Col. Hill's plans were to let the pirates take the Parsons, and then before they had time to do any damage, have the Michigan meet them on their way to Sandusky and capture them all together, and thus relieve the Government from any farther trouble with this most desperate band of incendiaries. Col. Hill telegraphed to the commander of the Michigan, requesting him to do this, and it is generally understood that the reason why he did not do it was that the machinery of the vessel was out of order, thus showing how well those who had been bribed had done their duty. In addition to these attempts to capture the steamer Michigan, was the celebrated St. Albans raid, which among others, was one of the rebel modes of carrying the war into Africa and harrassing the northern border.

This raid, which has become so famous in the history of this war, was first started by a Texan, named Bracey, belonging to one of the rebel Texan regiments. This man, for four or five years before the war, had been going to one of the schools or colleges (according to his own account of himself,) in St. Albans, and was well acquainted, both with the city and country, in the immediate neighborhood. He gave all the information he could, and offered to return there to get more, which he, with one or two rebel soldiers did, and obtained all the necessary information that would, in any way, aid them in their criminal designs. Upon their report, on their return to Canada, the fitting out the expedition immediately began—the money, arms, etc., being furnished by the rebel agents in Montreal or Quebec. Of the details of this affair, as carried out, the people have been fully advised by the newspapers, and, to all intents and purposes, the raid has been a success, or has operated in this manner by the winding and twisting course of the Canadian law courts, which seem to be actuated by no fixed principles, but wavering between the fear of the public opinion of the American people, and their desire to aid the rebels in overturning the government—and had it not been for the sudden turn the war has taken in the last six months, the people along the northern border would have been subjected to numerous other and similar raids. The St. Albans raid was only a part of one grand scheme of the rebels, for the past two years, to inaugurate a new mode of warfare, entirely beyond the pale of that waged by civilized nations, and a relic of the more barbarous ages. This new mode of warfare, or incendiarism, as it is generally called, was first started by the rebel government, after the fall of Memphis, Tenn., for the purpose of destroying vessels, loaded with government property, and cut off the communications of the armies in the lower countries, with their depots of supplies; with this end in view, companies of men were regularly enlisted for the purpose, and after a time, the sympathies and the aid rendered the rebellion by certain classes of the people at the North, justified them in extending its pernicious effects further North. Companies were enlisted and sent through the lines, with orders to burn public buildings, army stores, and supplies, wherever they could find them. Thus far, secret agents of the rebels were scattered all over the North, in small squads, wherever there was a prospect of doing injury to the government; and it is to the efforts of these men, that the country is indebted for the wholesale destruction of steamboat and other property at St. Louis, Cairo, and other places on the western rivers. These men performing the incendiary acts frequently upon information furnished them by their sympathizing friends. The public are already well aware of the manner in which some of these acts of incendiarism terminated, most especially the attempt of Capt. Kennedy and others, holding commissions in the rebel service, to burn New York city. If ever a man deserved his fate, this man Kennedy certainly did, and the public, having been saved, unscathed, can never fully appreciate the enormity of his crime. One, knowing the facts of these men being in the North for this purpose, can readily appreciate the punishment awarded them; but upon reviewing all the facts in the case, will as readily say that they are now less guilty than the citizens of the North, who aided them in their designs, by furnishing them information and associating with them, and even receiving them into their families, while they were yet public enemies, and in arms against the country.



CHAP. XIV.

SABBATH EVENING IN INVINCIBLE CLUB HALL—-A SCENE NEVER TO BE FORGOTTEN—PLANS REHEARSED—ARMS INSPECTED—REPORT OF THE BRIG.-GEN. OF THE SONS OF LIBERTY—REVOLUTION AND BLOODSHED WITHIN THE NEXT THIRTY-SIX HOURS—DISTRIBUTION OF FIREARMS UPON OUR STREETS.

The evening of the 3d of November, 1864, found a large representation of the Sons of Liberty in their lodge room in Chicago, for as the time drew near for the Presidential election—the period fixed for the carnival of crime—the members of the organization realized the importance of the utmost vigilance—lest their plans should be discovered—and of the most entire concurrence with their leaders, and concert of action in obeying the commands that might be given. At this meeting, the Brigadier-General of the Order was present, as were also Captains and Lieutenants of the Invincible Club, and a more exciting meeting had rarely ever been held in the Temple. Speakers were vehement and earnest, and their theme was the proposed uprising. As had ever been their policy, certain important facts were withheld from the fledglings in treason, who had not yet tried their wings, but there was no discord, no dissention, and all exhibited enthusiasm and confidence. Brig.-Gen. Walsh called a meeting of the Order, to be held in the hall of the Invincible Club, on Sunday evening November 6th, the hour being fixed for eight o'clock. All were exhorted to be "on hand," as the Brig.-General had an important communication to make. Friday and Saturday an immense number of pistols, and much ammunition were sold, and many were given away in quarters, where it was certain material aid might be expected, when the time should arrive for the inauguration of revolution. To the few of us having the interests of the country at heart, who were cognisant of the acts, preparations and intentions of the Order, it will readily be believed the days were tedious, and the nights sleepless. So well had the principal secrets of the Order—the details of the uprising—-been kept from the lower degree of the "Sons," that but few of the members had a definite idea of the infamous part they were expected to perform, and it was to communicate enough information to secure harmony among the men, and that concert of action which promised the most complete success of the terrible scheme of villainy before them, that the meeting was called for Sabbath evening. It will be seen by the report of Gen. Sweet's testimony, before the military commission, to what peril the city was exposed. With but a handful of men to garrison the post, without the ability to obtain adequate reinforcements, with ten thousand veteran rebels in a camp, so incomplete in its structure, with the certainty that our secret enemies were upon the railroads already, and seeking positions in the post-office, in telegraph offices, if, as there was good reason to apprehend, the telegraph stations were not already under their control, that by Judge Morris' official report to the Temple, two full regiments of Sons of Liberty, all well armed and disciplined, were ready at an hour's notice, and that a third regiment was almost complete, the knowledge also that the entire body of Copperheads in the State, and in the northwest, would rise simultaneously with the traitors in our city, with good reason to believe it impossible to safely communicate with the head of the State military department—in this most unenviable position, to know that the fatal moment was fast coming, when the infernal machinery was to be set in motion, and to make arrangements to avert the catastrophe so quietly as not to arrest attention, or excite the alarm of the leaders of the plot, which would have instantly been executed, had it become apparent that the movements of these traitors were watched; these considerations and the discharge of the fearful responsibilities resting upon the only parties who could then hope to avert the danger, occupied the mind and hands of the commandant of the post, and employed the utmost vigilance of the writer and able assistants. Every few hours orderlies and special couriers were despatched to the headquarters of the camp, with such reports as could be obtained. We have read Eastern tales of travelers, when accident had discovered them in closest proximity to the deadly cobra de capello, the breathless horror with which they contemplated its motions, and saw it slowly coiling itself upon their limbs, or upon a table at their bedsides, and knowing that a single motion on the part of the imperilled person would be but to invite certain death, the vigilance and eager solicitude, the distressing anxiety with which they regarded the movements and intent of the venomous creature, but never till a full realization of our position in regard to this organized band of traitors, did we ever experience sensations akin to those of the unfortunate traveler; and when the loathsome reptile had got into a position where it was safe to attempt its destruction, and when this attempt was successful, no greater relief or deeper emotions of gratitude could have been felt by him—a moment before exposed to instant and terrible death—than were experienced by us when the danger had been averted.

Sunday evening came. Our citizens worshiping in the churches, or in peaceful repose in their own residences, little knew of the imminent peril to which they were exposed, or of the gathering of their fellow citizens in the Invincible Club Hall to arrange the details which, if successful, would bring ruin, desolation and death to thousands of our unsuspecting people. Up the entrance to the hall, cautiously crept the members of the order, peering behind them, and advancing one by one, or in groups of two or three, till they reached the hall. The door was guarded by a sentinel, so that intrusion was out of the question. At nine o'clock, the assemblage was called to order by Obadiah Jackson, Jr., Esq., the Grand Seignior. Patrick Dooley, Secretary, was in his place on the right of the Grand Seignior. The meeting was large, and a more desperate looking collection of men have rarely assembled in a convention in our city. Such desecration of the evening of the Sabbath has never before been witnessed here. After the opening of the meeting, one of the members took early occasion to remark substantially, that it must have been noticed by all present, as well as himself, that the city was full of strangers, and that he had noticed many of them were dressed in butternut clothes, and had good reason to believe that they were Abolitionists in disguise; that it was advisable to watch them, it being his confident opinion that they had come to the city for the purpose of fraudulently voting the Abolition ticket; and the speaker was proceeding in this strain, much to the amusement of the members of the higher degree, to whom the men in butternut clothes were no strangers. The speaker had scarcely taken his seat, when James A. Wilkinson, Past Grand Seignior, rose and stated that the suspicious looking persons were "our friends," and that he himself had brought a company of sixty of them to the city, and that they were entitled to every attention, as they would do good service for "us," and stated that he was going back for more. The strangers who were the subject of discussion, were from the counties in the Southern part of the State, and all bore the same general appearance of vagabonds, cut-throats, felons, bounty-jumpers and deserters. They had all seemed to appear simultaneously in our city, unheralded even to the "Sons," and their advent was as much a subject of remark, as would have been a shower of toads and tadpoles. They did not take up their quarters at respectable hotels and private houses, but sneaked away stealthily to the lowest dens of vice, and resorts of criminals unwhipped of justice. They came to help perform infamous work, and had a part of the price of their guilt upon their persons, or had already invested it for the poorest quality of intoxicating liquors. They had been collected together from the various country towns in the Southern part of the State, where they had been in training under the command of rebel officers, and many of them were the same parties who had come to Chicago at the time of the Democratic National Convention, hopeful and confident of the uprising, and who had been so wofully disappointed, and turned their backs so reluctantly upon our banks and stores, from which they had intended to glut their avarice, and amply remunerate themselves with the property of our citizens. Nothing on earth is more positively certain than, had the work not been arrested at the moment it was, these devils would have pillaged every bank and rifled every storehouse in Chicago; and it is equally certain that beyond Colonel Sweet and the writer, with his assistant, Robert Alexander, none knew of the intricate deadly plot in detail, although Major-General Hooker, Brig.-Gen. Paine, Governor Yates, Hon. I.N. Arnold, and William Rand, Esq., of the Tribune had been informed by the writer of the general intent of the organization. But to return to the secret convention at the hall. The explanation of J.A. Wilkinson not being satisfactory to Mr. Hull, some curt remarks were banded between the speakers, which Obadiah Jackson, Jr., Esq., the Grand Seignior could not well control, Brig.-Gen. Charlie Walsh rose to his feet and said unhesitatingly, that he had by his own order "brought these men here to vote and to fight," and he added, "by God they will vote early and often, and they will fight." Gen. Walsh desired that all the "brethren" would extend the hospitalities of the city to the visitors, for they were "our friends." While this discussion was going on, there was a Confederate officer in the hall, and within ten feet of Walsh. The joy upon the announcement by Walsh, found expression in a rude and boisterous manner. It having been definitely settled that the wretches who had been the subject of discussion were good for any number of votes, and fully prepared to take part in the attack, so soon to startle our city; the convention proceeded to ascertain who among its members were unarmed, and to supply such delinquents forthwith. The members generally exhibited revolvers of various patterns, but upon inspection by the officers, preference was expressed for the pattern like those which were subsequently found in the house of Walsh, by the officers, at the time of his arrest. There were several who had not the approved pattern, and such persons were instructed to apply next morning at the store of James Geary, corner of Wells and Madison streets, and they would be supplied, but upon consultation it was remarked by Geary, that as he was already suspected he feared it would hardly be expedient for Walsh to send arms to him for distribution, and it was agreed by J.H. Hubbard, the treasurer of the Invincible Club, that he would receive possession of the revolvers, and give them to all who might apply, and such persons were to call at the door of the Invincible Club hall, at 9 o'clock the next morning, when they would be supplied. It was arranged that a guard of not less than fifty or one hundred men, all well armed, should remain all day on Tuesday, (election day,) at the polls in each ward, making not less than one full regiment in the aggregate, thus detailed for special "service."

To distinguish friends and members at a time when trouble should break out, was a subject now raised for debate, and it was finally agreed that the members should wear McClellan badges upon the left breast, attached by red and white ribbons. It was understood that orderlies were to be constantly reporting from each ward at the headquarters of Gen. Walsh, and thus a regular line of communication would be kept up, which in case of trouble, would be greatly to the advantage of these ruffians. They were all advised to deposit their vote with one hand, and present their revolver with the other. It was confidently asserted by individuals, but with how much truth we know not, that an Invincible Club from Philadelphia, would also be present and help do the voting, but as no Philadelphia Roughs were reported in the city, the help expected from Philadelphia probably did not arrive. The most violent secession speeches were made by Duncan, who was then connected with the Mercantile agency in McCormick's block, Walsh, Wilkinson, and many others.

The meeting adjourned at a late hour, and many of the leaders, prominent among whom was James Geary, proceeded to a secure retreat, and then in the quiet hours of Sunday night, gave away a great number of revolvers of the same style and pattern with those subsequently seized by the authorities.



CHAP. XV.

ARRESTS—GREAT EXCITEMENT—GENERAL CONSTERNATION OF THE COPPERHEADS—NEW VICTORIES IN THE FIELD—DEATH-BLOW OF JEFF. DAVIS' SECRET ORGANIZATION AND HOPES IN THE NORTH—FINDING OF ARMS—THE EFFECT ALL THROUGHOUT THE NORTH-WEST.

Before the morning of Monday, November 7th dawned, a dispatch, embracing the most important features of the Sunday night meeting, had been prepared by the writer, and forwarded to the commandant of Camp Douglas, who, during the night, arrested Judge Morris, Brig.-Gen. Charles Walsh, and others, and a large number of "butternuts," who had been the subject of discussion at the Sunday night meeting, and these prisoners were safely lodged in Camp Douglas. The news of the arrests, and the charges upon which they were made, caused intense excitement among all classes, loyal men rejoicing for the promptness and wisdom of the measure, while the Copperheads howled fearfully, and denounced it as a fresh evidence of "Lincoln's tyranny." As the facts became generally known, there was an unanimous expression of approval on the part of all good, loyal citizens. The consternation of the Copperheads was truly great; they felt that, notwithstanding their many precautions for secrecy, the eye of the government had been upon them in their most secret places, and this consternation was not by any means relieved when they read in the morning papers an extract of Brig.-Gen. Charles Walsh's speech before the order in the Invincible Club hall. They felt certain that they were watched, and that they were under careful espionage, and the effect was precisely what we had expected and desired. It was telegraphed in every direction, that the government bad a complete knowledge of their designs and proceedings, and such a tremor and quaking with fear the Copperheads had not previously exhibited. It completely deranged their designs, and caused an utter abandonment of the plot, for the leaders in Chicago having been arrested, no one knew how soon his turn would come, and it is a general and well-established fact, that however sanguinary and fiendish a rabble may prove when attacking their victims by surprise, the mass of such beings lose their brute courage when discovering, to a certainty, that the details of their strategy are known, and the party upon whom an assault is contemplated is prepared, and will repel the attack with that fury, vigor, desperation and perseverance that will surely carry death to many of the assailants. They lack zeal, because they know their cause is a bad one, just as one honest man will put three rogues to flight. It was telegraphed that the heads of the government were fully advised of the conspiracy, and that officers were freely visiting all the more important temples in the North-West, mingling in the "business" of these meetings, and apprising the military leaders of every move which had been made, which was being made, and which was contemplated. Suspicion was aroused, and so general did this distrust soon become, that no one was willing to trust his neck in a halter, and any one of his associates having possession of the other end. Suddenly a most wonderful reform was apparent, as rats disappear from view after a few have been captured. Those who were at Invincible Club hall, and made secession speeches, declared they were all drunk, or were not in earnest, and other equally flimsy excuses;—these are the apologies members made to each other, presuming they were addressing the party who had surrendered them to the government. It was amusing to notice their trepidation. They were variously affected. Capt. P.D. Parks, of the Invincible Club, really cried, like a whipped schoolboy, from fear; many ran away with all possible speed. Doolittle, the man of valor, who was to lead a party against Camp Douglas, was the first to run away, and from certain "surface indications," we rather think he is running yet. James A. Wilkinson, the valorous Past Grand Seignior, has gone to look after Doolittle; Silver has gone to Canada; Strawn has turned a summerset into the Republican party; S. Corning Judd helped to convict the prisoners in Cincinnati, although called by the defense; Amos Green, the Major-General of the Order in Illinois, has quietly subsided, and is no longer belligerent; Vallandigham gives the Order the cold-shoulder, and affects pious horror upon the recital of its aims and purposes—and, indeed, the whole organization, as formidable as it was in numbers, was soon in the most terrible condition, and died in great agony. The complications of the disease of which the order came to its death, would puzzle the most profound pathologist. It might, perhaps, be set down as a disease of the heart, induced by corrupt morals, with the following complications: Softening of the brain from the study of State sovereignty; extreme nervous debility from the reproach of a guilty conscience; injury to the spine by suddenness of fall; weakness of the limbs from bad whiskey, and impurity of the blood from contamination. The child of secession is dead—as dead as the cause of the Southern Confederacy! Jeff. Davis' pet institution was decently buried within the enclosure of Camp Douglas. There being no provision or service in the ritual for this occasion, we may only exclaim, as we look upon his last resting-place, "Requiescat in pace."

The arrest of General Walsh and others, and the discovery of a great number of revolvers, etc., all loaded and ready for use, and the rather unpleasant discovery that the Brigadier-General had actually employed a Government detective to go to his house and give instructions in making cartridges, were rather mortifying to the order, and when it appeared that the Chairman of the Vigilance Committee, whose province was to take the balance of the arms, which we learned were in Walsh's barn, and with all possible haste remove them to a place of safety, and the Chairman (who makes this record for the edification of his constituents), deemed the safest place he could find the retired locality of Camp Douglas, and if the inquisitive eyes of Gen. Sweet, and his grasping propensities, should take possession of all the valuable carbines, Enfield rifles, muskets and revolvers, let them moderate their wrath, and find consolation in the thought that in their last hour it will be a pleasant reflection that all those bristling warlike implements fell into the hands of men who will not put them to base uses.

When it was announced, with all confidence, that beneath the hay in Charley Walsh's barn was a large number of firearms that must be speedily removed, a new idea of the value of ladies' hoops burst upon the world (not "The Wide-Wide World,") but the few who were present when James L. Rock, one of the editors of the Chicago Times announced that his wife (and Mr. Rock ought to know), and some other ladies could quickly remove these weapons by concealing them under their hoops, Colonel Sweet, with his usual gallantry, spared the ladies the inconvenience and trouble, and removed them quite as well and as quickly.

After the first arrests, other followed, but after a time many of these worthies were liberated, not because of their innocence; and they may now one and all consider themselves on their good behavior.

After the first arrests, the hall of the "Temple" in Chicago was deserted. It was not thought to be exactly safe, and meetings were held occasionally wherever they could find a place of safety, where it was morally certain Gen. Sweet would not know of their gatherings or of their business, and where it would be a dead secret forever; and they one and all swore that whoever had exposed them to the Government should die by assassination. This was their fixed purpose, and when suspicion fastened upon Hull, no less than three persons volunteered to do the deed, those men were Lewis C. Morrison, old Felton, the Outside Guardian, and, by his own confession, detective of the order, and James L. Rock, one of the editors o the Chicago Times.

Two of these "gentlemen" visited the office of the writer of this book during the progress of the trial, and used the following language. "If it be true, (he having inferred from Alexander's testimony that the writer had been in the interest of the General Government), a thousand times you had better be Charley Walsh than Dr. Ayer."

A project was considered to rally the order and carry out the original programme, but as well might an attempt have been made to infuse life into a body that had been buried a fortnight. A messenger who went to Lewiston, Ill., to "see what the order would do about it," were coolly told by their Grand Commander, S. Corning Judd, Esq., that "they wouldn't do a thing." This unsatisfactory report proved two things—that S. Corning Judd, Grand Commander, and candidate for Lieut. Governor of Illinois, (who might have got the election, if the "ballot and bullet" butternut machinery had only proved available), considered the institution as "gone up," and 2d—that he was ungrateful to a people who had at least made him their nominee. Gentlemen who, by request, visited the different sections of the State and of the Northwest, all reported that immediately after it was known that the Government knew their secrets as well as they did themselves, they tacitly agreed not to regard themselves as a "secret" organization in future, and we have the best of reasons to believe the entire order is so completely uprooted that it can never again spring up to curse the land. Home traitors have been taught, and it is well if they profit by the lesson, they cannot form any society or order based upon treason, that can for any considerable time continue "secret." Its purposes will transpire, for the all-seeing eye of Him who reads the hearts of men, and will not suffer "a sparrow to fall to the ground without his notice," that God who hath decreed that this nation shall be re-united, shall be prosperous, free, happy, and truly great, will not suffer traitors to be successful, but will give them into the hands of those who reverence His mighty and terrible name; and their cunning shall be a reproach, and their machinations shall be known of all men, and they shall blush with burning shame that they were ever false to their country.

[Illustration: JUDGE BUCKNER S. MORRIS

A prominent lawyer and citizen of Chicago, a bitter and strong advocate of Democratic faith and the peculiar notions of the Sons of Liberty. He was arrested at the same time with Walsh in his own house. He was a strong Southern man in his feelings and openly sympathized with the rebellion, and so strong were his sympathies that he frequently furnished escaped rebel prisoners of war with clothing, food, and money, and otherwise aided them in escaping from the country. B.S. Morris was at one time judge of the Circuit Court of Cook County, and was a candidate for Governor of the State of Illinois. He was born in Kentucky, and is about sixty years of age. Out side of his treason, Judge Morris was generally regarded as possessing many noble qualities of heart.]



CHAP. XVI

TESTIMONY OF GEN. B.J. SWEET—LIST OF OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE McCLELLAN CLUBS IN CHICAGO.

The services of Brig.-Gen. B.J. Sweet, in relation to the Northwestern Conspiracy, have already been briefly mentioned, and the reader will perhaps find the report of that officer's testimony full of interest. After the communications by the writer to Gen. Sweet (then Colonel) in command of Camp Douglas, which were made by request of Gen. Paine, dispatches were regularly forwarded to that officer, who never failed to receive them with gratification. The service was one of extreme danger, difficulty and delicacy, requiring the most careful attention, unceasing vigilance, and only the consciousness of discharging an important and imperative duty to the country, and the confident belief that invaluable aid might thus be rendered, could have induced the writer to enter upon and pursue a line of service, a thousand times more distasteful and perilous than active service upon the field.

The recognition of the writer's services by Brig.-Gen. Paine, and subsequently by Maj. Gen. Hooker, in commendatory letters, will ever be remembered, showing as it did, a grateful appreciation by those gallant officers, of services of which, from their character, the public could have no knowledge for the time being.

The following is the testimony of Gen. Sweet, as substantially given before the military commission in Cincinnati:

EVIDENCE OF COLONEL SWEET.

My name is Benjamin J. Sweet; I am and was, during the months of September, October, and November of last year, Colonel of the 8th Regiment Veteran Reserve Corps; I was also, and still am, Commandant of the Post of Chicago, including Camp Douglas. The post I command extended, I suppose to the limits of the surrounding posts.

The Judge Advocate.—What are the geographical limits of the command of the Post of Chicago.

Mr. Asay objected to the question, as involving a matter of law and not of evidence, but his objection was overruled by the Court.

Witness continued.—My jurisdiction extends to the limits of the posts north at Madison, Wisconsin, southwest to Rock Island, south, or almost south, to Springfield, and east to Detroit, Michigan. The Commandant has jurisdiction over everything pertaining to military affairs in the jurisdiction, over the command of all troops, and for the protection of the property of the Government and of the people. Chicago is one of the first military depots of supplies in the country. There are ten depots in charge of a Colonel, and Chicago is one of them. The Depot Quartermaster at that time was Colonel Potter. From the commencement to the latter end of August, the number of troops under my command, fit for duty, was from 800 to 900. Towards the end of August, I was reinforced by about 1,200 men, consisting of four companies of one hundred days' men, and the 196th Pennsylvania Regiment, which numbered 750 men, also one hundred days' men; these remained with me sixty or seventy days. I telegraphed for these reinforcements. There were between 8,000 and 9,000 prisoners in camp up to November. On the 6th of November, the morning report shows 796 men, rank and file, fit for duty. There were always on duty in Chicago about sixty men acting as provost guard; this left 736 men in camp to do guard duty. The sixty men in the city performed service in looking after deserters, guarding property, &c. The depot for supplies is in the city, and is in charge of the depot quartermaster. Troops were used for doing camp duty, and guarding prisoners of war, and forwarding deserters to various camps. The entire guard in Camp Douglas was about 500 men, 250 on duty at a time, and 250 off. These were changed every other day. The camp is within the city limits, and is about three miles from the Court House.

The conveniences to reach the camp are by way of street cars. There were buildings on the north side of the camp; on the opposite side of the street, also on the east side, there was a hotel and other dwellings. Walsh's house was about one-fourth of a mile from the camp, with three or four houses between Walsh's house and the camp. My duties are two-fold; I have to report to Gen. Cook, at Springfield, commanding in the State, and to Gen. Hooker, at Department headquarters. In relation to prisoners of war, I am under the instructions of the Commissary General of prisoners at Washington. These prisoners were arrested at my order. Messrs. Walsh, Cantrill and Daniels were arrested by Lieut. Col. Skinner and a detachment of troops, at Walsh's house. Grenfel and the witness Shanks were arrested at the Richmond House, and Mr. Marmaduke was arrested at the residence of Dr. Edwards, No. 70 Adams street. Judge Morris was arrested by Mr. Keefe and members of the police. These arrests were made on the 6th of November. They were arrested upon information which led me to believe that there was on foot a conspiracy to release the prisoners, and get up a revolution in Indiana and Illinois. I regarded the emergency as immediate, and therefore acted promptly. I dared not trust the telegraph and the railroad, for I understood that the Sons of Liberty had men employed upon them. There were one hundred and fifty men arrested in all. They were principally from the South and Central Illinois, and had lately arrived in Chicago. These were mainly from Fayette and Christian counties, Illinois. These were arrested in grog-shops, boarding-houses, under the pavements, and in every part of the city. All of these men were arrested from their appearance and description, and by their looks were taken to be vagabonds. There were but few of them armed. They asserted that they came to Chicago to see the city. Some of them stated that they belonged to the Sons of Liberty, and some from the Southern army; about one tenth came from the Southern army. These bushwhackers were arrested partly by the city police, partly by citizens, and some by soldiers.

I have heard of such an organization as Klingmen's men. Most of them coming from Christain and Fayette counties. It was chiefly made up of deserters from the Federal army and those who ran away from the draft, and was intended to resist the draft and all the operations of the Provost Marshal and the General government in the prosecution of the war. I succeeded in capturing the Captain and Lieutenant, and the principal men of the organization. It was not an organization under the United States or State law. I received all of these men up to the 8th of November, and all being strangers, I took them in.

I do not know the exact size of Camp Douglas, but believed it comprises from 60 to 70 acres of land. The prisoners square proper, covers about 20 acres. In November last it was enclosed by a board fence 12 feet in height and made of lumber an inch and a quarter in thickness. The boards were placed endways and were nailed from the inside. The outside sentinels were stationed on a parapet about three feet from the top of the fence on the outside. The camp was more easily assailable from without and less defensible than if the attack was made from inside.

The Judge Advocate here exhibited to the witness a plan of the camp found on the person of one of the conspirators.

Colonel Sweet.—The map is very roughly drawn and is a little out of proportion in detail, but is a correct drawing of the camp as it was in August and September of last year. The outlines are precisely the same. As shown on the map there were then 40 barracks in the prison square. This number is now increased. The Guard-house and small tents on the west side of the camp are also moved now. The barracks marked "Yankee Barracks" is the correct position of the barracks occupied by the garrison in Garrison Square. The building marked "Douglas House" on the South side of the camp is, I suppose the Douglas University. It is a magnificent building and is located about eighteen or twenty rods from the camp fence, and overlooks the entire camp. One hundred men, or even fifty men, stationed in that building, would command Camp Douglas, and almost make it untenable to any force. During the session of the Democratic Convention, and until the danger was over, I stationed two companies near that building. I had in my charge a prisoner named John T. Shanks at that time; he was there when I assumed the command of the camp, on the second of May, 1864. He was a clerk in the office for the commissary of prisoners. He applied to me to take the oath of allegiance during the summer. His application went through me to the Commissary General of Prisoners with my approval. I never approved these applications unless I was fully convinced that the applicant was desirous of becoming a loyal citizen. The application was not granted, but I made it the basis of communication to Commissary General that Shanks desired to serve the United States, and to take the oath. In this camp there were some men who were more largely entrusted than others. Shanks was a paroled prisoner, having the freedom of Garrison Square during the day time. There were others there in the same condition— a man named Grey, and clerks in the medical department. Shanks was allowed to go to the city two or three times in company with an officer. The prisoners are never permitted to have any funds. I gave Shanks a dollar.

Shanks never used a nomme de plume that I am aware of. The prisoners were not allowed to have any money, nor did they possess any unless they obtained it secretly. Shanks, however, had, I believe, one dollar, which I gave him. When a prisoner is brought to camp he is thoroughly searched, and any money taken from him is placed in bands of the Prisoner's Accountant, to be drawn, if required, in provisions from the sutler. Letters are all opened, and any money they contain similarly applied. I sent Shanks to the house of Judge Morris on the 3rd of November, because five men had just escaped from the camp, and I traced them, I believe, to that house. I asked Shanks if he would not like to do the government a service. He replied that he would, when I told him that I wanted him to go to the house of Morris and represent that he had violated his parole and escaped, and if possible must be secreted with the other prisoners. I then sent for Keefe, and the two went to the city in a buggy. I followed on the street cars, and went to my office, No 90 Washington street, where I had told Shanks to report if he could not find the prisoners. After I had been there a short time, Shanks came to me and gave me $30, which he said Mrs. Morris had given to him, with the exception of one dollar. I do not think he had any money when he went to her house.

I know Maurice Langhorne. He introduced himself to me on the 5th of November, by showing me a letter from Secretary Seward to Secretary Stanton, recommending that he be allowed to take the oath of allegiance. He gave me some information regarding the plot, but I did not know whether or not to take him into my confidence. At a subsequent meeting, the next day, however, at the Tremont House, I determined that he was an honest, reliable man, and one who could be trusted. He has been of great value to me, and his information was ever correct. On the 12th of November, after the first arrests were made, I first offered to employ him. I asked him to identify all who he remembered having seen in Canada, in connection with the conspirators, and arrest them. He personally arrested the witness, John Maughan, at the Tremont House. He gave me information of the ammunition in Walsh's house, and subsequent facts proved that his information was perfectly correct. I gave him the fictitious name of Johnson. He never acted as a detective, but simply aided in arresting men he had known before. Shanks worked for the Government ever since I knew him. Up to the 12th of November, he received no pay, and after that got $100 a month as his salary. I believe, however, that I previously gave him one month's salary, to purchase some citizen's clothing. Of the arms seized at Walsh's house I have the shot guns at camp. The pistols were entrusted to Col. Hough to arm a citizens' patrol, and he has not returned them. I do not know the exact number of arms we captured. There were about 354 revolvers and 200 double barreled guns found in his house, and thirty cavalry carbines in his barn in the city; the latter weapons were not loaded, but those found in his dwelling were. There were also from 14,000 to 15,000 rounds of cartridges, and some roughly made buckshot cartridges, the number of which I do not remember. We also obtained some arms from other persons arrested, I mean the bushwhackers. I do not think that any arms were found on any of the prisoners at the bar, except, possibly, Grenfell.

It will be interesting to the citizens of Chicago, if not in other localities, to peruse the following report from a newspaper, which has perhaps done more than any other in the United States, to aid and promote the interests and cause of the rebels—a paper, the baneful influence of which Gen. Burnside well knew, and would have crushed out; but the editor of that print was suffered to proceed on his dirty and devilish work, and most industrious has he been. The most loathsome reptiles, as we see in the economy of nature, have their uses; "the toad, ugly and venomous, wears yet a precious jewel in his head;" the spider, cunning and fierce, is not without his uses; the wily serpent has his office, the viper was not made in vain, and as the mighty plan of the Great Creator of the Universe is above the comprehension of man, we may wonder at, but never understand why beings in the guise of men, were ever formed, who know no patriotism, no gratitude, none of the nobler attributes of man, and whose mission seems but destruction to his race, and deadly enmity to his country. The Times, who in these days of victory and triumph of Union arms, would "steal the livery of heaven to serve the devil in," and prate of its devotion to the Union, furnishes us some information it were well for good citizens to know, and which we will presume is (unlike most statements in that concern) reliable.

LIST OF McCLELLAN ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CITY OF CHICAGO.

We extract the following from the Chicago Times of October 20, 1864. It will do to keep for reference. The comments which preface the list are from the pen of the editor of that delectable print. The only comment we need make is, that almost every man whose name is upon the list, was a member of the Chicago Temple of the Sons of Liberty, in good and regular standing with the order:

"There is at present a thoroughly organized and efficient McClellan club in nearly every ward in the city. The good that has resulted to the democratic party from these organizations is more than can be readily imagined. They have done much to stimulate men to an interest in the issues of the day which never would have been felt but for the exertions of the clubs. In those wards where these organizations have not already been formed, meetings are appointed to take place this week for the purpose of forming them, and by the next Sabbath there will be one in every ward in the city. Ordinarily the clubs meet once a week, but they convene oftener for special purposes. There are always speakers ready to address these meetings, being local candidates, speakers residing in the wards where the meetings are held, or speakers from abroad. Below will be found a list of the McClellan clubs now in effect, together with the names of their officers:"

FIRST WARD.

President, Chas. W. Patten; Vice-Presd'nt, P.D. Parks; Secretary, J.O. More; Executive Committee, George S. Kimberly, William Y. Daniels, Dr. J.A. Hahn, Augustus Banyon, Andrew Schall.

SECOND WARD.

President, William Baragwanatle; Vice-Presidents, Anton Berg, Dr. E.W. Edwards, Samuel Duncan; Secretary, James Rattray; Treasurer, F.E. Barber; Executive Committee, F.E. Barber, James Rattray, C.C. Strawn, J. Schlossman, P.M. Donelan, H.L. Stewart, F. Cahill, Thos. Tilley, William Hull.

THIRD WARD.

President, Geo. A. Meech; Vice-President, Stephen A. Barrett; Secretary, Benjamin F. Smith; Treasurer, John Dalton; Executive Committee, Joshua L. Marsh, John Schank, James McGrath.

FOURTH WARD.

President, A.A. Campbell; Vice-President, M.L. Kuth; Treasurer, Thomas Horless; Secretary, L.W. Binz; Executive Committee, J.H. Ferrell, Mark Kimball, Charles Walsh.

FIFTH WARD.

President, Mark Sheridan; First Vice-President, M.C. Quinn; Second Vice-President, Jas. Brennan; Secretary, Christopher Dennis; Assistant Secretary, James Fox; Treasurer, John Reid; Executive Committee, Constantine Kanu, John Keyes, John Myers, L.J. Prout, John Lyons, Michael McDermott, Michael Finucan, Thomas Barry.

SEVENTH WARD.

President, E. Gilmore; First Vice-President, D.W. Quirk; Second Vice-President, Gotthard Schaaff; Secretary, M.A. Donahue; Treasurer, Joseph Sherwin; Executive Committee, John Comisky, J.K. Boland, P. Caraher, T. Tully, and T.E. Courtney.

NINTH WARD.

President, S.S. Elson; Vice-President, R. O'Malley; Secretary, A.S. Morrison; Treasurer, P. Moran; Executive Committee, E.F. Runnison, P.S. Hade, Michael Gerrity.

TENTH WARD.

President, Hiram M. Chase; Vice-President, H.N. Hahn; Secretary, A.L. Amberg; Treasurer, T.T. Gurney; Executive Committee, D.W. Manchester, M. McCurdy, Joseph Hogan.

FOURTEENTH WARD.

President, Joseph Kuhn; Vice-President, P. Stech; Treasurer, John Schierer; Secretary, J.B. Winkelman; Executive Committee, B. Docter, Fred. Licht, N. Gerten.

The Times adds:

"The above list gives all the names that have ever been published. In some of the wards there are two clubs, and yet the permanent organization of either has never been given. In some other wards they have no permanent organization, but elect officers at each weekly meeting. In the other wards clubs will be formed within a few days. It should be borne in mind that the above clubs are independent of the Invincible Club, which is not a mere ward organization, but represents the whole city."



CHAPTER XVII.

PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES—THE CONSUMMATION OF THE INFERNAL PLOT—DEATH OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND DEADLY ASSAULT UPON SECRETARY SEWARD—RESOLUTIONS OF THE CHICAGO BOARD OF TRADE.

During the autumn of 1864, at a meeting of the Sons of Liberty, in Chicago, a proposition was introduced which contemplated the raising of a fund of fifty thousand dollars, which was to be expended in payment of the services of some person who would undertake to assassinate the President of the United States. This was an informal proceeding, the meeting having just adjourned, but it was discussed by several of the leading members, who declared that the "extermination of tyrants was obedience to God."

What say you, citizens of Chicago, concerning the band of traitors in your midst, who meditate and discuss such crimes as make the soul sicken, and the face blanch with horror; would not any honest man deliver this department of Jeff Davis' most efficient allies into the hands of the United States Government, by any means Heaven might place in his power? If there is a man so fastidious of propriety, so mindful of selfish considerations, that he would not, then, in our opinion, that man is a coward, a traitor, an imbecile too weak to punish, and deserving the scorn and contumely of his countrymen, for all coming time. This proposition was the next day reported in a dispatch to Col. Sweet, and is now on file in his office. It may be that the persons who discussed the proposition, would not themselves have undertaken the accomplishment of the deed, but the animus of the party was thus rendered apparent, and the proposition was gravely considered and discussed. This occurred soon after an interview, by the writer, with Maj. Gen. Hooker, at the Tremont House, in Chicago, in October. It had been often said that in case Lincoln was elected, he should never be inaugurated, implying that his life would be terminated before that event. Some of the very parties who made these threats, have since been prisoners in Camp Douglas, but are now at large. On the night of the 14th of April, 1865, assassins, who were, doubtless, members of the Sons of Liberty, in accordance with the same spirit in which that Order came into existence, and was conducted from first to last, consummated their hellish designs by shooting President Lincoln, and stabbing Secretary Seward. The nation now mourns the loss of the noble martyr of freedom, the truest heart, the most devoted patriot, the sincere advocate of republican institutions, and the friend of the people. In every city, town, and village, and hamlet of the land, is sincere mourning; deepest grief swells the hearts and dim the eyes of all who have hearts to feel, and fountains of tears, for the greatest bereavement that has ever befallen our nation. The emblems of mourning, the solemn tolling of bells, the universal gloom which overshadows our land, all impress upon our hearts the terrible affliction that has come upon us, and while we would bow reverently before Him who doeth all things well, and whose wise purpose in this chastening of our already sorrowing people may not now be apparent, we cannot repress the just indignation of our souls that moves us to the enactment of that stern justice which is uncompromising, and which cries to Heaven for vengeance, which nerves our hearts and hands to deeds, the generous, noble, President of the nation, now silent in the tomb, would have softened or averted. Villains have slain the man whose heart was large enough to take into his affections and paternal love, the whole country,—the man who knew no North, no South, no East, no West, but whose devotion to the best good of the people, was the ruling motive of a life so full of honors and usefulness. The North had no friend like Lincoln! The South had no friend like Lincoln! And, as our noble armies now march onward to victory, and crush out beneath their iron heel, the last vestige of treason, the memory of Lincoln will prove a watch-word of magic power; soldiers will remember the entreaties, the offers of pardon, the paternal affection of the noble Lincoln, and the base ingratitude of the demon who consigned him to the tomb; they who have commended his magnanimity, his humanity, his hopefulness, his reluctance to deal out stern justice, which required hard blows—such of our fellow-citizens will now, with holy indignation, rise in their might, and sweep from the land those whose treason is heard, and whose bloody hand is uplifted, aye, and those who devise their hellish schemes in secret chambers and hiding places in our own cities and towns. "Remember Lincoln," will be the battle-cry of our boys as they encounter armed treason in the field, and "Remember Lincoln," should be the watchword of friends of freedom at home, when hesitating in clemency, to strike down Copperheads who seek to embarrass the government, and hope for, prophecy and delight in its reverses upon the field of contest. Remember Lincoln and Seward ye men who would now compromise by any and all sacrifices, with a people who have sought to destroy our country, and have stricken down the pride of our nation, the noblest of our land, and the champion of liberty. The Chicago Board of Trade assembled upon the morning of the 15th of April, and adopted the following resolutions:

Resolved, That this Board has heard with mingled sentiments of grief and horror of the foul assassination, by accursed traitors, of Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States.

Resolved, That we mourn in the deepest sorrow his loss as a national calamity. His persevering and devoted patriotism through the dark days of the Republic; his wisdom alike in the hour of trial and triumph, have embalmed his memory in the hearts of his countrymen, and encircled his fame with a glory which time can never tarnish.

Resolved, That in this infernal act we see but another instance of the demoniac hate of the slave power, arrested by the strong arm of the government, under the heaven inspired leadership of Abraham Lincoln, in its career of treason, murder and despotism; and we are admonished anew to insist upon no compromise with the infamy, and upon the condign punishment by the mailed hand of power, and the strong arm of the law, of treason and its abettors, wherever found.

Resolved, That in our capacity of business men and citizens, we vow eternal hate to the treachery and treason of the rebellion, which, in addition to its before unnumbered crimes, has added the cowardly assassination of Abraham Lincoln in the vain hope of destroying this Republic.

Resolved, That in deep humiliation, we bow before the God of battles and of Nations, and, in this hour of our grand triumph and overwhelming sorrow, we reverently consign to His all-guiding wisdom the destiny of this Republic, and pray Him still to have it in His holy keeping.

Resolved, That the members of this Board, who have, from the war's beginning, felt it their duty, as it has been their privilege and their pride, to stand by the nation and its President and all its constituted leaders, loyally aiding and encouraging, as they could, the Cabinet and the Army in the gigantic struggle of the past four years, do now solemnly, unitedly, in the presence of Almighty God, and in humble reliance on the Divine help, pledge our full, unreserved, and trusting support to the Government of these United States, and to the men who now constitutionally succeed to the authority and powers, now laid down by the great and good man, who has fallen a precious and holy sacrifice on the altar of his country. And the members of this Board, in making this solemn pledge, do the same, not for themselves only, but in behalf of the loyal and patriotic people of the North-west, who have freely offered their first-born, and best beloved for their country's existence, security and honor.

Resolved, That the members of this Board express their profound and respectful sympathy with the bereaved family of the deceased, and with the associates of the departed in the Cabinet, as well as all the members of the national councils, in the tragic and deplorable events in which they share so largely.



CHAP. XVIII.

HYPOCRISY OF COPPERHEAD NEWSPAPERS—COMPLICITY WITH ASSASSINATION—THE LEADERS AND THEIR VICTIMS.

During the month of February, by Executive clemency, a number of Copperheads were released from confinement in Washington, where they had been placed as a measure of public safety. The Times published, and other Copperhead papers echoed the following. That paper now, in a very pious spirit, piteously urges, and the prints of like character also echo it, that "there should be no more party strife," "no more rancor," that it has not stabbed the President since he was shot, and the office is now draped with deep mourning. Aminadab Sleek is going to them as a comforter, and as tears mitigate woe, he bears with him an onion. The Times says:

"We submit that this fact should damn this Administration, not only for all time, but, if there be justice hereafter, to all eternity. There is not a single civilized government in existence to-day, against which can be charged a similar display of tyranny. With the title of being the freest government of modern ages, we have shown ourselves to be one whose disregard of right and whose outrageous assumptions of power are only paralleled in the reign of despots.

The liberty of fifty men may seem a small affair; but the matter has not so much reference to the magnitude of the offence as it has to the principle which underlies it. The moment Mr. Lincoln, or Mr. Seward, or any other man, dares to deprive one person of his liberty without due process of law, that moment has the government been changed from one of the people to an autocracy—a tyranny. If any man to-day is free in this country, it is not because he is a good citizen, surrounded by the protection of the laws, but simply because Seward or Lincoln has not chosen to order his incarceration.

The epitaph of posterity upon this people is easily anticipated. It will be—died 24,000,000 of whites, who lost their liberties and lives in an attempt to give a fictitious freedom to 4,000,000 negroes."

"Sic semper tyrannis!" exclaims Booth, who has read the above article, and the mission of the Times is accomplished, and it now wants "no more party rancor."

"Out of my sight thou serpent! That name best Befits thee with him leagu'd, thyself as false!"

The palpable HYPOCRISY of rebel sympathizers, can now only excite contempt. Who that read the evidence of Clement L. Vallandigham, before the military commission in Cincinnati, gave him credit for sincerity when he said substantially had he supposed there was a plot against the Government, he would have been the first to oppose or expose it. Have the people forgotten Mr. Vallandigham's record? Have his Dayton neighbors forgotten his cry of "Ocoon," the cry of distress of the Order to which he belonged, and which was to summon Sons of Liberty to his rescue, when arrested by the Government? Have they forgotten Vallandigham's visit to Fulton county, Illinois, during the autumn of 1864, and its consequences? This county was the stamping ground of the leaders of the treasonable organization, which has been dissected, and whose head and heart are now in a state of decomposition. In that county Assistant Provost Marshal Phelps was shot, there too enrolling officer Criss was shot; in that county is Lewiston, where resides S. Corning Judd, Esq., the Grand Commander of the Sons of Liberty in the State of Illinois. C.L. Vallandigham was the Supreme Commander of the Order in the United States. This Order inaugurated the new warfare at the instance of the Southern rebel leaders—inaugurated assassination. This order began with Provost Marshals and enrolling officers, and ended—if indeed the loyal people will it to have ended—with the assassination of the best, the wisest, the most deeply loved President since the immortal Washington. It is the education of Copperhead prints, and Copperhead secret societies that has fitted the instruments of death, and our indulgence which has fostered them.

Vallandigham's party had been defeated, his greatness had departed, and to wheel into line and "keep step to the music of the Union," was not for him, and as Milton's creation once exclaimed, so might he have uttered:

"And in my choice To reign is worth ambition, though in hell; Better to reign in hell than serve in heaven. But wherefore let me then our faithful friends, The associates and co-partners of our loss, Lie thus astonished on the oblivion pool, And call them not to share with us their part In this unhappy mansion; or once more With rallied arms to try what may be yet Regained in heaven, or what more lost in hell."

And so Clement L. Vallandigham became Supreme Commander of the Sons of Liberty.

Who is S. Corning Judd, who testifies before the Commission that "the organization (Sons of Liberty) was being used in Indiana and Missouri for improper purposes"? Who is he that says the organization in Chicago "was looked upon by many of the leaders with great distrust; many of those connected with the order in Chicago were radical, extreme men, and understood to be men of little standing or character"? that one of the delegates from Missouri stated his belief that the order in that State was in favor of "giving aid and comfort to the Confederates"? When Judd made these statements upon the stand, all loyal papers, with one accord, declared that the evidence fully warranted the arrests, in the manner and at the time they were made. No fair-minded man then could come to any other conclusion. Who, we ask, is S. Corning Judd? Stump-speakers, last fall, would have said that he was the "Democratic" candidate for Lieutenant Governor—and so he was. The Gubernatorial ticket bore the name of James C. Robinson for Governor, and S. Corning Judd for Lieutenant Governor—the former a man who, in Congress, voted against "fighting, crushing, and destroying" the rebellion. Both Robinson and Judd were Sons of Liberty, and to them Copperheads fondly turned, and had they carried the State, anarchy and bloodshed would have been the consequence; and, indeed, in the expressed opinion of Judge Morris, "had they carried the State, he cared not who might be President, for they would possess the reins of the General Government." S. Corning Judd sought to serve his own ends by controlling the Sons of Liberty, and failing in this, he gave the cold-shoulder to his Brig.-General (Walsh), when, in consequence of executing the edicts of the order, he found himself a close prisoner for the horrid doctrine of secession; he must be tried and convicted, but the Grand Commander, S. Corning Judd, and the Supreme Commander, C.L. Vallandigham, and the Past Grand Commander, or Major-General, Amos Green, each, severally appear upon the stand against him, and they permitted to go scott free. O, cursed doctrine of secession!

"So stretch'd out huge in length the arch-fiend lay, Chain'd on the burning lake; nor ever thence Had risen or heaved his head, but that the will And high permission of All-ruling Heaven Left him at large to his own dark designs; That with reiterated crimes he might Heap on himself damnation, while he sought Evil to others."

If Vallandigham, if Judd, if Green, if Barrett, and if the many equally guilty persons released from custody go unpunished, then "Justice, thou art fled to brutish beasts, and men have lost their reason." Not that we would contradict Judd in the least in aught that he has said against the Chicago temple, but we would tell him that we know the Chicago temple, so far from taking the lead in radicalism, was behind the order in Peoria, in Bloomington, in Dubuque, in St. Louis, Louisville, and many other places. Give the devil his due. In some places the boldness of Copperheadism induced prominent members of the Sons of Liberty to approach members of Congress, with their base proposals to enter the order.



CHAP. XIX.

EXTINCTION OF SLAVERY—NO CONCILIATION WITH TRAITORS—DOWN WITH COPPERHEADS AT HOME.

In a publication of this character, it will not be expected we should review either the causes which led to the great rebellion, with its hydra heads and its sad consequences; but in closing, and especially in view of the terrible tragedy which has plunged a nation in deepest grief, we cannot refrain from saying, that the last most diabolical deed was not the act of individual madness, of personal hate and passion, it was the culmination of the hatred by the slave power of the principle of liberty, and the champion of freedom. It was not because the assassin felt in his heart a hatred of Abraham Lincoln, but because he, and the people at whose instigation he acted, hated the apostle of liberty, and the instrument in the hand of God for the accomplishment of a great and mighty work. Although it was the purpose of this band of murderers to assassinate the President and the whole Cabinet, it was not from personal malice against them as men, but the enemy sought by the destruction of the exponents of a free government, to give new life to the expiring representation of the slave power. So antagonistic was freedom to slavery that it was impossible to permanently embody the representatives of these principles with a republican government, which should be perfect in its formation, wise and just in its action, the hope of the liberty loving people throughout the world, and the pride and glory of American citizens. Every year since the adoption of the old Constitution, have discordant elements cropped out, and incidents transpired, which demonstrated to every rational mind, that as time rolled on, the accumulation of combustible elements would ultimately explode, and shake the civilized world to its center.

The facts that Northern teachers, Northern clergymen, Northern mercantile agents, Northern men upon business or pleasure, travelling at the South, and unwilling to stultify themselves, or become passive approvers and admirers of the "peculiar institution," were treated with all possible indignities, and might count themselves fortunate if they escaped with their lives. So complete was the universal devotion to slavery in all sections of the South, and so baneful its effects upon the people, that all other considerations were made subservient to this. For slavery, friends were alienated, hatred established, so bitter in its extent that only death could appease it. It demoralized the entire people; it found its way with all its horrid moral deformities, into the very capitol; it caused the murderous assault of Brooks upon Charles Sumner in the Senate, and the many altercations and bitter harangues which have from time to time disgraced our National Congress; it was its cropping out that caused the fearless and noble President Andy Johnson, to threaten to hang Jeff. Davis—and which he may yet be called upon to perform;—it was slavery that devised the doctrine of secession; that has led to the deadly conflict upon hundreds of battle fields, and has spilled the best blood of our nation, and caused mourning and gloom all over the face of our once happy land. What wonder then, that the noble Lincoln, who, in the sincerity of his heart, and in the dictates of superior wisdom, who, seeing and appreciating the encroachments and horrors of slavery, not only to the people in bondage, but to the citizens of our country in every section—who wonders that Lincoln, whose name is immortal, especially for his extirpation of this curse, should be singled out by the demon of slavery, and assigned by Davis, his prophet, for a violent death. Thank God, the cancer is extirpated so thoroughly, that its fibres of death can never again form to threaten destruction to our land. True, the operation has been most painful, and no anesthetic agent has been employed; the suffering has been fearful, and the country has, to its extremities, trembled with anguish; but it is over now.

The assassination of the President was the will of Jeff. Davis, whispered in the temples of the Sons of Liberty or American Knights, into the ears of those of the members of the Orders, who had made the most proficiency in their teachings, and these beings, true to their oaths, went forth upon their mission of blood.

The following "gems," from the debates in the Democratic National Convention, will be read with interest now and in future time:

S.S. Cox, said:

"He had attempted in his own city, a few weeks since, to show, in a very quiet way, that ABRAHAM LINCOLN HAD DELUGED THE COUNTRY WITH BLOOD, created a debt of four thousand million of dollars, sacrificed two millions of human lives, and filled the land with grief and mourning."

A pious man, who had listened attentively to his remarks, sang out "G——d d——n him."

"For less offenses than Mr. Lincoln had been guilty of, the English people had chopped off the head of the first Charles. IN HIS OPINION, LINCOLN AND DAVIS OUGHT TO BE BROUGHT TO THE SAME BLOCK TOGETHER."

C. Chauncey Burr, editor of several Copperhead New York journals, said:

"And it was a wonder that they had a Cabinet and men who carried out the infamous orders of the gorilla tyrant that usurped the Presidential chair."

Capt. Koontz, of Pittsburg, an ardent McClellan leader, said:

"If Democrats catch Lincoln's bloody spies among them, they must cut their d——d throats, that's all. [Applause.] It is the duty of every American to vote for a peace candidate."

Baker, of Michigan, said:

"Let us hurl that usurper from power. Never till that day comes when the usurper and his victim meet at the judgment seat, can he be punished for his wrongs, for his conspiracy against American liberty."

Benjamin Allen, of New York, said:

"The people will soon rise, AND IF THEY CANNOT PUT LINCOLN OUT OF POWER BY THE BALLOT THEY WILL BY THE BULLET." [Loud cheers.] Mr. Stambaugh, a delegate from Ohio, said:

"That, if he was called upon to elect between the freedom of the nigger and disunion and separation, he should choose the latter." (Cheers.)

"They might search hell over and they could not find a worse President than Abraham Lincoln."

Hon. Mr. Trainor, of Ohio, said:

"He would urge the people to be freemen, and HURL ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND HIS MINIONS FROM POWER."

Henry Clay Dean, said:

"In the presence of the face of Camp Douglas and all the satraps of Lincoln, that the American people were ruled by felons. Lincoln had never turned a dishonest man out of office, or kept an honest man in. [A voice—'What have you to say of Jeff. Davis?] I have nothing to say about him. LINCOLN IS ENGAGED IN A CONTROVERSY WITH HIM, AND I NEVER INTERFERE BETWEEN BLACK DOGS."

"He blushed that such a felon should occupy the highest place in the gift of the people. PERJURY AND LARCENY WERE WRITTEN OVER HIM AS OFTEN AS WAS 'ONE DOLLAR' ON THE ONE DOLLAR BILLS OF THE BANK OF THE STATE OF INDIANA. (Cries of the 'old villain.') The Democracy were for peace."

W.W. O'Brien, of Peoria, also threatened "to try him as Charles the first was tried, as a tyrant and a traitor, and if they found him guilty to hang him."

The essential unity of Copperheadism with assassination, appears in the following remarks of Koontz, of Pennsylvania:

"Shall more wives be made widows, and more children fatherless, and greater hate be stirred up between children of the same glorious constitution? IF NOT WE MUST PUT OUR FOOT UPON THE TYRANT'S NECK, and destroy it, The Democratic government must be raised to power, and Lincoln with his Cabinet of rogues, thieves and spies, be driven to destruction. What shall we do with him? [A voice—"Send him here, and I'll make a coffin for him, d——n him."]"

As we review the events which have transpired during this war, we are strikingly impressed with the magnanimity, the forbearance, the humanity of the loyal States in their relations to the rebels in arms, and we are also impressed with the great lack of the exhibition of these qualities—the most ennobling in national character—on the part of the so-called Southern Confederacy. From the hour of firing upon Fort Sumter to the present moment, the war has not been waged by the rebels as if in defense of the great principles of truth and justice, but with the malignity, the cruelty and barbarity which would, in many instances, put to blush the savages upon our western borders. In our dealing with them, the honor, integrity, fidelity and dignity of the nation have never been forgotten; and the policy of the noble President, laid low by the hand of the assassin, was never to give blows when words would answer,—never to exact by force what might be attained by reasoning,—and never, under any circumstances, to forget those qualities which make a nation truly great, the first and chief of which is charity. How has our enemy failed to appreciate this? The manner in which the warfare has been waged by the South will be mentioned by historians as cruel, dishonorable and disgraceful to people of a Christian nation. Failing of success upon the field, we find the Davis Government countenancing guerrilla warfare, burning bridges, murdering unarmed citizens, and desolating the homes of unoffending people, and committing piracy upon the high seas. Still failing of success and losing ground daily, but driven to desperation by the apparent hopelessness of their cause, they sink to the depth of infamy by establishing among us secret orders, the aim of which is to educate men of base passions to deeds of dark dishonor and unmeasured infamy; men who receiving such instruction will concoct schemes for the burning of cities, for the liberation of their prisoners; and, lastly, they have sunk so low in the mire of dishonor, impelled by savage ferocity and hate, that it would appear folly, if not downright criminality to longer deal with them on the principles of liberality and gentleness, which has marked our conduct hitherto. It was our generosity, our mildness, our spirit of conciliation that moved the hand of the demon who slew the country's truest friend. Let it be so no longer! Let rebels feel that we are terribly in earnest. Let heavy blows be struck, and struck without delay, and let there be no exhibition of concession or conciliation, till the enemy sue for peace upon the terms the country proclaims. As well make Copperheads Christians or honest men, as to attempt by gentleness longer to subdue rebels, whose weapons are firebrands and assassins' daggers. It is futile; try it no longer. Said the great French advocate of justice, when he was charged with being sanguinary, because he so frequently punished murder with death, "You tell me that it is bloody work, and sinful in the sight of Heaven to execute men; so it is, and I am disposed to desist, and I will, the moment men stop the crime of murder." So will we show clemency, when our enemy has laid down his arms, and not before.

Another measure by our people would be attended with salutary results—the extermination of Copperheadism at home. Who helped to form secret societies of Sons of Liberty and kindred organizations, so industriously and so efficiently as editors of Copperhead publications. It is in these orders that assassins are trained, and prepared for their fiendish mission. Henceforth let the people—the loyal people of the most glorious country on which the sun shines—swear by the memory of our much loved and deeply lamented President, that henceforth no paper shall print, no man shall utter sentiments of treason, under the penalty of incurring that summary punishment, the righteous indignation of a sorrowing, long suffering people may inflict. If the people resolve to endure the curse of home treason no longer, and let Copperheads know that they can no longer co-operate with Jeff. Davis in any part of our land, we shall never again be called upon to aid in suppressing or exposing a North-Western Conspiracy, or any plot against our country, in any section of our land.



CHAP. XX.

TRIAL OF THE CHICAGO CONSPIRATORS—THE WITNESSES AND THE TESTIMONY.

When our troops entered Richmond, among other rebel documents found was a bill, offered in secret session of the rebel House of Representatives, January 30th, 1865, establishing a Secret Service Bureau, for the employment of secret agents, "either in the Confederate States, or within the enemy's lines, or in any foreign country," and authorizing the chief officer "to organize such a system for the application of new means of warfare approved, and of secret service agencies, as may tend best to secure the objects of the establishment of the bureau."

The trial, conviction, sentence, and execution of Capt. Beall, for piracy on the lakes, and of Kennedy, for incendiarism in New York, are still fresh in the recollection of our readers. That these men were acting under instructions from the bureau of secret service of Jeff. Davis, no rational person can doubt. These acts were but incidents in the grand conspiracy at the North; the guilty parties, who suffered death, were but the instruments of others, and the members of the secret organizations, who were cognizant of these acts and purposes, though yet unwhipped of justice, are more guilty, in the sight of Heaven, than the wretches who undertook the execution of the hellish design, and for which they suffered ignominious death.

After the discovery of the purposes and acts of the leaders of the Sons of Liberty in Illinois, in co-operation with rebels, and the arrests detailed in a former chapter, a Military Commission was convened in Cincinnati for the trial of the prisoners, Morris, Walsh, Grenfell, Anderson, Daniels, Cantril, Marmaduke and Semmes, upon a charge of conspiring to sack and burn Chicago, and to liberate the prisoners in Camp Douglas.

The Commission consisted of the following named officers:

C.D. Murray, Colonel 89th Indiana Volunteers, President Commission. Ben. Spooner, Colonel 83d Indiana Volunteers. N.C. Macrae, Major United States Army. P. Vous Radowitz, Lieutenant-Colonel United States Army. S.P. Lee, Major 6th Regiment Veteran Reserve Corps. M.N. Wiswell, Colonel Veteran Reserve Corps. B.P. DeHart, Colonel 128th Indiana Volunteers. S.H. Lathrop, Lieutenant-Colonel, A.I.G. Albert Heath, Lieutenant-Colonel 100th Regiment Indiana Volunteers.

CONFESSION OF MRS. MORRIS, B.S., AND HER SENTENCE.

CINCINNATI, Feb. 13.

The following is Mrs. Morris' confession:

McLEAN BARRACKS, CINCINNATI, Feb. 5, 1865.

To Maj.-Gen. J. Hooker, Commanding Northern Department, Cincinnati, O.:

General—I was arrested in Chicago, on the 11th day of December, by the United States authorities, charged with assisting rebel prisoners to escape, and relieving them with money and clothing; also, with holding correspondence with the enemy. I desire to state the facts of the case, to confess the truth, and to ask such clemency at your hands as may be consistent with your duty as an officer of the government. I was born and reared in Kentucky. My home was in the South till within the last ten years, my connections and friends all being there. I had sympathy with them, though I was as much opposed to the secession movement as any one could be. Having a large acquaintance in Kentucky, I was charged with the distribution of a great deal of clothing and money among the prisoners in Camp Douglas, Chicago, sent to them by their friends, and which was done under the supervision of the proper officers of the camp. This I continued to do up to the time of my arrest, and in this way I made the acquaintance, and was understood to be the friend of the prisoners in camp.

In the early part of last winter, an escaped prisoner named John Harrington, came to me and asked for assistance. He stated that he was going to Canada for the purpose of completing his education. I gave him money to the amount I believe of $20. Some time in the summer of the past year, a rebel prisoner named Charles Swager, a young man who had escaped from the cars while being conveyed to Rock Island, came to me for assistance. I gave him a coat, a pair of boots, and some money, to the amount I believe, of $15. There were two or three others that I had reason to believe were escaped prisoners, whose names I do not know. These I assisted with money, and to one of them I gave some clothing. There were some others to whom I gave money and clothing, that I did not at the time know were rebel prisoners, but who afterwards I had reason to believe were such.

I received letters from Capt. J. B, Castleman of the rebel army, and sent him verbal messages in return. He called at my house, and remained for a little while. Capt. Hines, also of the Confederate army, called and ate at my house once during last summer.

I beg to be released from my present imprisonment, and promise that, if my prayer is granted, I will henceforth conduct myself as a truly loyal woman, without in any way interfering with the government or aiding its enemies.

Witness my hand and seal, this 5th day of February, 1805. MARY B. MORRIS.

The following is Gen. Hooker's order relative to Mrs. Morris:

HEADQUARTERS NORTHERN DEPARTMENT, CINCINNATI, O., Feb. 10, 1865. /

[Extract.]

Mrs. Mary B. Morris, now in confinement at McLean barracks, in the city of Cincinnati, O., charged with giving aid and comfort to the enemy, assisting rebel prisoners to escape, and other disloyal practices, will, on or before Monday the 13th inst., be sent south of our military lines, under guard, into the so-called Southern Confederacy. Her sympathy with those in rebellion can there find its natural expression, and a more appropriate theatre of action. It is but just to our government and laws, that the shield of its power should not be thrown over those who are inimical to it, and are giving active aid and sympathy to its enemies. The claim to protection by the government implies the reciprocity of fealty.

Mrs. Mary B. Morris, who was ordered sent out of our lines by paragraph 1 of this order, in consideration of her professions and promises, is permitted to remain on the premises of her father, Edward M. Blackburne, at Spring Station, Woodford county, Ky., on consideration that she complies with the promises accompanying her confession, filed at these headquarters, Feb. 5th, 1865. If such promises are not complied with, the first paragraph of the order to be in full force.

By command of Maj.-Gen. HOOKER.

(Signed) C.H. POTTER, Assistant Adjutant-General.

The trial of the prisoner Cantril was deferred, owing to serious illness. During the progress of the trial, Anderson committed suicide, and Daniels escaped. [It will be remembered that H.H. Dodd, convicted of treason in Indianapolis, some months ago, and sentenced to suffer the death penalty, also escaped. Neither Daniels or Dodd have been recaptured.] The evidence before the Military Commission elicited most of the important facts embraced in this narrative, and therefore need not be reviewed.

In regard to several of the witnesses before the Military Commission, a few remarks may not be uninteresting. It has been observed by the reader who has carefully perused the foregoing statement, that there were two distinct elements which made up the great conspiracy, viz: The Copperheads, or Sons of Liberty, and Knights of the Golden Circle, and the rebel emissaries both in the Northern States and in Canada. The discovery of the designs, purposes and intents of the former, was made by the writer of this work, who was aided by Robert Alexander. With such aid as we were able to control, we obtained and imparted the information which resulted in the total defeat of the devilish intent of our secret enemies—the Copperheads; the purposes, movements, ends and aims of the Rebels in Canada, were reported by Maurice Langhorn, aid by two others. The parties in charge of observing and defeating the two distinct elements, were utter strangers, and had never met or had any communication whatever.

In regard to the writer, it need only be said, that when it was announced to Hon. I.N. Arnold, M.C., Governor Yates, and Brig.-Gen. Paine, that there was a formidable conspiracy against the General Government, embracing many thousand persons in its league, and that its purpose was the subversion of our Government in aid of the rebellion, that their plots were rapidly maturing, and the most alarming consequences might be apprehended, if timely precautions were not observed, all of these gentlemen gave to the matter their earnest and careful attention. It was not the purpose of the writer to proceed with further investigations, except by advice and direction, as it was a work for which he felt wholly unqualified, from his tastes, disposition, professional, and social position, but the arguments of Gen. Paine, which, at this time and place, it is unnecessary to state, but which it is believed neither party will soon forget, decided the matter, and the task was undertaken, and with what success it was attended, let the history of the proceedings in Cincinnati determine. For more than six months, the work was prosecuted with unceasing vigilance, regardless of all other considerations, and although, when he was called to the witness stand, he could not shield himself from the malignant abuse of counsel, by stating that he had been acting under a commission received from his Government, yet he then felt morally certain, and that confidence yet remains unshaken, that when his true relations to the Government and country, are finally known, his motives, his acts, and his services, will be duly appreciated. He has not been mistaken. The contemptible falsehood of the party who stated that the writer's services had been compensated, or that a claim for compensation had been made, is hereby hurled back into his teeth. Not a dollar, not a dime, has been received, not even for actual expenses incurred, and no claim whatever has been made—no consideration whatever has been proffered. The service was the result of a deep conviction of duty, a feeling that no citizen should withhold personal sacrifice, even of life and reputation, if the interest of his country demands it. We knew the condition upon which we stepped aside from the agreeable and peaceful avocations of life, and entered upon the task so distasteful, so repulsive, and for a time so thankless. We had reason to know that the shafts of fiendish calumny would assail, that friendship would be broken, that envy and jealousy would ply their innuendoes, that the Copperhead elements of a fraternity, claiming one of the offenders in its ranks, would assail with bitterness and awaken poignant grief, but no regret, that we should have the hatred of Copperheads, as long as that genus (thank Heaven, short-lived), existed in our land, and be regarded with distrust by those negative persons, who would be for the Union, had they any independence of character; we knew all this would follow, if the assassin's bullet or dagger did not execute the sworn purpose of the Order, but with an abiding faith in the justice of Heaven, with an approving conscience, and our earnest heartfelt prayer for our loved country in her dark hours, we took our course, and our only regret is, that we had not sooner entered upon the work, and thereby frustrated plans which have contributed to our national suffering; for who shall say how many have been its victims, how many homes has it made desolate, how many hearts has it broken, and how many graves now enclose misguided men, and misguided youths, who, educated in its fallacies, lured by its snake-like influence, arrayed themselves against their country, and fell victims to their fanaticism!

We have heard the cry of our Union soldiers at the front, to protect the helpless in the rear, and we have tried to comply. We have given our own near and dear kindred to the bullet and the sword, a sacrifice to freedom, and staunched the life-blood of a dearly loved brother, upon the field of Antietam, and as we wiped away the dew of death, gathering upon his brow, we pledged our life—our all—to the cause of the Union; and if better service might be rendered in vanquishing the secret foe at home, than meeting the more honorable enemy upon the field of battle, we were ready for the work. Had it not been for the potent influence of Copperheads at the North, the counsel, the sympathy, the comfort extended to the rebels, the rebellion would have been put down long ago. Entertaining such views, we shall, under any and all circumstances, and at all times, be a bitter opponent of Copperheadism wherever found, and regard it as legitimate warfare to arrest the assassin of our country, wherever and whenever we can. If the disaffected find comfort in this, let them make the most of it.

ROBERT ALEXANDER.—This gentleman, who is well known to the citizens of Chicago, has held several positions of responsibility and trust, and has ever been a consistent, earnest, devoted advocate of the Union. So intensely Republican in sentiment is he, that the attempt to introduce him into the Sons of Liberty, called forth such opposition that it was thought we should fail in the attempt, and he finally, was only admitted, after he and his sponsor (the writer) had been told, in plain words, accompanied with an oath, that if he proved false to them, both should die. For months he bore the opprobrium of a Copperhead, and suffered extreme annoyances in sustaining the role it was his duty to assume. Conscientious, earnest, persevering, patient, with keen perception, and a remarkable power of reading human character, with the experience of an excellent police officer, Mr. Alexander brought to his post of duty high qualifications, and was a valuable, ready and willing assistant. It should be remarked that Mr. Alexander had been informed in May, 1864, that he had been appointed First-Lieutenant in the 53d U.S. Infantry, and supposed he was in the service of the U.S. Government at the time of joining this great undertaking, but the information, though coming from a high source, proved incorrect, and this is one additional reason why the writer made choice of Mr. Alexander. While we know that loyal men will appreciate Mr. Alexander's valuable services, we have yet to learn that he has, thus far, experienced any other satisfaction than the approval of his own heart, and the sincere gratitude of the writer, for his hazardous undertaking, and the able manner in which he performed his duty.

MAURICE LANGHORN, one of the principal government witnesses, was born in Pittsburgh, Penn., and reared in Marysville, Ky. He is a lawyer, and a man of ability. Like many other Kentuckians who were in the South at the time the rebellion broke out, Mr. Langhorn committed himself to the doctrine of secession. In 1861 he enlisted as a private in a Louisiana regiment of heavy artillery. He was subsequently recommended for Colonelcy in the rebel army, but failed to get the appointment. In 1861 he went to Bowling Green, Ky., where he enlisted as a private in the 9th Kentucky Infantry, Col. Thomas H. Hunt, of Louisville, and was transferred to the artillery. He mounted the guns on the fortifications around Bowling Green, and seems to have given great satisfaction. He ran as candidate for representative to the rebel congress from Kentucky, but before the result of the canvass was known, was captured and held eight months as a prisoner of war. Mr. Langhorn subsequently took the oath of allegiance to the United States, and was of great service in reporting the movements and designs of the rebel emissaries in Canada to Col. Sweet. The information Mr. Langhorn gave of those men was reliable, and upon it certain arrests were made. Mr. Langhorn is now a loyal citizen, in its broadest and best sense. Mr. Langhorn is a young man not over twenty-five years of age, of quick, nervous temperament, kind and generous impulses, a man of strong feelings, warm friendship, bitter animosities, and whatever he undertakes, he executes with a will. Of Mr. Langhorn it may be truly said, that while he was a rebel, he was an earnest, active foe, but a true soldier, having a high regard for honor and integrity, loving the State in which he was reared, and ever jealous of her honor and fair name. Mr. Langhorn was a rebel from principle—because he felt that the South was right—but when convinced of his error, he made haste to repair it, and when he had once taken the oath of allegiance, he went to work with all his might to aid the cause of the Union. To Mr. Langhorn is due all the honor of frustrating the designs of the rebels from Canada; and Col. Sweet being advised by Mr. Langhorn of this portion of the plot, and by the writer of the Copperheads' movements and intents, the Colonel had the best possible opportunity of acquiring important knowledge, and regulating his conduct in accordance therewith. Mr. Langhorn is a true friend of the Union, an admirer of our lamented President, and has rendered the citizens of Chicago a service which should ever be held in grateful remembrance.

MR. SHANKS—Once a Rebel officer of distinction, but now a loyal man, consistent in conduct, and of very great assistance to the Government, in ferreting out Rebel officers and Rebel sympathisers, has the confidence and respect of those who know him. He is a young man of signal ability, and if he continues to serve the country as faithfully as he has in the present case, will yet attain distinction.

CHRISTOPHER C. STRAWN—Was a valuable witness. He is a young man who has taken an active part with the Democrats, and is well informed of the incomings and outgoings, and the eccentricities and peccadilloes of the managers in Chicago, although the Post says, that "before his arrest he was not worthy of notice, and after his arrest still less so." We think the Post man a little severe on Strawn, who has done all he could to have the guilty Copperhead readers of that paper brought to justice. Mr. Strawn, has bade his brethren, the Copperheads, an affectionate and, we trust, final adieu.

JOHN MAUGHAN, an Englishman, born in Berkshire county, and about 22 years of age. His family moved to Toronto, Canada West. He was always in Canada regarded as a young man, with fine business qualities and promise. For three years just before his connection with the rebels, and their Northern conspirators, he occupied a very responsible position as a clerk and teller, in one of the branches of the bank of Upper Canada, and was in every way worthy the confidence reposed in him. During the spring and summer of 1864, he however became acquainted with rebel soldiers in Canada, earnestly espoused their cause, and left his position to go with them to the Southern army. They, however, instead of going South, went to Chicago, where he became acquainted with the conspirators, and also gained their confidence, and on account of being an Englishman, and having his papers with him, and being able to travel without fear of detection, he was used by them to carry their correspondence and other communications, which were of too dangerous a character to trust to the mails. This man was truly a dangerous character. No one, except those who employed him, knew him, or the character in which he was acting, and he was able, frequently, to render the conspirators immense service in their desperate schemes. He was captured in Chicago in November, and finally agreed to turn State's evidence, when he saw that unless he did, his own life was forfeited. After this agreement, he was treated with great leniency by the Government, but upon being placed upon the witness stand, his old sympathies and prejudices returned, and it is believed he distinctly perjured himself, acting through the whole trial with bad faith toward the Government which had treated him so generously.

THOS.E. COURTNEY—A Son of Liberty, and a leading Democrat of Chicago, called a witness for defence, testified, among other things, as follows:

"I was on a Committee of the Democratic party to receive, at the Alton Depot, some bogus voters that were to be imported into Chicago to vote at the Presidential election; they were part and parcel of the tribe that came from Egypt, and I was one of the Committee appointed to escort them to their boarding houses."

OBADIAH JACKSON, JR., ESQ., Grand Seignior of the Temple, who had been arrested and sent to Camp Douglas, and while there had written and signed a "statement," was called for the defence, but it neither helped him or the defendants.

COL.B. M. ANDERSON—Was born, reared, and educated in Kentucky. He was a young man of education, ability, and fine personal appearance, and had he not been a rebel would have been an accomplished gentleman. He possessed many fine points of character, and was, in our opinion, a much better man than any of the Northern Copperheads who have been arrested. He had been in the Nicaraugua expedition, under the fillibuster, Walker. Col. Anderson was the dupe of others. He committed suicide at the barracks in Cincinnati, during the progress of the trial. He leaves a wife and many friends to mourn his death. His history is a sad one. In any other position than a rebel, he would have been a most useful member of society. He was not of the material of which the Sons of Liberty was made up, but aside from that deadly fanaticism which ruined him, he won warm friends wherever he went. Nature did everything for him, but the accursed doctrine of Calhoun, consigned him to a suicide's grave, "after life's fitful fever" of war upon the land of his birth.