cannot sail along the American coast without beholding the faithful adherents of his father hanging in quarters on every headland." This was literally true; but the fact is, the headlands of America had been decorated with gibbets from the very commencement of the war, and the surrender of Lord Cornwallis had nothing to do with the matter. As for the fall of Cornwallis, it was not an ignoble one; for his handfull of men could scarcely have been expected to hold out against the united arms of France and America. One member, Mr. Courtenay, in reply, justly observed that his chains were wreathed with laurels; that he was an ornament to his profession; and that he was entitled to the highest dignities that could be conferred upon him by his sovereign. The report was adopted by one hundred and thirty-one against fifty-four.

{GEORGE III. 1781-1782}



CENSURES ON RODNEY AND VAUGHAN.

On the 4th of December Burke moved for a committee of the whole house, "to inquire into the confiscation of the effects, wares, and merchandise belonging to his majesty's new subjects of St. Eustatius, and further to inquire into the sale and distribution of a great part of the said effects to the islands belonging to France, and to other parts of the dominions of his majesty's enemies." In making this motion, Burke represented the attack on Eustatius as wanton; maintained, that by means of the effects and stores which had been sold there, the enemy had been supplied with what they otherwise could not have obtained; and accused Rodney of promoting the success of the French by lingering at the island while their fleet was reinforced, so as to enable them to take Tobago. Rodney and Vaughan were both in the house, and the former replied to this attack. The residents, who called themselves Englishmen, he said, were chiefly Jews of the worst character, who had been in the habit of supplying the enemies of England with warlike stores, and therefore were unworthy of favour. As to the charge of neglect, he remarked, that he had taken every care to see the stores found at St. Eustatius safely conveyed to his majesty's store-houses at Antigua, and that he had, under every circumstance, made the best use of the inferior fleet at his disposal: this he proved by narrating how he was situated at the time. Vaughan, in his defence, declared that he had not been benefited to the amount of a single shilling by the capture of St. Eustatius; that he had treated the enemy with great lenity; and that he had acted to the best of his judgment for his country's welfare. The motion was negatived by one hundred and sixty-three again st eighty-nine.



DEBATE ON THE NAVY.

On the 5th of December Lord Lisburne moved, that

100,000 seamen should be granted for the ensuing year. Mr. Hussey, a member of opposition, moved an amendment, substituting 110,000, which brought on a stormy debate on the state of the navy, in the course of which ministers were taunted with delay and neglect in fitting out ships. It was asserted, that if ministers refused the additional supply offered, they must be suspected of some dark and sinister design; but they nevertheless did refuse the offer, and the amendment was rejected by one hundred and forty-three against seventy-seven.



MOTION OF SIR JAMES LOWTHER FOR PEACE, ETC.

Previous to the debate on the navy, when the army estimates were laid before the house, a motion was made, that no supplies should be granted until the ministers had given proof of repentance and amendment—in other words, that war with America should be discontinued. This was negatived by an overwhelming majority; but nothing daunted by this defeat, on the 12th of December Sir James Lowther moved these two resolutions:—"To declare that the war carried on in the colonies and plantations of North America had been ineffectual to the purposes for which it had been undertaken; and that it was also the opinion of the house, that all further attempts to reduce the Americans to obedience by force must be injurious to this country, by weakening her powers to resist her ancient and confederated enemies." The motion was seconded by Mr. Powys, in a long and able speech, in which he declared that, as no idea of revenue remained, and that as there was no idea of alleviating the burdens of Great Britain by carrying on the war, the country gentlemen, long deceived, could be deceived no longer. Some of the supporters of government seem either to have been convinced of their error, or to have perceived that a change was coming, for more than twenty spoke or voted in favour of the motion. It was, however, opposed by Lords North and Germaine, and, on a division, was negatived by two hundred and twenty to one hundred and seventy-nine. War, therefore, was to be continued. At the same time it was evident, from Lord North's speech, that the plan of operations would, in the next campaign, be materially altered. It would not, he said, be wise or right to prosecute the war in America on a continental plan; that is, by sending fresh armies through the colonies. North, however, argued that the posts held in America must be defended, and that the British trade must be protected against American privateers. The subject of war was renewed on the 14th, when Mr. Pitt reviewed the whole of the operations, and asserted, that the ministry were intent only upon one thing, and that was the destruction of the empire. He added:—"God grant that their punishment be not so long delayed as to involve a great and innocent family, who, though they share not the guilt, will most likely participate in the atonement." Sir George Saville followed, and in his speech likened the crown and parliament to dancers in a minuet, to a tune composed by the cabinet—the crown led off one way, the parliament to the opposite corner; and they then joined hands, when the dance ended as it began. He also compared ministers to the Spartan, (it was an Athenian,) who, in an engagement by sea, seized the stern with his right hand, which was instantly chopped off; and who then renewed the effort with his left, which shared the same fate, whereupon he seized the galley with his teeth. The ministry had lost two armies in attempts on America, yet they were determined to proceed; but he warned them, that when the Spartan seized the vessel with his teeth, he forfeited his head. This debate was intended to delay the supplies; but on a division, the majority was one hundred and sixty-six to eighty-four. Subsequently a debate occurred on the subject of the ex-president Lauren's imprisonment in the Tower, and Mr. Burke gave notice of a motion on his behalf; but this was rendered unnecessary, as Laurens was soon after discharged in exchange for General Burgoyne. In the upper house an attempt was made by the Marquess of Rockingham to prevent the third reading of the Malt and Land-tax Bills before the recess, but it was unavailing. Such were the proceedings of parliament before the adjournment.



CHAPTER XIII.

{GEORGE III. 1782-1784}

Recent events on the Theatre of War..... Fox's Motion for Inquiring into the Navy..... Motions of Inquiry in the House of Lords..... Debates on Lord George Germaine's Elevation to the Peerage..... Renewed Attacks on Lord Sandwich: Resignation of Lord North..... The New Ministry..... Affairs of Ireland..... Bill for excluding Contractors, &c...... Resolutions respecting Wilkes expunged from the Journals..... Disfranchisement of Cricklade, &c...... Debates on Parliamentary Reform..... East India Affairs..... Change in the Ministry..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Victory of Rodney..... Affairs of the War in America..... State of the War in the West Indies, &c...... Maritime Events..... Siege and Relief of Gibraltar..... Prospect of general Pacification..... Meeting of Parliament..... Preliminaries of Peace..... Re-assembling of Parliament..... The Coalition Ministry..... Re-establishment of Commercial Intercourse with America, &c...... Pitt's Plan for Reforming the Treasury, &c...... East India Affairs..... Petition of the Quakers against the Slave Trade..... Settlement on the Prince of Wales..... Parliament Prorogued..... Execution of Treaties, &c...... Meeting of Parliament..... Fox's India Bill..... Dissolution of the Coalition Ministry: Pitt made Prime Minister..... Efforts of the Opposition against the New Ministry.

{A.D. 1782}



RECENT EVENTS ON THE THEATRE OF WAR.

It having been ascertained that the French government had sent out a naval armament with large supplies for the East and West Indies, Admiral Kempenfelt was despatched for the purpose of intercepting them. The squadron with which Kempenfelt was intrusted was not sufficiently powerful for the object of his expedition; but having met the enemy's ships dispersed by a gale of wind off Ushant, he succeeded in capturing twenty transports laden with ordnance, stores, and troops, with which he returned to port. This success, however, was quickly followed by news of sad reverses, and increased dangers and difficulties. St. Eustatius was taken by the French; Gibraltar was hard pressed by the Spaniards; the British possessions in the West Indies were in imminent peril from the French arms; and finally Minorca was lost. This latter event took place on the 5th of February, when General Murray, from want of sufficient force to withstand the besiegers, and from the sickness which prevailed among the few troops he had under his command, was obliged to capitulate. His real position may be gathered from a letter which he wrote a few days after. "Perhaps," said he, "a more noble, or a more tragical scene was never exhibited, than that of the march of the garrison of St. Philip's through the Spanish and French armies. It consisted of no more than six hundred old decrepit soldiers, two hundred seamen, one hundred and twenty-five of the royal artillery, twenty Corsicans, and twenty-five Greeks, Turks, Moors, Jews, &c. The two armies were drawn up in two lines, the battalions fronting each other, forming a way for us to march through: they consisted of 14,000 men, and reached from the glacis to George Town, where our battalions laid down their arms, declaring they had surrendered them to God alone, having the consolation to know the victors could not plume themselves in taking an hospital. Such were the distressing features of our men, that many of the Spanish and French troops shed tears as they passed them." Crillon himself was touched with pity and admiration; and he atoned for his previous fault in endeavouring to bribe General Murray, by treating the vanquished with great humanity; causing them to be attended by his surgeons, and providing for their comfort. These reverses had a great effect upon the nation. Petitions were voted in the city of London, and in several counties, to his majesty, reprobating the whole conduct of the war, and praying the dismissal of all his advisers, both public and private. Still, though the warlike tone of the people was lowered, the principle of the war was not generally unpopular, nor the public indignation against our many enemies abated. It was the improbability of success alone that called forth the petitions.



FOX'S MOTIONS FOR INQUIRY INTO THE NAVY.

Encouraged by the recent reverses, during the recess the opponents of administration had been employed in forming and maturing a general plan of attack. The chief conduct of this was intrusted to Mr. Fox, who, on the re-assembling of parliament, moved for an inquiry into the causes of the constant ill-success of the naval forces, and more especially during the preceding year. This inquiry, it was stated, would resolve itself into two distinct parts: whether Lord Sandwich, the first lord of the admiralty, had the means of procuring a navy equal to the exigencies of the state; and whether he employed the force which he possessed with wisdom and ability? Lord Sandwich was defended by Captain Luttrel and Lord Mulgrave; but Lord North declared that both himself and the object of the attack were anxious that the subject should undergo a complete investigation; and the motion passed without a division. An animated debate took place respecting the papers to be produced; and finally a suggestion of Mr. Pitt was adopted: namely, that the substance of letters and documents relating to the subject, and not the letters and documents themselves, should be laid before the house. The debate was then postponed till the 7th of February, when, after the reading of the papers which ministers consented to produce, Fox brought forward several distinct charges against the board of admiralty. These were:—That de Grasse was suffered to depart for the West Indies without any effort to intercept his fleet; that the loss of the convoy sent home with the booty captured at St. Eustatius might have been prevented, had a squadron been sent out for its protection; that a letter sent by the admiralty to the merchants of Bristol, had misled them with reference to the presence of the French fleet in the Channel, whereby the trade of their port was endangered; and that the fleets sent out with Admiral Kempenfelt and against the Dutch, were insufficient for the object of their expedition. Fox concluded by moving, that there had been gross mismanagement of naval affairs during the year 1781. This motion was supported by Lord Howe and Mr. Pitt; but Lord Sandwich was again defended by Lord Mulgrave; and on a division, it was lost by a majority of twenty-two: a majority, however, which showed that there was a change of opinion in the house.



MOTIONS OF INQUIRY IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

In the house of Lords, after parliament had reassembled, the Duke of Richmond moved for an inquiry into the execution of Colonel Hayne, at Charlestown; but his grace was outvoted by seventy-three against twenty-five. Subsequently, the Duke of Chandos moved for an inquiry into the cause which led to the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, and also for all copies of the correspondence between ministers and Sir Henry Clinton, during the preceding year. These propositions were agreed to, but no results arose therefrom.