BILL FOR THE RELIEF OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS.

While the measures for benefiting the trade of Ireland were under discussion, Sir George Saville brought in a bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics, by repealing certain penalties and disabilities created by the 10th and 11th of William III., entitled an Act for preventing the Growth of Popery. The Roman Catholics had recently presented a very flattering address to his majesty, and the occurrences in America and the attempts made by the Americans to excite insurrection seem to have suggested to the minds of ministers the expediency of tranquillizing and securing the affections of the Irish people. This bill, therefore, was supported by ministers, and it was carried through the commons unanimously. The Bishop of Peterborough warmly opposed it in the house of lords, but the majority of the peers gave it their support, and the bill passed into a law. By it the subjects of Great Britain professing the Romish creed were permitted to perform their religious rites, and were rendered capable of inheriting or purchasing real estates, on subscribing an oath of allegiance to the king, and disclaiming the pope's authority over this realm, or his power of absolving its people from their obligations to the government as by law established. This dawn of religious freedom has been extolled as one of the greatest glories of the reign of George III.; but it must be recollected that this measure was one of expediency, which detracts materially from its glory.

{GEORGE III. 1778-1779}



MOTION OF CENSURE ON LORD GEORGE GERMAINE, ETC.

On the 19th of March, during the sitting of the committee of the whole house on the state of the nation, Mr. Fox moved a resolution of censure on Lord George Germaine, as the chief author of Burgoyne's disaster. This motion was rejected, and the solicitor-general then proposed that the house should exonerate the noble secretary from all blame. A vote to the effect that the failure of the expedition from Canada was not caused by any neglect of the secretary of state was carried, but the resolution was not reported. By this time Burgoyne, who was a member of parliament, and who had been permitted to return home upon parole, was in his place to speak for himself. He had an opportunity of explaining the whole matter on the 26th of May, when a motion was made for a select committee to consider the transactions of the northern army, the convention of Saratoga, and the means by which the general of that army had obtained his release. In supporting the motion, Burgoyne vindicated his conduct at great length, and complained bitterly of fabrications which injured his own honour and the honour of the army, as well as of his treatment in parliament during his absence, and his treatment generally since his return to England. He solicited a full inquiry, asserting that he put his fortune, his honour, and his head on the issue. The reply of Lord George Germaine was brief, and he concluded by saying that the house was not the proper tribunal to decide upon the campaign, and therefore he could not see the propriety of parliamentary interference. The motion was rejected.

In the course of the debate, Mr. Temple Luttrell adduced the story of the court-martial which had sat upon Lord George Germaine himself, after the battle of Minden, and made an insulting comparison between his conduct in that battle, and the conduct of the brave and enterprising Burgoyne. In a paroxysm of rage, Lord George asserted that he did not merit such an attack; that he would for once descend to a level with the wretched character and malice of his assailant; and that, old as he was, he would meet the fighting gentleman and be revenged. The house called to order, and the speaker reprimanded both members, and insisted that the affair should proceed no further. Lord George immediately apologized for his warmth, but Luttrel escaped out of the house, and would neither apologize nor give the required assurances till the sergeant-at-arms was called in. He then said that he meant his reflections as public matter, and that they were not to be referred to private abuse or enmity, and there the matter ended.



LORD CHATHAM'S LAST APPEARANCE IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

About this time, some of the leaders of the opposition became convinced that the only possibility of detaching America from France and avoiding both wars was by acknowledging the independence of the American colonies. These sentiments were communicated to Chatham, and he was solicited by those who entertained them to honour a motion about to be made by the Duke of Richmond on this subject with his support. In reply, Chatham confessed his concern that he was under so wide a difference with his noble friends respecting the sovereignty and allegiance of America; but notwithstanding his increased infirmities, he expressed his determination to be in the house on the 7th of April, which was the day mentioned as that on which the subject was to be brought forward. On that day Chatham appeared in the house for the last time. He came wrapped up in flannel, supported by two friends, and looking like a dying man; and as he entered, the peers rose up and continued standing while he passed to his seat. The Duke of Richmond made his motion, which was for an address to the king, beseeching him to acknowledge the independence of America, by withdrawing all his forces from that country; and to dismiss his ministers. Lord Weymouth, one of the secretaries of state, opposed the motion, and Chatham followed on the same side against his own party. He was supported by his crutches and his two friends, and when he had gained his feet, he took one of his crutches from under his arm, and raising it cast his eyes toward heaven, and said:—"I thank God that I have been enabled to come here this day, to perform my duty and to speak on a subject which has so deeply impressed my mind. I am old and infirm; I have one foot—more than one foot in the grave; I am risen from my bed to stand up in the cause of my country, perhaps never again to speak in this house." This was delivered in a feeble tone, but as he grew warm, his voice rose and became as harmonious as ever. In the course of his speech, he entered into a full detail of the American war, dilating on all the measures which he had opposed, and evils which he had predicted; adding, at the close of each review, "and so it proved." Chatham then spoke more particularly on the subject of the motion. He remarked: "My lords, I rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me; that I am still alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this ancient and most noble monarchy! Pressed down as I am by the hand of infirmity, I am little able to assist my country in this most perilous conjuncture; but, my lords, while I have sense and memory I will never consent to deprive the royal offspring of the House of Brunswick, the heirs of the Princess Sophia, of their fairest inheritance. Where is the man that will dare to advise such a measure? My lords, his majesty succeeded to an empire as great in extent as its reputation was unsullied. Shall we tarnish the lustre of this nation by an ignominious surrender of its rights and fairest possessions? Shall this great kingdom, that has survived whole and entire the Danish depredations, the Scottish inroads, and the Norman conquest—that has stood the threatened invasion of the Spanish armada,—now fall prostrate before the house of Bourbon? Surely, my lords, this nation is no longer what it was! Shall a people, that fifteen years ago were the terror of the world, now stoop so low as to tell their ancient, inveterate enemy, 'Take all we have, only give us peace?' It is impossible! I wage war with no man, or set of men. I wish for none of their employments; nor would I co-operate with men who still persist in unretracted error; who, instead of acting on a firm, decisive line of conduct, halt between two opinions where there is no middle path. In God's name, if it is absolutely necessary to declare either for peace or war; and the former cannot be preserved with honour, why is not the latter commenced without hesitation? I am not, I confess, well informed of the resources of this kingdom, but I trust it has still sufficient to maintain its just rights, though I know them not. But, my lords, any state is better than despair. Let us at least make one effort; and if we must fall, let us fall like men!" When Chatham sat down, the Duke of Richmond rose again, and after replying to the arguments of Lord Weymouth, he attempted to answer the great orator. Although evidently disconcerted and irritated at the course he had taken, the Duke professed the greatest veneration for Chatham's name and person, and the greatest gratitude for the services he had rendered the country. The name of Chatham, however, he said, could not perform impossibilities, or restore the country to the state it was in when directed by his counsels. Our finances were then, through the abilities of that able financier, Mr. Pelham, in a flourishing condition; our fleet was then in an admirable condition, under the direction and care of that able naval officer, Lord Anson; and the influence of the crown then had not reached its present and alarming height. During the greater part of the war, he continued, we had only France to contend with, and when Spain commenced hostilities, France was reduced to the lowest ebb, having already lost her navy and the best of her colonies. Then also America fought for us, but now she would be allied with France and Spain against us. He added, "If the noble earl had pointed out the means of supporting this unequal contest, I should readily acquiesce in his sentiments; but since he has not only omitted to point out the means, but acknowledged that he knows them not, he will excuse me if I adhere to my former opinion. No person is more anxious for the dependence of America; but being convinced of its total impracticability, I would retain the colonists as allies, and thus prevent them from throwing themselves into the arms of France. The noble earl, as a reason for war, has mentioned the inherent rights of the heir apparent. To recover these possessions by force is now impossible; but I will readily join in calling to a severe account those who have caused the loss of his inheritance." During this harangue, the Earl of Chatham had frequently denoted by the motion of his hand that he had remarked and would reply to some observations which he deemed offensive, and when the Duke of Richmond sat down, he attempted to rise for that purpose. But his work was done: his strength failed him, and he would have fallen to the floor but for the prompt assistance of some noble peers. He was carried into an adjoining chamber, and the whole house, agitated by the event, adjourned in silence.



DEATH OF LORD CHATHAM, AND POSTHUMOUS HONOURS TO HIS MEMORY.

Lord Chatham so far recovered as to be able to be carried down to his favourite villa of Hayes, in Kent. These appearances of recovery, however, were soon found to be delusive. He expired on the 11th of May, in the seventieth year of his age. His death was announced in the house of commons late in the evening of that day by his friend Colonel Barre, who moved for an address to the king that his remains should be interred at the public expense in Westminster Abbey. The motion was seconded by Mr. T. Townshend, and seemed to meet with general approbation; but Mr. Rigby, who apprehended that a public funeral would not be agreeable to his majesty, as Chatham had not recently been looked upon with much favour at court, suggested that a public monument to his memory would be a better testimony of the public admiration and gratitude. The result of this suggestion, however, was very different from that which Townshend intended. Mr. Dunning said it would be better to have both the public funeral and the monument, and he combined both in a resolution, which was carried without one dissentient voice; Lord North giving it his warmest support. A funeral and a monument were therefore secured to the great orator, and as, notwithstanding his places, pensions, and legacies left him, Chatham had died in debt, on the recommendation of Lord John Cavendish, L20,000 was voted for the payment of his debts, and L4000 a-year was settled upon-his heirs. No opposition was made to these grants in the commons; but a motion made by the Earl of Shelburne in the lords, that the peers should attend his funeral was lost by a majority of one vote. The annuity bill was also opposed in the lords; but it was carried by a majority of forty-two to eleven. In all these votes his majesty concurred, although during the noble earl's life he had opposed an application made to him to settle the pension he enjoyed in reversion to his second son, William Pitt, until, at least, decrepitude or death had put an end to him "as a trumpet of sedition." His majesty, however, could not carry his resentment beyond the grave, and perhaps pleased with the last noble sounds of his trumpet, he gave his warm assent to the honours and rewards which parliament had voted to the great orator and his heirs. And the posthumous honours paid to Chatham were not confined to the king and the parliament. The Common-council petitioned to have his remains interred in the noblest edifice of Great Britain, St. Paul's Cathedral, and when this was refused, they erected a monument in Guildhall to his memory. He was one of the greatest orators England ever produced; greater even than the garbled and defective reports of his speeches would denote him to have been. In his private life his character was both exemplary and amiable—his public character is defined in the preceding pages.



THE DUKE OF RICHMOND'S MOTION RESUMED.

The Duke of Richmond's motion was resumed on the day after it had been interrupted by Chatham's illness. The resumed debate, however, only served to place the difference of opinion which existed between the Rockingham and Chatham parties respecting America in a clearer light. The former contended for the independence of that country, without reserve or delay; while the latter as warmly contended that such a measure would prove one of the greatest political evils that could befall the nation. The Earl of Shelburne also maintained that the resources of Great Britain, if properly managed, were sufficient to cope with our triple foes—America, France, and Spain—and that our navy would not fail of supporting the glory they had gained in so many conflicts. The motion was negatived by a majority of fifty-five against thirty-three.



THE SESSION CLOSED.

Although the season was now far advanced, motions were made in both houses to put off the prorogation. These motions were, however lost, and on the 3rd of June, the king terminated the session. In his speech, his majesty thanked his faithful commons for their zeal and attention to the interests of their country, and the honourable support they had made for the royal family; several annuities having been granted to his numerous family. Alluding to the one great question, he said, that his desire was to preserve the tranquillity of Europe; that the faith of treaties and the law of nations had been respected by him, and that he had anxiously avoided giving offence to any foreign power. He added:—"Let that power by whom this tranquillity shall be broken, answer to their subjects and to the world for all the fatal consequences of war!"



PROCEEDINGS IN FRANCE.

Having entered into a treaty with America, in which treaty it was stipulated that the Americans should never return to their allegiance to the British crown, and having thereby hurled a bold defiance to the power of England, the French made preparations for war. At this time France was by no means in a flourishing condition, but by oppressing the poverty-stricken people with imposts, duties, and corvees, and by taking the bread from half-famished mouths, means were found to raise armies and equip fleets. The coasts of Normandy and Britainy swarmed with soldiers, who threatened to invade England; arms, money, and men were sent to America; and the navy of France set out to contend with the navy of Great Britain, for the mastery of the seas between the two countries. On the 18th of March, the French king issued an edict to seize all British ships in the ports of France, and shortly after our government laid an embargo on all French ships in British ports. This, with the mutual withdrawal of ambassadors, and the interruption of all diplomatic intercourse, left the two countries in a state of open hostility, although no heralds or manifestoes were employed on either side to make a formal declaration of war. On their part, the French had in reality no materials for manifestoes, whence their silence; while on our part, ministers were too much employed to think of such a ridiculous solemnity. It was, moreover, too well understood on both sides that the only arguments likely to avail must proceed from the mouth of the cannon.



NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE BRITISH CHANNEL.

The maritime defence of England was entrusted to Admiral Keppel, and he put to sea with twenty sail ot the line for that purpose. On the 17th of June, Keppel discovered two French frigates, the "La Licorne" and "La Belle Poule," reconnoitring his fleet. The con duct of France seemed to call for and to justify extreme measures, and Keppel's instructions being ample, he resolved to effect the capture of these two frigates. Accordingly they were chased, and the first, fired both with cannon and musketry, struck her colours and was captured; but the other having fiercely encountered and dismasted a pursuing vessel, escaped among the rocks on the French shore. Shortly after a French schooner and another frigate were captured, and from papers found in these several vessels Keppel discovered that the enemy had thirty-two sail of the line and twelve frigates ready for sea in Brest harbour. This determined him to return to Portsmouth for reinforcements. These reinforcements, however, were either not ready or were not there, and while he was waiting for them the Brest fleet had put out to sea under the command of the Count d'Orvilliers, and had captured a frigate which Keppel had left to watch the movements of the enemy. This was on the 9th of July, and on the very same day, Keppel, whose fleet had been augmented to thirty sail of the line, departed in quest of d'Orvilliers. He fell in with the French admiral on the 23rd, but as the French, who had the advantage of the wind, showed no inclination for battle, the English continued chasing and manoeuvring to windward for four days. On the 27th, however, a dark squall brought the two fleets close together off Ushant. The signal was instantly made to engage. The fleets were then sailing in different directions, and on contrary tacks, and a furious cannonade was maintained for nearly three hours, at the end of which time they had passed each other, and the firing ceased. The loss in killed and wounded was greatest on the side of the French, but some of the British ships under Sir Hugh Palliser were so crippled that when Keppel wore round to renew the engagement they could not obey the signal, and he formed his line of battle a-head. On their part the French formed their line to leeward of their antagonists, and Keppel expected that they would try their force "handsomely with him in the morning;" but in the course of the night d'Orvilliers edged away for Brest, and claimed the victory, because he had not been thoroughly beaten. Keppel returned to England to get new masts and rigging, and on the 18th of August, d'Orvilliers again set sail to cruise off Cape Finisterre. A few days after, Keppel also again put to sea, but he stretched further to the westward, to protect the merchant-ships returning from the two Indies, and to prevent any portion of the French fleet from reaching America. Every ship sailing from the Indies arrived safely in England, and our privateers and cruisers captured many French trading-vessels; but the two fleets did not again come into collision, and popular indignation, excited by disappointment, attributed the blame to Keppel and Sir Hugh Palliser, who served under him. The journals of the day teemed with invectives against them for not pursuing the French admiral after the battle off' Ushant; and the opinion was very general that they had not acted with the required decision when the fleet of the enemy was in their power. By the court and the admiralty, however, their conduct was viewed with approbation; and Keppel, at least, would not deign to answer his anonymous accusers. Sir Hugh Palliser replied to an attack made upon him in a morning paper, and because Keppel refused to authenticate his answer or to contradict statements made by an anonymous accuser, Palliser published his own case, in which he charged his superior officer with inconsistency, for having approved his conduct in a public despatch, and now refusing to vindicate his character. Keppel, however, acted the more nobly: anonymous accusations are beneath the notice of a high-minded and honourable man, and he who replies to such, dignifies a character which is little superior to a midnight assassin, and should be treated with mortifying contempt. That accuser who will not face the accused, places himself out of the pale of the laws and usages of society.



DISGRACEFUL INFRACTION OF THE CONVENTION OF SARATOGA.

Although the Americans had given Burgoyne leave to return home upon parole, yet, in bold defiance of the convention signed by Gates, they still kept his troops as prisoners of war. As there was a difficulty in reaching the port of Boston early in the winter, Burgoyne had applied to Washington to change the place of embarkation, and to substitute for it some place on the Sound. Washington referred the matter to congress, and he was directed to inform Burgoyne, that no proposition for indulgence or for altering the terms of the convention would be listened to, unless directed to their own body. The truth is, congress had scarcely ceased rejoicings for the success of Gates, when they determined to break the compact. Measuring the faith and honour of the English officers by their own, they pretended a concern that the army which had surrendered, instead of sailing for England, would join the forces of General Howe; or, that if they did not do this, and if they sailed for England, their arrival there would enable the government to send out an equal number of troops employed in the home service to take their places in America. Hence, they set their wits to work in order to delay the return of the troops to England. The first thing they did was to pass a resolution directing General Heath to transmit to the board of war, a descriptive list of every person comprehended in the convention. Burgoyne and his officers bitterly resented the insinuations of congress, and raised objections to such a humiliating measure; but his army was, nevertheless, described man by man, with all the minuteness of a French commissary of police. After this was done, a number of British transports came round to take Burgoyne and his troops on board, but congress now attempted to find several flaws in the clauses of the convention of Saratoga. They pretended that the ships were not sufficient, or sufficiently furnished with provisions for a voyage to Europe, and that, therefore, General Howe contemplated the shorter voyage to Sandy Hook or Delaware; and they further pretended that some of the British soldiers had secreted their cartouch-boxes, which were, they said, comprehended in the technical term "arms," and upon such futile and unfounded pretensions they gravely concluded that the convention was broken. The British officers denied these allegations, and the whole subject was referred to a committee of congress, who, in their report, substantiated them by fallacy, and thereupon it was resolved that "the embarkation of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne and the troops under his command, should be suspended until a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga should be properly notified by the court of Great Britain to congress." The men were then thrown into prison, and the British transports were ordered to quit the neighbourhood of Boston without delay. Burgoyne addressed a letter of remonstrance to congress, and insisted on the embarkation of his army as stipulated in the convention; but a committee to whom this letter was referred, reported that it contained no arguments sufficient to induce congress to alter their resolutions, and the men were still kept in prison. Burgoyne then demanded that he, at least, should be permitted to return to England upon his parole, which request was readily granted, and it was in this manner that he had been allowed to come home, leaving his army behind him. The whole affair reflects the greatest disgrace upon the members of congress, and Washington and Gates share in that disgrace; the former for having joined hand-in-hand with congress in the affair, and the latter for not preventing the act of perfidy, or throwing up his commission if he had not sufficient influence to prevent it. All the American leaders, however, seem to have parted company with faith and honour, and they rejoiced in the prospect of keeping Burgoyne's troops prisoners of war till the war should be ended, being well convinced that the court of Great Britain would not make the required notification.



LAFAYETTE'S EXPEDITION TO CANADA.

During the preceding year, while the treaty between France and America was pending, the Marquess de Lafayette, a warm-hearted and warm-headed young Frenchman, who had imbibed the political notions of the new school of philosophy, which had for some time been sowing the seeds of revolution in France, resolved to embark in the cause of America. Accordingly he set sail for that country, accompanied by Baron Kalb, and a few other adventurers, and when he arrived he was received with open arms by Washington and by congress. On the 31st of July, indeed, the members of congress expressed their sense of his accession to their cause in warm terms, and conferred on him the rank and commission of major-general. He fought in the battle of the Brandywine, where he was shot in the leg, and where he narrowly escaped being taken prisoner. Nothing more is heard of him till the depth of the winter, when Washington still lay hutted in Valley Forge, contending against the horrors of sickness and famine, as previously narrated. At this time congress, who were sitting in York Town, at the instigation of a board of war, composed of Gates, Starke, and others, all personal enemies of Washington, resolved to make another irruption into Canada, and that the command should be given to Lafayette. It was supposed that the young French nobleman would have great influence with the French descendants in Canada, which was the chief reason of his being raised to the command. The plan was completed without a word of intimation to Washington; and when it was fully resolved upon he received a letter from Gates, now his rival, enclosing another for the young marquess, requiring his immediate attendance on congress to receive his instructions. At the same time, Washington was directed to send one of his best regiments to join the Canadian expedition. Lafayette repaired to congress, and Washington put the required regiment in motion for Albany, on the Hudson, where the invading force was to be assembled. According to his own account, Lafayette made large demands on congress in order to ensure the success of his expedition, which demands were all complied with. He soon, however, found that the word of congress could not be depended upon. He was told that 2500 men would be assembled at Albany; that he would be joined by a great body of militia further up the Hudson; that he should have a certain sum of money in specie, and 2,000,000 dollars in paper-money; and that he must proceed from the head of the Hudson to Lake Cham-plain, cross that water on the ice, burn the English fleet at the Isle Aux Noix, and then, descending the Sorel and crossing the St. Lawrence, repair to Montreal, to act as circumstances should permit him. Lafayette set out full of ardour and hope, but he had scarcely left congress when it crossed their minds that the young Frenchman might, instead of inducing the Canadians to join the thirteen United States, induce them to renew their connexion with their mother country—France. These misgivings were natural, and the result was that congress resolved to neglect this long-cherished scheme of conquest. Accordingly, when Lafayette arrived at Albany, he did not find half of the promised regular troops, and as for the militia, it had either not received or attended to the summons. Even the troops he found there wanted clothing and provisions, and while he had little or no specie, the paper-dollars proved scarcely worth the carriage. Moreover, he had no sledges to carry his troops across the ice, and when the month of March arrived, the lakes began to thaw, and he received intelligence that the English were well prepared to receive him. Lafayette now gave up the enterprise, and after having made an attempt to engage some Mohawk Indians in the service of congress, in which he met with but little success, and having administered a new form of oath, devised by congress, to the population of Albany, he was permitted to return to the camp of Washington.



UNFORTUNATE ACTION UNDER LAFAYETTE.

During the winter and the commencement of the spring, while the great body of the British troops were quartered in Philadelphia, several excursions were made by detachments in different directions, chiefly for the purpose of obtaining provisions and clothing. These excursions were generally attended with success, and many American prisoners were brought into Philadelphia. Washington, however, was still permitted to rest securely in Valley Forge, where he omitted no opportunity of bettering the condition of his forces. His exertions were great, and he was now ably seconded by Baron Steuben, a Prussian officer, who had served for many years on the staff of Frederick the Great, and who, like Lafayette, had become an adventurer on this theatre of war. Steuben taught the raw troops of the republic the system of field-exercise which his Prussian majesty had introduced or improved; and when they next took the field, therefore, they presented a far more soldier-like appearance than they had presented in the previous campaigns. It was in the month of May that they again took the field. In that month the British had made an expedition by sea and land to destroy all the American shipping in the upper part of the Delaware between Philadelphia and Trenton. This may be considered the opening of the campaign, and the expedition was in a great measure successful.

More than forty American vessels were burnt; a considerable quantity of stores and provisions were destroyed; and some Americans were slain and wounded in the vain endeavour to defend them. Washington now began to act. On the 19th of May he detached Lafayette with nearly 3000 men to take post at Barren Hill, about seven miles in advance of Valley Forge, but on the opposite side of the Schuylkill. The object of this movement appears to have been the restraining of the British excursions, but the position was ill-chosen, as the communication between it and Valley Forge was difficult, and easy to be interrupted by an active enemy. Probably Washington calculated that General Howe would still continue his inactivity, and especially as it was now known that the British contemplated the abandonment of Philadelphia. But in this he was mistaken. On the night of the 20th, General Grant was detached with 5000 men to surprise Lafayette in this position, and he reached a point between his rear and Valley Forge without discovery. At the same time another detachment, under General Grey, marched along the western bank of the Schuylkill, and posted themselves at a ford about three miles in front of Lafayette's right flank, while the rest of the British army advanced to Chesnut-hill. His retreat was utterly cut off, except by the way of Matson's-ford. As soon as Lafayette became aware of his danger he saw this, and he instantly fled, pell-mell, with his detachment to this ford, leaving on his way six field-pieces. There was a race between him and Grey which should get first to Matson's Ford, but fear quickened his steps and those of his followers, and Grey's men being fatigued with their long night-march, the Frenchmen won the race, and the ford was passed before Grey could reach it. General Grant also was slow in his pursuit from behind, and Lafayette was even allowed time to send back some of his men across the water to recover the artillery he had abandoned. He escaped with the loss of about fifty men killed and wounded, and a few more taken prisoners; but had this expedition, which had been well conceived, been executed with greater rapidity, the career of Lafayette would have terminated, and his followers must either have been captured or slain. Washington himself seems to have considered that his case was hopeless. By means of glasses he had discovered Lafayette's peril, and he caused his bridge across the Schuylkill to be broken down, lest the British, after annihilating this detachment, should fall upon himself at Valley Forge.

{GEORGE III. 1778-1779}



SIR HENRY CLINTON TAKES THE COMMAND OF THE BRITISH TROOPS.

The above wore the last military operations in America over which Sir William Howe presided. He had been for some time soliciting his recall, through feelings of resentment for want of confidence reposed in him, and inattention to his recommendations; and on the 24th of May, Sir Henry Clinton arrived at Philadelphia to supersede him in the command. How General Howe could imagine that any recommendations which he could make would be attended to, is matter of surprise, when his inglorious campaigns are considered. He had done nothing of consequence during the long time he had been in America, and at the very time he was superseded in the command, he was conscious that the army must soon evacuate Philadelphia. For the last seven months he had, indeed, been living a life of pleasure, which wholly unfitted both him and his army for active service. Hence, it is no wonder that before his departure both officers and men, expressed their warmest affection for him. On the 18th of May a grand fete was given to him as a proper leave-taking, which was celebrated in such bad taste that it reflected disgrace on those who got it up, and those who consented to be honoured by it. Even if the Howes had been uniformly victorious and had finished the war by brilliant exploits, the pageantry was of such a nature as would have been better fitted for some inglorious Eastern despot; how much more then was it misplaced when all the work they had been commissioned to execute was left undone. The enemy had still the sword in their hands, and were daily increasing in courage, in skill, in strength, and in numbers. Such was the state of America when Sir William Howe returned to England. His brother, Admiral Lord Howe, who was a man of ability, still retained the command of the fleet, although he also wished to return home, and to take no further part in the contest. The rumours of the French war first, and then the arrival of the French fleet on the coast of America, alone induced him to retain his command.



ARRIVAL OF THE COMMISSIONERS IN AMERICA WITH THE CONCILIATORY BILLS.

Commissioners appointed under Lord North's conciliatory bills, arrived in the Delaware on the 6th of June. These commissioners were Lord Carlisle, Governor Johnstone, and Mr. Eden, who lost no time in making known their commission. They applied to Washington for a passport for their secretary, Dr. Adam Ferguson, to enable him to lay some overtures of the commission before congress. Washington, however, refused to grant this passport, and he forwarded the letter of the commissioners to congress by the common military post. After deliberating on the communications for some days, congress replied to the king's commissioners through their president, that the act of parliament, the commission, and the commissioners' letter all supposed the people of the American states to be still subjects of the King of Great Britain, and were all founded upon an idea of dependence. This was represented as a mistake. The Americans, they said, were a free people, and congress were ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties they had previously contracted, whenever the King of Great Britain should show a sincere disposition for that purpose; the only proof of which would be an explicit acknowledgment of their independence, and the withdrawal of all the troops and the fleets from the United States. The truth is, the commissioners arrived too late to effect any conciliation. Silas Deane had previously arrived from Paris with the French treaties ratified, and with abundant assurances of assistance and co-operation, and the Americans were thereby confirmed in their resolution to obtain their absolute independence. In addition to his public exertions as a commissioner, Governor Johnstone endeavoured to gain over some of the members of congress and other persons of influence, by opening a private correspondence with them. But this was discovered, and the result was, that his letters were laid before congress, and a resolution was passed to the effect that it was incompatible with the honour of congress to hold any further communication with that commissioner. The commissioners next attempted to separate the people from their leaders by a manifesto declaring pardons to all who should within forty days withdraw from the service of congress, and proffering peace with peculiar privileges to the colonies collectively or separately, which should return to their allegiance to the British monarch. But this was answered by counter manifestoes from congress, and the efforts of the commissioners were rendered signally abortive; and they were compelled to return home as they went. The whole body of colonists were resolute in their desire and purpose of obtaining their independence.



EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA BY THE BRITISH, ETC.

At this time it was known that Count d'Estaing was at sea with a considerable land force on board, to aid the Americans. This had doubtless the effect of making congress and the colonists more determined in their opposition to the British government. On the other hand, it had the effect of rendering the British general more cautious. As soon as the prospect of a French war opened on the British cabinet, as a more central situation was desirable for the army, the evacuation of Philadelphia was contemplated, and as the French troops might arrive soon to the aid of Washington, Sir Henry Clinton, contrary to the wishes of the British officers, who burned with impatience to be led on to the Valley Forge, resolved to withdraw his troops from the capital of Pennsylvania. This was executed about the middle of June, and they were transported across the Delaware without molestation. The march, however, of the troops was encumbered by a long train of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, all royalists, who feared the vengeance cf congress, and their progress was consequently slow. Moreover, the country abounded with rough roads and difficult passes, while the British troops had to mend the bridges in their route which Washington had caused to be broken down. The passes were all occupied by the militia, but these were everywhere driven from their posts without difficulty. These measures were preliminary to a step which Washington contemplated, of crossing the Delaware and falling upon the rear of the retreating enemy. He crossed that river with this intent; but though he hung upon Clinton's flank and rear, he did not venture to attack him, and carefully selected for himself such ground and such a line of march as prevented his being attacked by the British. Several days passed in this manner, councils of war being in the meantime held to deliberate upon the expediency of bringing on a general engagement. Washington himself was anxious to hazard an action, but of seventeen generals only two besides himself were in favour of hazarding either a general or partial engagement. In a council held on the 24th of June, however, a proposal was carried to strengthen the detachment which had got on the left flank of the British, and 1500 picked men were thrown in the direction specified. At the same time, Washington secretly determined to bring on a more general engagement, in spite of the majority of the council-of-war, if possible. He did this to his own cost on the 28th of June. On that day the British having arrived at a place called Freehold Court-house, near Monmouth, a vigorous attack was made on their baggage by a detachment under General Lee, the deserter, who had been previously exchanged, and was again actively employed in the American service. This attack, however, was expected, and the detachment was bravely repulsed. The British light troops impetuously pursued the fugitives, until they were met and rallied by Washington himself. The pursuers were now in danger, and to prevent their being cut off, Sir Henry Clinton was compelled to maintain his position under a severe cross-fire, after which he withdrew to his former position. His loss in killed and wounded was about three hundred and sixty men, many of whom had expired through excessive heat and fatigue without receiving a wound. The enemy's loss was still greater, and as little more than half of Clinton's army was with him, it seems to have convinced Washington that it would be folly to attack the British forces in a general engagement. It is said, indeed, that he lay that night in the midst of his soldiers, ready to renew the contest next morning, had not his opponents thought proper to retire. But it is evident that Washington was aware of the continued retreat of the British, and yet he did not venture to follow a step further. He had expected a triumph and had met with a check, and though he boasted to congress that he would have followed if Clinton had not moved off in silence and secresy, and before he had any idea of his departure, yet he had already determined to hasten to the Hudson by another route, in order to join an army collected by General Gates, and to give up the pursuit! Congress also acted as inconsistently as Washington. They celebrated the affair of Freehold Court-house as a great and glorious victory, although it must have appeared clear to them that Washington had been checked, if not actually defeated. Clinton reached New York in safety on the 5th of July, where he found Lord Howe with his fleet. Washington took up his position on the borders of the Hudson, where he remained till late in the autumn.



DISGRACE OF GENERAL LEE.

When Washington met General Lee in full retreat, he assailed him with some bitter and reproachful words for his conduct. Suspicions were afterwards thrown out that Lee intended to cause the defeat of the army, for the purpose of disgracing the commander-in-chief. The whole conduct of Lee proves that these suspicions were groundless, and he wrote several letters to Washington in vindication of his character. These letters, however, contained language which placed him at the mercy of Washington, and being found guilty by a court-martial, he was sentenced to suspension from his rank for one year. Although a man of great abilities, and although he had rendered the American cause good service, both in the councils-of-war and in the field, he never, indeed, after this disgrace, attracted honourable notice. Yet he appears rather to have fallen from the effects of envy than from his misconduct, for it is a well-established fact, that Washington himself looked upon his abilities with a jealous eye. It was, in truth, the conduct of Washington towards him in the late affair which had betrayed him into the error which laid him beneath his rival's feet. Gratitude should have taught Washington to have behaved more generously, for more than once Lee had corrected his rashness, and saved him from ruin. Yet before his failure in his attack on the British troops, Washington had attempted to place the raw and inexperienced Lafayette over his head, and he might have been warned by this, that no opportunity would be lost in securing his downfall.



UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK BY THE AMERICANS AND FRENCH ON RHODE ISLAND.

Six days after General Clinton arrived at New York, the French fleet, under Count d'Estaign, who had lost many days by putting into the Delaware, appeared before that city. His force consisted of twelve sail of the line, and three or four heavy frigates. He had, indeed, collectively, eight hundred and fifty-four guns to oppose to Howe's 614, and the weight of his metal and the size of his ships were still greater in proportion even than the number of his guns. It was expected that the count would immediately attack Lord Howe's squadron, but he lay inactive outside the Hook for eleven days. All this time, the British admiral was preparing for a contest, and the sailors universally burned with impatience to engage the enemy. As a defeat would have been fatal to the troops on shore, Howe wisely forbore to respond to their wishes of attacking the enemy, and at length, on the 22nd of July d'Estaign weighed anchor, and instead of entering Sandy Hook, stood out to sea, and then shaped his course northward to attempt the reduction of Rhode Island. In his passage to America, the French admiral had been pursued by Vice-Admiral Byron whose fleet unfortunately had been dispersed and shattered by storms. The wreck of two or three of these ships joined Lord Howe a few days after d'Estaing had left his anchorage, and when these had been put in sailing and fighting trim, Lord Howe sailed in quest of the French admiral. General Sullivan had been ordered to pass over from the continent with 10,000 men to attack the British lines at Newport, in which 6000 troops were intrenched, while d'Estaing with the French fleet assailed them on the other side. When near the coast, also, the French admiral was joined by Lafayette with 2000 American troops, and he entered the Sound and prepared to land near Newport. Four English frigates were lying at anchor there, and as the defence of these frigates was impracticable, the crews set fire to them and joined the troops on the island. The French admiral was on the point of landing when Howe hove in sight, he having been hitherto deterged from so doing by a quarrel with General Sullivan as to which of them should hold the supreme command. The appearance of Howe altered the operations of d'Estaing. Being superior in force he resolved to sail out of the harbour and meet the English. Both commanders prepared for battle; but while they were each exerting all their skill to gain the advantages of a position a furious storm arose, which dispersed the hostile fleets over the face of the ocean. Both fleets were greatly damaged, but Howe's fleet suffered least. Subsequently one of his ships fell in with the Languedoc, d'Estaign's flag-ship, and another with the Tonnant, both of superior size, and would have captured them had they not been rescued by other portions of the scattered fleet, Another isolated battle afterwards occurred between two ships, in which the French lost seventy killed and wounded, while the English lost only one man killed and had fifteen wounded. No captures, however, were made on either side, and while Howe returned to New York for the purpose of refitting his ships, d'Estaing came to anchor near Rhode Island. By this time, Sullivan, contrary to the wishes of Lafayette, had landed on the island with his 10,000 men, and had commenced the siege of Newport. He also had suffered by the storm, for it had blown down all his tents, damaged his ammunition, and caused the death of several of his soldiers. When it abated, Sullivan renewed the siege; but though the garrison of Newport amounted only to about 1200 men, he only ventured to proceed by regular approaches. Sullivan was not much encouraged by the re-appearance of the French Admiral, and when d'Estaing announced his intention of retiring to Boston to refit, the besiegers lost all hope, and numbers of them deserted and crossed over to Connecticut. It was in vain that Sullivan remonstrated with the French admiral: he had received orders from his government to be very careful of his fleet, and having reasons to believe that Howe had received reinforcements, he adhered to his resolution of getting to a place of safety. Sullivan then implored him to leave the French forces he had on board, and the bearer of his letter was also charged with a protest, written in angry terms, and complaining of the desertion of the French. This protest was signed by all the general officers in Rhode Island, except Lafayette; but the French admiral considered it as insulting, and sailed away for Boston in an angry mood. Sullivan then abandoned the siege of Newport, and retired to the north of the island. He was pursued by Sir Robert Pigott, commander of the garrison of Newport, who brought him to battle on the 29th of August. The loss was about equal, but Sullivan found himself compelled to evacuate the island in haste. He retired just in time, for on the following day a reinforcement, commanded by Sir Henry Clinton, arrived at Rhode Island. The attempt on the island, therefore, signally failed, and Sullivan laid the blame of the failure on the French admiral. He even published some letters reflecting very severely on the conduct of d'Estaing, and asserted that the Americans had been basely abandoned by their new allies. The public feeling was so strong against him, that when he arrived at Boston he met with a rude reception. The French were everywhere hooted by the Bostonians, and in a scuffle between them a French officer was killed. The French were also denounced by some of the hottest members in congress, and even the alliance with the French court was reprobated and reviled in bitter terms. About the same time, also, riots happened at Charlestown, in South Carolina, between American and French seamen, in which several lives were lost on both sides. But, at the same time that the Americans exhibited this feeling toward the French, they could not deny that the French alliance was still useful to them; and hence they had no thought of coming to an open rupture with their government.



OPERATIONS OF THE BRITISH ARMY.

After relieving Rhode Island, General Clinton returned to New York. On his voyage thither he detached Major-General Grey to Buzzard Bay, in Massachusets, a famous rendezvous of American privateers; and that officer destroyed seventy sail of ships there, with many storehouses and wharfs, and a fort mounting eleven pieces of heavy cannon. Grey then proceeded to an island called Martha's Vineyard, where he took or destroyed several more vessels, destroyed a salt-work, and obliged the inhabitants to deliver up their arms, and furnish him with 10,000 sheep and 3000 oxen. With these supplies he returned to New York, and shortly after he made an incursion into New Jersey, where he surrounded an American detachment in the dead of the night, killed most of them, and took the rest, with Colonel Bajdor, their commander, prisoners. About the same time a small squadron, under the direction, of Captain Collins, with some troops, under the command of Captain Ferguson, destroyed a nest of privateers at Egg Harbour, and cut to pieces a part of the legion of the Polish Count Pulawski. On the return of this squadron to New York, the British army was placed in winter-quarters, and Washington moved his troops to Middlebrook, in New Jersey, where they hutted, as in Valley Forge.



ATTACK OF THE SAVAGES ON THE SETTLEMENT OF WYOMING, ETC.

The beautiful district of Wyoming was at this time dotted with eight new townships, each containing a territory of about five miles on both sides of the river Susquehanna. Poets and travellers have fondly fancied that it was inhabited by a peaceful population, in unison with the lovely scenery of the district. Such conceptions, however, are the very reverse of the fact. Greece was as the garden of Eden, and yet fierce warriors inhabited its soil. And so it was with Wyoming. By its geographical position the district seemed properly to belong to Pennsylvania, but the colony of Connecticut claimed it in virtue of an old grant; and it was first settled by the population of that colony. The Pennsylvanians, however, set up a counter claim, and, after many long and angry debates the two colonies went to war about the disputed district. These hostilities lasted till after the breaking out of the war with England; but a near approach of danger caused the belligerents to forego their quarrel. Several Pennsylvanian families by this time had obtained a settlement in Wyoming, and these were all royalists. So also were some of the Connecticut settlers, but there, as elsewhere, the revolutionary party gained the ascendency. They used their power tyrannically, and faction and feuds raged through all the townships. "Fair Wyoming," by the bad passions of its inhabitants, was converted into a very hell. In every house there was division of sentiment, and the sources of domestic happiness were all poisoned by the bitter waters of strife. At length the revolutionary party completely got the upper hand. Oppressed and persecuted indeed, the royalists for the most part left their homes and became fugitives in the back-settlements. After this the revolutionists sent a large reinforcement to serve in the army of congress. By so doing, however, they laid themselves open to attack from the savages and their fugitive brethren. Warnings of their danger were repeatedly given them; but although they built some little forts in order to protect the district, they had but indifferent garrisons to put into them, and it was easy to foresee that sooner or later they would reap the fruit of their conduct towards their brethren. They appear to have conceived that they were in no danger, and especially as some Indian tribes had promised them protection; but their dream of security was suddenly disturbed by the appearance of eight hundred men on the bank of the Susquehanna. These were in part savages and in part Anglo-Americans, disguised as Indian warriors. Some of them were in fact the outcasts of Wyoming, who burned to revenge their wrongs. They were led by Colonel Butler, the same who had offered General Carleton the service of the Indians in Canada four years before, On the appearance of this force there were only sixty American regulars in the district, and these were commanded by Colonel Zebulon Butler, said to be of the same family as the officer that was leading on the savages and exiles. There were, however, about three hundred militiamen under Colonel Dennison, and these with the regulars prepared to oppose the invaders. The Indians and their allies entered the valley near its northern boundary; and they quickly took one of the forts called Wintermoots, which they burned. The militiamen and regulars assembled at Forty-fort, a stronger place on the west side of the Susquehanna, and four miles below the camp of the invaders. Had Colonel Zebulon Butler remained in this fort he might have stemmed the onward progress of the invaders till assistance could have been obtained from Washington. Zebulon Butler, however, resolved to leave the fort and encounter the enemy. He found them posted in a plain, partially covered with pine trees, dwarf oaks, and underwood. He moved towards them in single column, but as he was passing along he was saluted by the fire of Indians, who lay concealed behind bushes and trees. Notwithstanding, Zebulon Butler formed into line and prepared for battle. His left flank, which was composed of militiamen, was quickly turned by a body of Indians, who poured a destructive fire on his rear, and he was compelled to command a retreat. All fled precipitately, but the enemy was in their front, while on one side was a marsh and a mountain, and the other a deep river. A dreadful scene ensued. Throwing away their rifles and muskets, the Indians and their enraged allies fell upon the fugitives with their tomahawks, and heeded not the loud cry which was raised for quarter and mercy. About sixty men, with Colonels Zebulon Butler and Dennison, escaped by swimming across the river, hiding in the marsh, or climbing the mountain; but the rest, amounting to nearly four hundred men, were butchered on the spot. Zebulon Butler fled from Wyoming with his few surviving men, and Dennison proposed terms of capitulation, which the enemy granted to the inhabitants. These unfortunate people, however, dreading the vengeance of their white brethren, generally, abandoned their homes, and in their turn became outcasts and wanderers. The invaders then collected all the property of the district worth carriage; burned all the houses and levelled the forts; and then returned to the wilderness from whence they came. The troops of congress shortly after made some retaliation. Washington was at the very time of the invasion sending some troops to the defence of Wyoming, and these being reinforced by a great many riflemen of Morgan's corps, they rushed upon the Indian settlements, burned their villages, exterminated all they could discover, and compelled the rest to retire further from the frontiers of the colonies. Those who escaped, however, awaited another opportunity for revenge.



ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH ENVOY AT PHILADELPHIA.

After Sir Henry Clinton had evacuated Philadelphia, congress returned to that city. In the course of the autumn M. Gerard arrived there as envoy to the United States from the court of France. About the same time instructions were prepared and sent to Dr. Franklin, as minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles. The French minister and suite received very flattering attention from the majority of the members of congress, but beyond this they had reason for complaint. By the people they were looked upon with suspicion, and some considered them in the light of enemies. There was, indeed, a significant distinction drawn at this time between parties in America, which exists to this day: the moderates were called the English party, and the ultra-revolutionists, the French party. But it was soon found that even the French party could not always agree in the plans and schemes of the French ambassador and his government, and that, therefore, the alliance, though solemnly ratified by treaty, was not cemented by reciprocal affection.



MOVEMENTS OF THE BRITISH AND FRENCH FLEETS.

After refitting his ships Lord Howe went to Boston, with design to attack the French admiral in that water. He found the anchorage, however, so effectually protected by batteries, that he was compelled to forego this design, and return to New York. Soon after he received leave of absence, and he resigned the command of his squadron to Rear-admiral Gambier. Howe then proceeded to Rhode Island, where he met with Vice-admiral Byron, to whom he gave up the command of the American station as commander-in-chief, and then set sail for England. After his departure, Byron, with a part of his force, went back to Boston to look after the French; but his ships were driven off the coast by a violent hurricane, and he was obliged to seek a port in order to refit. While thus situated the French admiral put out to sea, in order to undertake operations for conquests in the West India Islands. On the same day, however, that he stole out of the harbour of Boston, Commodore Hotham sailed from Sandy Hook to escort Major-general Grant, with 5000 men, to protect these islands, and he joined Admiral Barrington at Barbadoes, on the 10th of December.



CAPTURE OF DOMINICA BY THE FRENCH.

It was not solely with a view of supporting the Americans, and vindicating the wrongs of humanity, that the French entered upon the arena of strife. On the contrary, the principal aim of the French cabinet was aggrandisement. A scheme had been devised for seizing all the sugar-plantations of Great Britain. And some time before d'Estaing set sail for the West Indies the French had commenced putting this scheme into effect. On the 7th of September the Marquis de Bouille, governor-general of Martinique landed with about 2000 men on our island of Dominica, and proceeded to attack the different batteries and forts by land, while French and American frigates and privateers attacked them by sea. There were abundance of artillery and stores in Dominica, but unfortunately there were not sufficient men to defend the island; and, after a gallant defence of some out-works, Lieutenant-governor Stewart found himself compelled to capitulate:—the island fell into the hands of the French.



CAPTURE OF ST. LUCIE BY THE BRITISH.

The British commanders, on arriving at Barbadoes, being informed of the loss of Dominica, resolved to take another island from the French. Without suffering the troops to land, therefore, Major-general Grant proceeded to St. Lucie, attended by the joint squadrons of Hotham and Barrington. Five British regiments, with all the grenadiers and light-infantry, under the command of Brigadier-general Medows, first landed, and being ably seconded by Major Harris, he drove the French commandant, the Chevalier de Miccud, from a strong position which he had taken on the heights at the end of an inlet, called Grand Cul de Sac. While this was doing, Brigadier-general Prescott landed, with five other regiments, to secure the whole of the bay, and to establish posts in order to preserve a communication with Medows. General Medows pushed forward, and took possession of the important post of the Vigie, which commands the north side of the Carenage harbour; while Brigadier-general Sir Henry Calder occupied other posts upon the mountains which commanded the south side of the Grand Cul de Sac, and Major-general Grant lay on the heights, called Morne Fortune. The British troops were thus situate when d'Estaing arrived off the island, in order to relieve it. On discovering his approach, the British admirals immediately collected all their ships into the Grand Cul de Sac, and then formed a line close and compact right across the entrance of the bay. The fleet under the French admiral was by far the most powerful; but he was thrice defeated in his attacks upon the British squadron, and he then landed 5000 picked troops in a bay, between Gros Islet and the Carenage Bay. D'Estaing resolved, in the first instance, to direct his entire force against Medows, who was cut off, by his movement, from all support from the other divisions of the British. General Medows had only 1,300 men, with two twelve-pounders and four six-pounders, to defend his position; but his force chiefly consisted of veterans, and it was in vain that d'Estaing led his forces against, them. Three several charges were made upon them; but the French were repulsed, with the loss of four hundred men killed, and more than 1000 wounded. He was compelled to leave the island; and as his fleet disappeared, the Chevalier de Micoud descended from some heights to which he had retired, came into the British camp with the principal inhabitants, and signed a capitulation with General Grant, who granted such favourable terms as won for him the gratitude of the enemy. Thus, while the British lost Dominica, they won St. Lucie.

{GEORGE III. 1778-1779}



RE-CAPTURE OF THE ISLANDS OF ST. PIERRE AND MIQUELON.

Earlier in the year, in consequence of their aggression on the coast of America, the French were deprived of their privilege of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland. The little islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon had been ceded to them at the peace of 1763, but they were now re-captured by the British, and the garrisons conveyed to France.



FRENCH PLANS REGARDING CANADA COUNTERACTED BY WASHINGTON.

The ambitious views of the French cabinet were not confined to the West Indies. This was made manifest to the Americans before d'Estaing set sail from Boston. He published a proclamation to the Canadians, exhorting them to return to their former allegiance: and at the same time Washington, through the ascendency of a French party in congress, was urged to undertake the reduction of that province in conjunction with a French force. He was directed by the committee for foreign affairs to communicate with Lafayette on the subject; but instead of this, he wrote a long letter to congress, urging, in a forcible manner, the impolicy of the measure; and, in consequence of his representations, the plan proposed by congress for the emancipation of Canada, in co-operation with an army from France, was deferred "until circumstances rendered the co-operation of the United States more certain, practicable, and effectual." The truth is, the Americans, enlightened by Washington, saw through the designs of France, and they had no idea of thus aggrandising their allies. Moreover, they found no encouragement in Canada; for, notwithstanding the proclamation of the French admiral, the Canadians were determined to remain quiet under the British government, being fully satisfied with its mild rule, and confident that it was able to protect them in their obedience. Soon after this plan failed, Lafayette returned to France, as he himself reports, to offer his sword to his own sovereign, who was now engaged as a principal in the war, and to induce the French court to send more effectual succours to the aid of congress, without any reference to the conquest of Canada. It is well known, however, that both the Marquis and his court cast a longing eye upon Canada; and it cannot be doubted but that its conquest was the chief end which he had in view when he recommended an increase of French troops in America. On his arrival in France, Lafayette was enthusiastically welcomed by the war party; and although the French monarch pretended, at first, to be offended with him for joining the cause of America, before he himself had espoused it, he was almost immediately honoured with the command of the dragoons of the king's guard.



CAPTURE OF SAVANNAH BY THE BRITISH.

During this year, soon after the return of the commissioners to England, an important operation took place on the side of Georgia, and the complete success of which gave a hope that the war, if transferred to the south, might prove more successful than it had hitherto been. Some of the southern colonies were in a state of utter confusion—royalists being arrayed against revolutionists, and province against province. Thus, between the people of East Florida, who remained under the British government, and the people of Georgia, who had joined the cause of congress, there existed an irreconcilable hatred. These provinces had but recently been at war with each other, when Georgia was successfully invaded by the British. Sir Henry Clinton despatched Colonel Campbell thither with 3500 men, by sea, under convoy of Admiral Parker, and on his arrival his first object was the reduction of the city of Savannah, the capital of Georgia, which was defended by the American General Robert How. The whole country between Savannah and the sea was impassable to troops, being low, marshy, and intersected by creeks and artificial watercourses. The city stood on the southern bank of the Savannah River, about fifteen miles from the sea; and Parker therefore conveyed the troops up that river, and after surmounting some difficulties he succeeded in landing them at a plantation about three miles below the city. Some Highlanders, commanded by a Cameron, first moved from the river bank along a narrow causeway, with some high ground at the end of it where the Americans were posted. As they approached the Americans opened a fire upon them, and Cameron and two of his company were slain. The loss of their leader, however, urged the clansmen on to desperate enterprise. They rushed upon the enemy with a fierce cry for revenge, and drove them back into some woods nearer the town. When Campbell arrived on the scene of action he found the American general posted outside the town, having swamps, woods, trenches, and deep rice-fields all around him. He discovered a private path leading through the swamp, which covered the enemy's right flank, and having sent some of his Highlanders' light infantry and New York volunteers round by that path, he surprised the enemy in the rear. They fled for their lives through the town of Savannah, four hundred and fifty of them being captured in their flight; and the town and fort, with an abundance of stores, became the prize of the conquerors. In a few days the remnant of How's army was driven across the Savannah River into South Carolina, and then the inhabitants flocked to Colonel Campbell to take the oath of allegiance to the British monarch. The provincials were greatly conciliated by his lenity and moderation; and even some of the hot preachers, who had excited the Georgians into insurrection and republicanism, now turned royalists. The whole of Georgia was in the hands of the royalists except the town of Sunbury, and this place was soon after reduced by General Prevost, who was sent to Savannah to take the chief command. He was joined here by many suffering royalists from South Carolina and Virginia, while others repaired to head-quarters at New York.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament met on the 25th of November. Little notice was taken of the operations in America; but his majesty bitterly complained of the unprovoked hostility of the court of France. His majesty also alluded to preparations going on in Spain, and remarked that however friendly and seemingly sincere the professions made to us might be, it was a subject that must gain the attention of the house. The king noticed the complete failure of the commissioners and of the conciliatory measures passed during the last sitting of parliament, and urged the necessity of the most active exertions, in order to vindicate and maintain the honour of the crown and the interests of the people. He concluded with saying, that, according to the powers vested in him, he had called out the militia to assist in the defence of the country, and that he had with high satisfaction witnessed the public spirit, ardour, and love of their country which animated all classes of his subjects; and which could not fail of ensuring safety at home and procuring respect abroad.

In both houses the address of his majesty was opposed. In the lords it was condemned in toto, with the king's speech, and the opposition proposed putting an absolute negative upon the whole. It was argued in support of this proposition, that ministers were proceeding upon false principles, upheld by obstinacy, folly, and error, and tending to inevitable ruin; that new men and new measures must be adopted before we could hope for success in war, or honour and security in peace; that as ministers had shown themselves incompetent to the management of the war when they only had the Americans to contend with, it was not to be expected that they would be able to contend with the united arms of France and America; and that they would be still less able if Spain joined the contest. Ministers and their supporters argued that it would be monstrous to refuse addressing, especially as the speech dwelt solely on the dangers of the kingdom from the perfidy of France; and as the address was a simple declaration of supporting his majesty against the machinations of the French government. The address was carried by a majority of sixty-seven against thirty-five. In the commons the opposition moved an amendment "to assure his majesty that from zeal and affection that house was ready to give the most ample support to such measures as might be thought necessary for the defence of those kingdoms, or for frustrating the designs of that restless power which had so often disturbed the peace of Europe; but that they thought it their duty to inquire by what fatal councils and unhappy systems of policy this country had been reduced from that splendid situation which, in the early part or his majesty's reign, made her the envy of all Europe, to her present dangerous state, which had of late called forth our utmost exertions without any adequate benefit." The speakers in opposition, who supported this amendment, chiefly dwelt on the numerous blunders of administration in the management of the war; attributing every failure to their measures, and every successful operation to circumstances over which they had no control. It was argued, indeed, that ministers had only made such preparations as would ensure defeats; and that it was marvellous we were not involved in indiscriminate ruin and disgrace. The blunders of ministers were both numerous and palpable, but it cannot be denied that they were mightily magnified by the opposition, who looked at their every movement with a jealous and jaundiced eye. The amendment was rejected by a majority of two hundred and twenty-six against one hundred and seven.



AFFAIR RESPECTING ADMIRAL KEPPEL AND SIR HUGH PALLISER.

During the debate on the amendment in the commons, Charles Fox introduced the subject of the operations of the fleet commanded by Keppel and Palliser, and attributed all the blame of its failure to the conduct of ministers and the admiralty, who, he said, had not sent a sufficient fleet out, and that it was sent to sea too late to effect the objects for which it was fitted out. This subject was brought prominently before the house of commons on the 2nd of December. Mr. Temple Luttrel said, that the whole of that transaction demanded a particular and close inquiry, and that the two admirals, who were both in the house, were bound to give information for the sake of their own honour, and also for the sake of public tranquillity. Thus challenged, Keppel, who was a whig, stood up to defend his own conduct. He could not consider, he remarked, that the British flag had been tarnished in his hands, or that the affair off Ushant was in any way disgraceful. He impeached no man; and was persuaded that Sir Hugh Palliser manifested no want of courage. He expressed a hope that he should not be compelled to answer any questions relative to the action or to individuals, at the same time asserting that he was ready to explain his own conduct in that house or elsewhere, Nothing, he said, was left untried to bring the French to a decisive action. He then adverted to Palliser's publication in the newspapers. He was surprised, he said, that he should have appealed to the public when no accusation was made against him, and have endeavoured to render his superior in command unpopular and odious; and he declared that he would never again embark in a fleet with an officer who could conduct himself in a manner so fatal to all obedience and discipline. Sir Hugh Palliser, who was a Tory, then rose and said, that it was his interest to obtain inquiry, and that he was as eager for it as his superior officer. He censured Keppel's reserve, and challenged him to deliver his opinions without disguise, that he might be able to give a full answer. He complained of the aspersions thrown upon his character by the newspapers, and said that while justice was rendered to his courage, insinuations were thrown out that he might have neglected or disobeyed the signals of his superior. He concluded by asserting that he had vainly sought an explanation from Keppel, before appealing to the public with a detail of facts, by which he would stand or fall; by denying that he had refused to obey signals; and by declaring that he feared neither a parliamentary inquiry nor a public trial. In reply, Admiral Keppel asserted that one of his signals was not obeyed though it was flying for five hours, but that he would not charge Vice-admiral Palliser with disobedience, as the condition of his ships might, as represented by him, have prevented his coming up. Palliser rejoined by charging Keppel with having neglected to arrange his ships in such a manner as to ensure a general engagement; with having neglected to tack and double on the French with his van and centre, after these had passed the enemy's rear, whereby he, the vice-admiral, was exposed to be cut off; with having permitted the enemy to rally, and to claim a victory by standing after the English ships; and with having, finally, led the British fleet in an opposite direction, instead of pursuing the enemy. The conversation here dropped, but the charges made by Sir Hugh Palliser were afterwards repeated to the Admiralty; and this led to the trial of both the accuser and the accused before a court-martial.



CHAPTER X.

{GEORGE III. 1779-1780}

Trial of Admiral Keppel and Vice-admiral Palliser..... Attacks on Lord Sandwich..... Investigation respecting the Conduct of General and Lord Howe..... Relief to Protestant Dissenters..... Debates on the Trade of Ireland..... War with Spain..... Debates on the Militia Bill..... Bill for the Impressment of Seamen..... Parliament prorogued..... The Causes of the Rupture with Spain..... Spanish Attempt upon Gibraltar..... French and English Fleets in the Channel..... Affairs in the West Indies..... Operations in Georgia..... Ineffectual Attempt of the Americans to reduce Savannah..... British Incursions into Virginia...... Capture of Stony Point and Verplanks..... British Expedition against Connecticut..... Stony Point re-captured, but deserted at the Approach of the British..... British Garrison surprised at Paulus Hook..... American Disaster at Penobscot..... American Retaliation on the Indians, &c...... Spanish Incursions..... Action between Paul Jones and Captain Pearson..... Changes in the Ministry..... Meeting of Parliament..... Lord Shelburne attacks Ministers in the case of Ireland..... Lord Ossory's Attack on Ministers respecting Ireland..... Lord Worth's Proposition for the Relief of Ireland..... Debates on Economical Reform.

{A.D. 1779}



TRIAL OF ADMIRAL KEPPEL AND VICE-ADMIRAL PALLISER.

The trial of Admiral Keppel commenced on the 7th of January, at the governor's house, Portsmouth. It lasted thirty-two days, and the unanimous sentence of the court-martial was:—"That it was their opinion the charge against Admiral Keppel was malicious and ill-founded; it having appeared that so far from having by misconduct or neglect of duty lost an opportunity of rendering essential service to the state, and therefore tarnished the honour of the British navy, he had behaved as became a judicious, brave, and experienced officer." The acquittal of Keppel was followed by illuminations and other demonstrations of joy on the part of the public, with whom he was in favour; and he also received the thanks of the city and the two houses of parliament. On the other hand, the house of Sir Hugh Palliser was broken open by a mob at midnight, and the whole of the furniture either destroyed or thrown out of the window, while effigies of the vice-admiral were carried about suspended by the neck and afterwards burnt. Work for the glaziers was also made by the destruction of the windows of the Admiralty, and of the houses of Lords George Germaine and North. The mob even took the great gate of the Admiralty from its hinges, and having collected all the sedan chairs in the neighbourhood made a great bonfire in the court-yard. Sixteen of the mob were afterwards captured by the soldiers, and the rest were dispersed. A day or two after this, as the acquittal of Keppel seemed to cast a stigma on the character of Sir Hugh Palliser he demanded a court-martial on himself; first giving up his seat in parliament and all his offices except that of vice-admiral. His trial was held on board the "Sandwich," in Portsmouth harbour and after the lapse of twenty-one days the sentence of the court was:—"That, though his conduct and behaviour in battle had been in many respects highly exemplary and meritorious; they, at the same time, could not help thinking it was incumbent upon him to have made known to his commander-in-chief the disabled state of his ship, to which he attributed his not joining; but that, notwithstanding his omission in this particular, they were of opinion that he was not in any other respect chargeable with misconduct or misbehaviour, and that, therefore, they fully acquitted him." Such was the termination of this ill-judged contest, which was rather a contest between the two parties of Whig and Tory than for personal honour and integrity of conduct. Though both were acquitted, their reputations were injured by their trials, for neither of them was ever afterwards employed in active service.



ATTACKS ON LORD SANDWICH.

That the trials of Keppel and Palliser were essentially party struggles is proved by after proceedings in both houses of parliament. After the Christmas recess, Mr. Fox moved a vote of censure upon Lord Sandwich for sending Admiral Keppel to sea in the first instance with only twenty ships of the line, and four frigates, at a time when a French fleet, consisting, as there was reason to believe, of thirty-two ships of the line, and certainly of twenty-seven with a great number of frigates, was at Brest, and ready to put to sea; thereby hazarding the safety of the kingdom. Fox also announced his intention of moving an address for the removal of the first lord of the admiralty; asserting that there were facts existing which would warrant his impeachment by the house. Keppel, who had determined to resign his command of the fleet, joined in this attack upon Sandwich, by declaring that on his first taking the command, the fleet was in no very good condition; that afterwards the admiralty-board had made some exertions, but even then had sent him to sea too weak; that he believed the French fleet was as strong as was represented in the papers which he found on board the frigates he had captured; and that, upon that conviction, he was for the first time obliged to turn his back upon the enemy. Lords North and Mulgrave defended Sandwich and the admiralty-board; imputing some blame to Keppel, and the motion was negatived by two hundred and four against one hundred and seventy. Subsequently, Mr. Fox moved that the state of the navy at the breaking out of the war was inadequate to the exigencies of the service. In his speech, Fox observed, that nothing but good fortune had saved the country from invasion and destruction; but Lord Mulgrave, in reply, said, that all the "good fortune" had been on the side of France—that nothing but "good fortune" had saved d'Or-villiers from Keppel, and d'Estaing from Lord Howe. The latter admiral, who was now in the house, showed that he was scarcely in a better temper with the administration than was Keppel. He declared that he had been deceived in accepting the command in America; that he had been ill-used while he held that command; and that he would never again accept active service under the existing ministry. On this occasion, Fox's motion was lost, but a few days after he moved that the omission to reinforce Lord Howe in America before the month of June, and the not sending a fleet to the Mediterranean, were instances of gross misconduct and neglect. Fox was again outvoted, yet on the 19th of April he made his promised motion for dismissing Lord Sandwich from his majesty's presence and councils for ever. This motion was likewise negatived, and a similar motion, made a few days after in the upper house by the Earl of Bristol, shared the same fate. Other motions hostile to Sandwich were made in both houses, but they were all lost by majorities of nearly two to one. But even these large majorities exhibited the waning influence and popularity of the administration; for in the earlier days of Lord North's government the majorities were usually four to one.