All this while that contemptible print, the Chicago Times, was instilling treason into the minds of its readers, and doing all that it could to embarrass the Government, discourage patriotism, and to give aid and comfort to the rebels; our victories, with that sheet, were always unimportant; our cause was unholy; our President a despot; our Union soldiers were hirelings; our Union-loving citizens were abolition fanatics; Jeff Davis was a master spirit of the age; his generals the heroes of the Times; and rebel victories were events cheering and hope giving, as they presaged the close of the war and peace; peace at the sacrifice of the Union, of national honor, of national dignity and national interests. Such was the Chicago Times at that period—the darkest era in our history—and as well might we have looked for mercy from a hyena, or reason from a ghoul, as in the event of open insurrection in our city, to have looked to Wilbur F. Story, editor of the Times, to have endeavored to suppress the flames his incendiary print had for years been fanning into a blaze. And yet, citizens of Chicago and the West, this same Chicago Times, now, after the occupation of Richmond by our forces, and the surrender of Lee and all his forces, and the end of the rebellion is at hand, this same Chicago Times pretends to rejoice in our success, and some days turns a cold shoulder upon its old friend and patron, who has contributed to its circulation and prosperity for years—Jeff Davis—and really declares that his master's cause is hopeless. Most noble Story, most patriotic Story, most consistent Story! Rather weep with the fallen fortunes of your masters. Flatter not yourself that the cloak of loyalty, which you have found it so convenient to fling around you, as our Union processions come marching along with thundering tread, that they will believe your conversion sincere and lasting; the cloak is not long enough to conceal your feet, and Union men will recognize the same Wilbur F. Story, and none will be so obtuse as not to discover under any disguise Bottom, the tailor. In the position of that Copperhead print, the state of mind of the Times man reminds us of an instance of what may be called poor consolation, A soldier of a division, after the command had run two days from the scene of an engagement, had thrown away his gun and accouterments, and alone in the woods sat down and commenced thinking—the first opportunity he had for doing so. Rolling up his sleeves, and looking at his legs and general physique, he thus gave utterance to his feelings: "I am whipped—badly whipped—and somewhat demoralized, but no man, thank God, can say I'm scattered!" And so, the Chicago Times, though kicked out of respectable society long ago, continues to print its daily issues, while from the scarcity of Copperheads all at once, since our recent glorious victories, we infer that they have been "scattered;" and as snakes cast their skins in the spring, so the Copperhead Times seems to have cast its own this season; but though it may appear in more pleasing garb with its present covering, let none forget that it is the same old Copperhead still. And the time will come when some enterprising showman will obtain and exhibit the last issue of that delectable sheet as the acme of treason and corruption during the war, and as an illustration of what villainy the mind of man may conceive, when he once turns against his country.

About the period of which we write, say a month prior to the Convention, informal meetings of the Sons of Liberty were frequent, and large numbers of the members often went out of the city on excursions, nominally for pleasure, but really for practice with fire arms. The most active preparations were made by the Democrats, resident of Chicago, to be able to accommodate their brethren from abroad, who would attend the Convention, or who would pay them an earlier visit; for the time of the uprising, it will be remembered, had been fixed for about the middle of August. The time assigned arrived, but "all was quiet on the Potomac," and along the placid and fragrant Chicago. It was a complete fizzle, but not from want of harmonious action on the part of the Copperheads of the Northwest, but to the chagrin of the Rebel government, Gen. Price failed to make his appearance in the vicinity of St. Louis, or Buckner about Louisville. The disappointment and vexation of the Sons of Liberty was great, and it found expression in the peculiar style of oratory and diction, which Judge Morris had introduced into the Temple. The failure of the rebels to concur, as had been arranged, was for a time quite inexplicable and unsatisfactory to the most ultra secesh of the Temple. It was not easy to communicate with Price and Buckner, and much mystery and doubt hung over the failure. The leaders were in doubt as to the wisdom of rising at the Convention, some being in favor and others adverse to it. It was evident the leaders were not a little embarrassed, but they finally agreed that a large force of "bone and muscle" should be on hand in Chicago at the Convention, and if it was found that the War Democrats should be in the ascendency, and the Peace wing could get nothing—either platform or candidate—the uprising should occur at that time, but so confident were the Peace men that they should be able to have the control of the Convention, that Judge Morris and Brig.-Gen. Walsh, and other leaders, announced to the members of the Illini their entire belief that there would be no doubt of the success of the Peace wing, in that Convention, and if so, no insurrectionary movement would be expedient; but if the uprising did not occur then, it surely would at the time of the Presidential election, and in the time which would elapse between the Convention and the election, the most active and earnest efforts would be made to strengthen the numbers of the Temples of the Sons of Liberty, wherever they existed. Judge Morris had expressed the confident belief that no difficulty would occur at the Convention, but declared if they (the Copperheads) should meet with any interference, the most serious results would follow.

The rank and file who had been edified by such men as J.L. Rock, Charles W. Patten, James A. Wilkinson, L.C. Morrison, L.A. Doolittle, James Geary, Mr. Duncan, Mr. Dooley, Mr. Frank Adams, City Attorney, and many others were most impatient, and it was quite probable that a slight cause of offence with Union men would result in an open riot, that could not be suppressed till the grand aim of the Order was accomplished. About this time L.A. Doolittle, who was never tired of expressing his devotion to the distinguished exile Mr. Vallandigham, announced that Mr. V., who was Supreme Commander of the whole Order, would honor the Chicago Temple with a visit during the Convention, but that worthy could not find time to make the visit. As the excitement of the coming Convention seized upon the minds of those who were to participate in it, much speech making was done inside the Temples. At these meetings the writer particularly noticed two members, who seemed to have fallen into disfavor by the course which they had seen fit to adopt. One of these men was Christopher C. Strawn, a young lawyer of this city, of some education, a very fair order of talents, and who had seemed hitherto taciturn and reserved. Upon conversation with him we were astonished to find that he did not approve of the Jeff. Davis principles, and had no fellowship with any overt act of treason. He had been appointed a Brigadier-General, on the ground of his supposed ability, but early took occasion to express himself, in such a manner that his commission was speedily revoked. Mr. Strawn was, he declares, not in the clique who favored a revolution. Mr. Strawn was subsequently arrested, but he was soon released, and freely communicated truthful information to the authorities.

During the summer an event truly unfortunate for the Sons of Liberty took place, it being an expose in the Chicago Tribune of the signs, grips, passwords, &c. of the order. This was a cause of great distress of mind. We remember that at a meeting about the 25th of August (Charles W. Patten presiding), the expediency of changing the signs, grips, &c. was considered, inasmuch as it would be unsafe to use them in public, but the lateness of the day, and the time drawing so near when the entire forces of the order would be called into requisition, it was not deemed expedient to undertake any change or modification. At this meeting Judge Morris made a speech in which he said that a demand had been made for arms seized in Indiana (as Col. Walker had proposed to do), and if the demand failed, the revolution would be begun in Indiana "as sure as there was a God in heaven or an abolitionist in hell."

At a meeting of the Chicago Temple Sons of Liberty, on the eve of the Convention, we heard for the first time (and that from the mouth of L.A. Doolittle), a definite plan for the attack of Camp Douglas. Doolittle told how the camp was situated, and that it was accessible on two sides; that guns were in position on only one side, and the west side was referred to by him as being the weakest; he spoke of the common board fence which formed the enclosure, and of the ease with which the camp could be taken, and the vast importance of liberating the prisoners the first thing upon an uprising. The speech of Doolittle was variously received; many of the members were much interested; others who were in the higher degrees of the order were vexed beyond measure that Doolittle should be so stupid as to proclaim, in this public manner, a matter which really belonged to higher degrees of the organization to decide. One of the number, James Geary, a second-hand clothes dealer and broker on Wells street, who will receive further mention by and by, became so much incensed that he ordered Mr. Doolittle to his seat, declaring, with an oath, that Doolittle was telling too much.

At a meeting about this time, several of the members spoke upon the subject of releasing the prisoners at Camp Douglas. A map of Camp Douglas was exhibited by an individual present, who seemed to be a soldier. The map was a fine piece of work and had been made by a hand accustomed to such labor. Upon this map the precise position of the various departments, headquarters, cannon, &c., were laid down. There could be no shadow of doubt in the mind of any man not stupefied with whiskey, and possessed of common sense, that the details of the attack had been carefully considered by those who were most interested in leading it on.

It had for some time been the policy of the Sons of Liberty to unite with the Invincible Democratic Club and the various McClellan escorts in the city and elsewhere, and seek to become its officers, that in case of an outbreak it would be far better to be the controlling power, than to be controlled. This plan worked admirably, and the Democratic Invincible Club of Chicago became one of the most corrupt organizations outside the order of Sons of Liberty. Its secretary at one time was Charles W. Patten, who had been a Grand Seignior of the Chicago Temple, was also a member of the Grand Council, and had taken a very active part in the prosperity of the order, and was chairman of the committee to see that all the Sons of Liberty were armed. One of the officers of the above named Club was Capt. P.D. Parks, whose devotion to Jeff. Davis and good whiskey were noticeable features in his character. This Capt. Parks was captain of the Invincible Club and often made speeches in the Sons of Liberty Hall.

On Saturday the 26th August (two days prior to the National Democratic Convention), immense numbers of persons came flocking to Chicago, indeed at no former time in the history of the city was there such an influx of strangers; they came in the cars and in wagon trains, and on horseback. One county alone sent nearly a thousand men. It was a noticeable fact that almost all persons who came into the city were well armed, and some of them even brought muskets. Treason was now rampant, and it would not be difficult, in looking around upon the most unprepossessing groups, and to hear the language, to fancy one's-self in Charleston, or some other nest of treason. From all the men who came to the city we did not, in a single instance, hear one good, hearty expression of Unionism, but our "Southern brethren and their rights," and this "wicked war," &c., &c., were the topics of conversation, and it was safe to set it down, that this was the Peace wing of that most remarkable bird,—Democracy of 1864.

The writer was in close communication with Col. Sweet, commandant at Camp Douglas, and by aid of our auxiliaries not an item of information concerning the hostile intentions of the party transpired, that was not known instantly by Col. Sweet,—special carriers or orderlies conveying our dispatches. It must not be supposed that our observations were confined to Chicago. Our channels of communication with the principal points in the West were unobstructed; our "telegraphic cable" was in fine working order, and if those wise heads for a moment fancied that Col. B.J. Sweet might be caught napping, they were the worst self-deceived men we have ever seen. Col. Sweet proceeded with all caution and celerity to make his arrangements, and we beg the Colonel not to regard it as a breach of confidence in us to say, that the guns were in such a position and so well managed, that had there been any attempt to have assaulted the camp, there would not have been able-bodied traitors enough left, to have carried the killed and wounded to secure retreats. Almost any officer, perhaps, less cool than Col. Sweet would have blustered about in such a manner as to have rendered himself not only positively offensive to the citizens, but would have placed the city under martial law, and doubtless precipitated the very event it was wise for a time to avert. Col. Sweet was cool, and managed the matter with the most perfect military ability and skill. He compelled everybody, friend and foe, to respect him by his dignified, gentlemanly bearing, and yet there was that about his appearance that told plainer than words, that while he was courteous, polite, kind and willing to do all in his power and consistent with his duty to preserve the peace, yet had an outbreak been begun, of all men in Chicago, rebels and sympathisers would prefer to get as far as possible from Col. Sweet, or the reach of his influence. This gallant officer had his men under such perfect discipline that a simple request, even when the men were not on duty, was obeyed with the alacrity as if it had been a peremptory order. The discovery that Col. Sweet was ready for them, which discovery was early made and duly reported, had much to do with the good order which prevailed in Chicago during the Convention.



CHAP. VIII.

TIME OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION—TREASON EVERYWHERE PREVALENT—INSIDE VIEW OF THE TEMPLE OF SONS OF LIBERTY—MAJ.-GEN. BARRETT WITH COMMISSION FROM JEFF. DAVIS, AT THE HEAD OF A TORCHLIGHT PROCESSION IN CHICAGO—TRAITORS WITH LOADED MUSKETS UPON OUR STREETS.

The extraordinary activity of recruiting for the Sons of Liberty, and the zeal displayed by the master spirit of the Temple was ominous of the wicked work they might be called upon to perform. James A. Wilkinson, who was elected Grand Senior, was too young a man in the estimation of many, and he was about to resign, when Judge Morris remarked, that "age was not always wisdom" (the truth of which his own career has fully illustrated,) and by request Wilkinson continued to hold the post. The old order for arming of members was called up, and all were required to comply with the condition at once; a particular pattern of revolvers was specially recommended, and it was ascertained that the members were in almost every instance, fully armed. A young man named R.T. Semmes, who was said to be a near relative to the commander of the rebel pirate Alabama, was appointed to deliver an address before the Order, but this duty was never complied with in a formal manner, as it was subsequently thought Judge Morris was better qualified, he being in a higher degree than Mr. Semmes, to impart such information as the lower degree should know. Upon an occasion of a special meeting, the Judge made a long address, in which he stated the number of members of the Order in Illinois at 80,000 men, saying they were all well drilled and could be implicitly relied upon, at the right time; members were enjoined to remember their obligations to sustain the principles of the Order, and to aid each other. The Judge stated that "we" (the Sons of Liberty,) had two full regiments all well armed and drilled, in Chicago, and that a third was forming. Such cheering information was received with great gratification, and gave a greater impetus to the recruiting for the Order.

The question of the draft agitated the members at each meeting, and all declared their purpose never to go to the army, either voluntarily or otherwise, to fight our brethren, "whose cause was just and right," and a strong attempt was made to array the organization by formal action to oppose the Government, and those especially who were impatient for the general uprising, thought it a timely opportunity and ample provocation, and felt confident that as the South manifested open hostility and presented a bold and united front instantly upon the firing of the first gun upon Fort Sumter, so would it be in all the States of the Northwestern league; they would at once rise, when knowing that their brethren of Chicago were in arms against the "usurper and his hirelings;" but these hasty counsels did not prevail, and individuals were exhorted to take care of themselves if drafted, but on no account to go to the army.

Not only was there remarkable activity in the Chicago Temple just prior to the Convention, but in all the States where the order existed. Our Indiana neighbors often sent their worst Copperheads to the Chicago Temple to receive instructions in regard to the mode of initiation; and about this time, a man named Westfall, of Elkhart, Indiana, appeared in the Temple, and edified the members with most encouraging accounts of the order in his own State. He was properly qualified as a Grand Seignor, and no doubt served with that grace and dignity of which his appearance gave such promise. It is hoped that the citizens of Elkhart appreciate this gentleman's devotion to "the great cause." Judge T.H. Marsh was put through a similar course of training, and being possessed of remarkable dignity, no doubt made an excellent Grand Seignor. If he was not fit for a good Judge, he was fit for a Son of Liberty. He no doubt remembers the artist, who by an unlucky daub, spoiled his picture of an angel, but took fresh courage, declaring it would make an excellent devil. So the judge may make his own application.

The day of the great Convention at length dawned upon at least a hundred thousand strangers in Chicago. Every hotel was densely packed from cellar to garret, private houses were filled to their uttermost capacity, while hundreds the night before, who could not find any kind of a shelter, took in plenty of whisky to prevent catching cold, and laid themselves quietly at rest in the gutters, much to the consternation of the myriads of rats that infest our streets. These street sleepers now arose, and shaking themselves, their toilet was complete. Of all the God-forsaken, shaggy-haired, red-faced, un-shorn, hard-fisted, blasphemous wretches that have ever congregated, even at the gallows at Newgate, many of the visitors of the Peace wing of the Democracy were entitled to the first consideration. Still there was no collision with the citizens, although the representatives of the "unterrified" had sworn that there should be no arrests in Chicago during the Convention. The better class of strangers were War Democrats, and it was evident they had no fellowship for the ragmuffins of the Peace wing.

It should here be stated that the Order of the Sons of Liberty had purchased firearms, carbines, pistols, shot guns and rifles, and at the time of the Convention had stored in the city of Chicago, arms, for at least ten thousand men. These arms had been brought here at various times; some of them had been brought by vessels and others by rail, and were now safely deposited in four different depots in Chicago, the locations of which were known only to the Sons themselves. From these four principal depots one or more boxes of arms were taken on such occasions as would best serve, and placed in trust with some out-and-out rebel sympathizer in the different wards, so that at the time of the general uprising the "faithful" could readily obtain supplies. On one occasion Brig.-Gen. Walsh applied to H.A. Phelps, on State street, with a request for him to receive two boxes of muskets, but that man did not like to incur the risk, whatever his sympathies may have been, and the arms were not deposited with him.

It was quite apparent, the first day of the Convention, that our citizens had resolved to act upon the advice of Adjutant-General Fuller, to let these fellows "have their jaw out," and they did have it out, and became terrible bores.

At an early hour, the temporary building erected for this gathering, near Michigan Avenue, was crowded to excess, and after beginning their labors all the speakers, without exception, entertained the audience and relieved themselves of the most violent denunciations of President Lincoln, and the policy of the administration. Each speaker vied with the last in culling from his vocabulary of hard words, terms sufficiently expressive of their feelings toward the government, but do as well as they might, even with the aid of the poorest quality of whiskey and education, evidently of many years among the lowest of the low, not one of them could out-do the Chicago Times. The only parties who could approximate it were Gov. Harris of Maryland, and Long of Ohio, who were most decidedly in favor of secession. The differences between the War Democrats and the Peace men, well nigh ended in personal violence, and would, but for timely interference of the police. It is not our purpose to report the doings of the Convention, and an allusion is only made to call special attention to the elements which made up the party who gave to General George B. McClellan a nomination which proved to him the worst punishment that could have been inflicted, and exhibited him to the world in worse company than he had ever before mingled. The hostility between the different factions of the party, but rendered the Peace wing or Sons of Liberty the more united, and more firmly bent upon the overthrow of the government, as they saw clearly enough, even before the adjournment, that there was not a shadow of hope of electing the ticket formed, and the only hope of genuine copperheads now laid in the election of State officers, and Judge Morris told the people "if we can but get our Governor and Lieut.-Governor, it is all we ask for; the order is strong enough in Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Missouri, Iowa and Ohio to enable us to take the general government into our own hands." He added, "as the Washington government had not seen fit to execute the Constitution and the laws, we will bring them to Illinois and execute them ourselves."

At the close of the Convention, and the compromise had been made by the different factions of the party, then came a time for general rejoicing. In the evening torchlight processions, with lanterns and transparencies bearing devices and mottos, all expressive of their animosity at the administration. At the head of one of these processions was Maj.-Gen. Barrett, the military commander of Illinois. At that very time Barrett had in his pocket a programme, which had an intimation been received from Price or Buckner, would have been of fearful import to the citizens of Chicago. Barrett had at one time lived in Chicago, but for some months past was a resident of Missouri. He was thoroughly armed, and well knew the elements that had assembled in the city. Barrett had been in the rebel service, or rather we should say in another arm of the service, inasmuch as none in these days, when all men are for the Union, and it is so easy to be a patriot, will pretend to deny that the Sons of Liberty were as much an arm of service for Jeff. Davis as his artillery or infantry. This fellow Barrett, had on one occasion, as appears by testimony before the Cincinnati military commission, visited Chicago as an accredited agent of the Davis government, but he was not molested, and mingled with men of his own stripe, without fear and without difficulty. It will be interesting by and by, to read of the Chicago Convention, and the incongruous elements there assembled. But as all things have an end, so did this remarkable gathering, and dispersed quietly, never again to meet as the representatives of the American people.

Of course most of the Roughs of the Peace wing had been induced to come to Chicago, with the idea that an uprising was imminent, and would no doubt take place, when they would be able to repay themselves abundantly from the property of our citizens. It is not strange therefore, that these half starved, brutal wretches looked with evil eyes upon our National banks, and hoped till the last that some lucky incident might occur which would provoke an outbreak, and they would have an opportunity to pillage our banks, stores and dwellings, but they were doomed to disappointment, and with surly looks and threats of vengeance, left the city, resolved at a future day to draw their pay, principle and interest, from our banks, and we shall, in a future chapter, see the manifestation of the same spirit, easily recognized as Peace wing democracy.



CHAP. IX

REBEL OFFICERS IN THE TEMPLES OF SONS OF LIBERTY—MURDERERS, BOUNTY JUMPERS, DESERTERS, FELONS, VAGABONDS AND TRAITORS IN COUNCIL—PLANS OF ATTACK ON CAMP DOUGLAS—FIRES TO BE KINDLED IN THE CITY—BANKS AND STORES TO BE ROBBED—NAMES OF SPEAKERS—HATRED OF UNION SOLDIERS.

At a meeting of the Sons of Liberty in September, 1864, a plan was reported, much to the relief of those who had a horror of conscription; it was arranged that such of the members as might be drafted, should report within three days to the Grand Senior of the Temple, and they would be supplied with means to defray their expenses to the southern part of the State, where they would remain till their services should be required, and that they would find friends there, strong enough in numbers, to defy the officers of the law. Such persons were to form military organizations, and to be drilled and disciplined by rebel officers sent thither for that express purpose. The "Sons" of Chicago expressed their extreme regret at the very open and defiant manner of their brethren in the southern part of the State, and believed that it would be prejudicial to the prosperity of the Order. Our readers have not forgotten the Coles county tragedy, the murderers and their victims. There is not a particle of doubt that those murders were premeditated, and first the subject of discussion in the temples of the Sons of Liberty. The assault was made without provocation, and the thirst for the blood of Union men was the motive for the deed. We have never advocated or countenanced mob law, but if there was ever a time in the history of our government in which it was justifiable, it was in the cases of the Coles county murderers. The times seemed, perhaps, to have demanded a vigilance committee of citizens, who would administer justice fast enough to suit the emergency of the cases upon which they might be called to adjudicate, and having "cleaned out" the murderous scoundrels in that locality, they might have found a demand for their services in Chicago. But it is better that the people controlled their just indignation and left it to time, to punish the infamous wretches who turned their arms and their all against the country, to whom they are indebted for all the blessings which they proved themselves to be utterly incapable of appreciating. It was the boast of the "Sons" that their numbers embraced many of the officers of our armies, and the names of several were mentioned, who had sworn that they would never fire or order their commands to fire upon "our Southern brethren," and it was added that such officers could serve the cause of this order better in the field, than in any other manner. As time passed on, the plans of the villains belonging to the Chicago Temple, or the plans of the order throughout the State for the attack upon Camp Douglas became more complete in their details. The policy of obtaining positions for members upon all the railroads and in telegraph offices, was very popular with the order, and it was confidently stated, that upon the release of the prisoners the leaders would at once take full possession of the railroads and telegraph offices. It was arranged that the attack upon the camp should be made the night after election, as it now became fully apparent to all that there was not a shadow of a chance to elect either National or State ticket by the Copperheads. Fires were to be kindled in different parts of the city, and these were to be so numerous that they would necessarily divert the attention of the citizens, while the attack should be made. Near the camp is a growth of small oaks and other small wood which offered a fine retreat or hiding place for those who would attack the camp. The attacking party were to go singly or in groups which might not attract attention, and when they were in readiness, they were suddenly to spring forward and commence an assault simultaneously on three sides of the enclosure. The risk to the invading party was not considered large, as the whole undertaking would be but the work of a few moments, and it was confidently believed that some communication could previously be established with the rebels by their desperate friends and allies upon the outside; and it is now quite certain that some intelligence was communicated to the rebels, and well understood by them, as not long before the election, supposed signals in the way of rockets, blue lights, &c. were at one time exhibited by a small group of persons, without any apparent design, which could have been distinctly seen at camp. Mrs. Morris, who has confessed her complicity with the rebel sympathizers, was a frequent visitor to the camp, and it was thought that she might be very useful in conveying letters, messages, &c. Indeed it was morally certain that there was an understanding between the rebels inside, and the cowardly dogs on the outside of the post. It will be remembered that fire arms for at least ten thousand men were safely and secretly stored in Chicago, and that there was a perfect understanding between the members of the higher degrees of the Sons of Liberty, and the leaders of the invading party from Canada; Had the attack been made, however good the understanding between the "Sons" and the rebels might have been, the former would soon have found, to their surprise and to their dismay, that their glory would suddenly have departed, for the released rebels would instantly have obeyed the commands of their own officers, and Northern Sons of Liberty would have been compelled to fall into line, whether they would or not. A few of the Sons would have received some consideration, and this would especially have been the case with Brig.-Gen. Charles Walsh, but in the main the "accursed democracy,"—as one rebel writing to another was pleased to speak of the order—was to be kept in the front, or in other words, used as circumstances might require to do the vilest offices of this vile and devilish conspiracy. As the time of the election was drawing near, the Sons of Liberty expressed a wish to have a man at their head, in the place of Wilkinson, who would command respect, and whose appearance of dignity and years would impress new comers most favorably. This man was found in Obadiah Jackson, Jr. Esq., as Grand Seignior, and so much gratified were they with his peculiar fitness for this distinguished honor, that they resolved to find a second officer, or Ancient Brother, and Lewis C. Morrison gave place to a Mr. Hoffman. Things were now working smoothly, new members were rapidly joining, and it was evident that the new organization was most favorable for the growth and unity of the Order. The rapidly increasing number of Temples in every part of the State, would have been truly alarming to the friends of the Union. New comers were introduced at every meeting, and large numbers were initiated at Judge Morris' residence, where favored individuals were also initiated in the mysteries of the higher degrees; so that there were hundreds of persons, in good standing with the Order as bona fide members, who seldom or never visited the lodge room; this was especially the case with the higher grade of persons—the politicians, lawyers and others. At a meeting in the autumn, Judge Morris was present and made a speech in response to the request of several members, who asked information concerning the immediate purposes of the Order. He spoke, as was his custom, of the tyranny of the President; he said the rights of the people had been trampled upon, and the constitution had been violated by him. He referred to the suspension of the habeas corpus, and said many of our best men were at that moment "rotting in Lincoln's bastiles;" that it was our duty to wage a war against them, and open their doors; that when the Democrats got into power they would impeach and probably hang him, and all who were thus incarcerated should be set at liberty; that thousands of our best men were prisoners in Camp Douglas, and if once at liberty would "send abolitionists to hell in a hand basket;" he said the meanest of those prisoners was purity itself compared to "Lincoln's hirelings." He added that the tyranny of "Abraham the First" was fast drawing to a close, and those who were anxious to fight, would not have to wait long. He also spoke in favor of retaliation.

The Judge's speeches were always marked by vehemence, profanity and violent gesticulation; he never spoke except to condemn the administration, and to express his confidence in this Order to remedy all the evils of the administration, and that we should very soon—"in sixty days," have the power, and yet on several occasions he expressed the belief that McClellan would not be elected. No one, not even the most stupid in the first degree of the Temple, could fail to understand how the Copperheads were to have the reins of the General Government in sixty days, and yet that the party could not hope for success at the polls. A man named William Hull, connected with the Order, rebuked such speeches in unqualified terms, and as a consequence drew down upon himself the odium of the Order. Mr. Hull expressed himself in favor of compliance with the Constitution and the laws, and of the Union. His denunciations of the rebels excluded him from the confidence of the leaders, who began to regard him as a "dangerous man," and expressed the belief that he would turn against them, and therefore required watching. Mr. Hull was a man of good common sense, and made several Union speeches in the Order, which confirmed the suspicion that had been expressed by some, that he was a spy and detective, and it was said it would be far better to put him out of the way, or in other words to kill him, lest he might betray them, and further as the time of the election was so near at hand, it was voted by the Sons of Liberty to destroy all their records, so that in case of arrest no documentary evidence could be brought against them. While the motion was pending, Mr. Richard T. Semmes, one of the prisoners tried at Cincinnati, moved an amendment, that the names of members be retained, so that in case any one should betray the Order they might be known and hung, but it was not deemed safe to preserve the record, and most of the memoranda was destroyed, but for the edification of the members, we will add that we have on deposit in Chicago an entire and correct list of names of the Chicago, and most of the prominent Temples, and it may be deemed expedient to publish it hereafter; this will be determined by the general behavior of the members themselves.

In regard to Mr. Hull, to whom we have alluded, it should be said that his death was fixed upon by the members. Felton and Morrison agreed to do the work, but afterwards another proposition was made, to give him money and induce him to leave for parts unknown. This peaceable disposition of the man was not satisfactory. Said they, "dead men tell no tales," and at an informal meeting, a vote was taken and all, with a single exception, present were in favor of death. That exception required more satisfactory evidence that Hull was the informer, and thus the murder of the man was prevented. The writer has not a particle of doubt, having been present at this meeting and heard the proposition and the vote taken, that the murder would have been perpetrated within twenty-four hours had not a single person been so exacting in regard to the facts. It may readily be believed that the writer never mingled in this murderous company without a brace of revolvers in his pocket, ready for instant use, and it may be no stretch of credulity to believe, that in case of an assault, the instruments would have been called into requisition.

About the first of October, the restrictions upon the purchase and sale of firearms were removed, and the trade in the city in this department became very active.



The intensity of hatred of Union soldiers, by the Copperheads would almost challenge credence. It was a common thing to seek to embroil them in personal altercations, and to fall upon them with violence and malice, and it is our opinion, that in almost every case where soldiers ever became involved in personal difficulty, the provocation came from Copperheads. We may mention an instance in point. During the summer, a Union soldier presented himself at our office and required surgical aid. His head was bleeding copiously, and his hair matted with blood, and so mutilated was he that he could scarcely speak or walk. He was perfectly sober, and evidently a very quiet, worthy man. It was doubtful how his injuries might terminate, but the poor fellow received our best attention, and thanks to a kind Providence, recovered after a long and painful illness. It appears that he was beset by a party of Copperheads, without the least provocation, only that he was a Union soldier. For our act of humanity in rendering professional aid, we were gravely suspected for a time of being "a dangerous man," and received several lectures of censure from the Sons of Liberty. He was but a "Union soldier," and his death, they said, was a matter of congratulation rather than of regret.



CHAP. X

THE REASONS WHY REBEL AGENTS WERE SENT TO CANADA, AND THEIR DOINGS—VARIOUS PLOTS OF MISCHIEF, HARRASSING, PILLAGING, &c.—THE WATCHWORD OF THE REBELS IN CANADA.

The United States armies being continually pressed forward, step by step, towards the heart of the Confederacy, occupying more and more of the soil from which their commissary was but illy and scantily supplied, together with a desire on the part of the Southern people, to let the people of the North see what invasion meant, to make them feel and see the destruction and desolation following our army of invasion, determined the Richmond government, in 1863, to send its agents to the Canadas, well supplied with money, to endeavor to foment discord, and to intensify the dissatisfaction already existing in certain political circles, with the government, to such an extent that it could be made available for their own uses and purposes. Knowing that thousands of their soldiers were confined at Johnston's Island, and Camp Douglas near Chicago, almost within twelve hours' travel of Canada, it was the great object of the rebel government to release those prisoners of war, and in the mean time having stirred up and excited a formidable conspiracy in the North, particularly in the North-West, having in view the subversion of the government, and the securing of material aid and assistance to the rebels, and those rebel prisoners being released through the instrumentality of the rebels from Canada and those of the Northern sympathizers who could be induced to join in the expeditions for that purpose, the conspiracy was to culminate all over the North—but principally in Illinois, Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky, Missouri and New York, and effect the release of the prisoners of war confined in the various prisons in those States. The prisoners at all these places being released, were to form a nucleus around which all the dissatisfied people of the Northern States could rally, and endeavor to maintain themselves and their cause here in the North, and by rallying in formidable numbers, to cause the withdrawal of so many troops from the field in front, to establish peace at home, that it would materially change the whole character of the war, and remove the seat of war from the cotton States to the Northern States—Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri. Upon the withdrawal of the troops in any considerable numbers from the front, was to follow the advance of the rebel armies into Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri.

Sterling Price would never have invaded the State of Missouri in the fall of 1864, had it not been to give all the aid and assistance the rebellion could afford, to the conspiracy just then ready to break loose, and this explains the position that Hood occupied for nearly two months in Northern Georgia, Alabama and Tennessee. He would never have placed himself in such a position, had it not been deemed absolutely necessary by the Richmond Government, that his army should be placed where upon the breaking out of the conspiracy he could exercise a great influence over its prospects of success. To further the objects and views just stated, Jacob Thompson, of Miss., formerly Secretary of the Interior under Buchanan's administration, was made a secret agent for the Rebel Government in the Canadas, and two hundred and fifty or three hundred thousand dollars in specie, or its equivalent, was placed in his hands by the Rebel Government, for the purpose of arming and equipping any expedition he might place on foot from British America, for the injury of the inland or ocean commerce of the United States, or harrassing its Northern borders, and particularly for the release of the Rebel prisoners of war at Camp Douglas and Johnston Island, and from the beginning of Mr. Thompson's services in Canada, we may date all the regularly organized and officered expeditions from British America against the United States. Chief of all these expeditions were the two attempts, during last year, to release the prisoners of war at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, Ill., and the two different attempts to capture the steamer "Michigan" (a United States vessel of war stationed on Lake Erie, carrying eighteen guns), and release the prisoners on Johnston's Island. All four of these expeditions failed totally in the objects for which they were organized, mainly by some friendly parties having put the military authorities on their guard soon enough to enable them to defeat the attempts, and in some instances to capture the parties concerned in them.

To aid Mr. Thompson in his nefarious efforts in Canada, several officers of various ranks were detailed from the Rebel army, by the Richmond government, most prominent among these were Col. St. Leger Grenfell, an Englishman of great military experience and daring, and Capt. T.H. Hines, a young officer, who having been one of Gen. John A. Morgan's pets, was recommended by him for the position he held in Canada, but who was possessed of no more than ordinary military talents or genius, unless his shrewdness in getting other and better persons involved in difficulty, and condemned either to prison or death, and getting himself out, evidenced military prowess. In connection with these men, were a great many citizens, of both the United States and the South, who while they were not authorized to act in any way by the Rebel government, yet showed their zeal in the cause of the rebellion, by aiding and advising with Mr. Thompson, and advising and exhorting all the rebel soldiers in Canada, and the refugees from the Northern States, to take an active part in the different schemes there on foot, to harass the northern border of the United States. The most prominent of this class were George N. Sanders, C.C. Clay, formerly Representative in the United States Congress from Alabama, Col. Steele and Daniel Hibber. There was still another secret agent of the rebels on special duty in Canada, viz., Judge Holcombe of Virginia, who was sent there for the purpose of secretly establishing agencies for the returning of rebel soldiers, who desired to go South. However much Mr. Holcombe's mission removed him from military matters, he nevertheless approved of the different expeditions which were then being organized, and did more perhaps, than any one else, to cause the irritation now existing between the Canadians and the citizens of the United States. His policy in establishing agencies in Canada, was to get some prominent and influential citizens of the country who sympathized with his government, to act as agents to furnish rebel soldiers who had escaped to Canada, and who desired to return South, with all the necessary clothing, rations and money, &c., to enable them to go to Montreal or Quebec, where there were regularly established rebel agencies, who upon the arrival of such soldiers so furnished with money, for all the money so advanced, with perhaps interest, was returned. In this way Mr. Holcombe enlisted, besides the feelings, the interests of a great many prominent business men, whose means had been advanced to rebels, and all along the Grand Trunk and Great Western railway, in all the principal towns and cities, he succeeded in establishing such agencies, which although at first intended only for those who were rebel soldiers, finally became nothing more than recruiting rendezvous for the rebel army, which all the skedadlers, refugees from the Northern and Border States who wished to join the Southern army, were received, fed, clothed and quietly transported to the South. Upon the departure of Mr. Holcombe south, his business was turned over to C.C. Clay, who after that acted in this capacity. It was during Holcombe's stay in Canada, that the speculative brain of George N. Sanders, first originated the great humbug of the Niagara Falls peace conference, at which there was but one rebel official, and he was not authorized to act in any such capacity. But the speculative Sanders, having lived like Barnum nearly his whole life, upon humbugs, made his last and greatest effort to humbug the American people, into the belief that the Southern people really desired peace, and that he Clay and Holcombe, although not regularly authorized by the Rebel government, still could speak for and influence the Southern people. While in reality the whole conference was nothing on the part of Sanders & Co., but the last act of a desperate political gamester, who ventured his all upon one last throw of dice, to win or lose it all. If Sanders, Holcombe, Clay and others, could have made the people of the North believe the South really desired peace, and that the only obstacle in the way was the obstinacy of the General Government, which did not desire it, but wished to annihilate the Southern people, they could have materially affected the then coming Presidential election in the North, and perhaps elected a Democratic president, who would have added to the disasters then affecting the country—general and complete ruin. The election of such a man as Gen. McClellan, at such a time, and professing such principles as actuated the Democratic party at that time, would have insured to the South her independence, rather than further war and a dismemberment of the Union. All this these parties professing to represent Southern opinion well knew, and had they been successful, would have reaped a rich political reward. Having endeavored to give a correct outline of the characters of the rebel leaders in Canada, and the different spheres in which they acted, it is now necessary to give some idea of the different classes of individuals who were led by such men, and prompted by them to undertake the many hair-brained expeditions, which they first plotted and started. These persons are rightfully and very expressively divided into four different and distinct classes: 1st. The Rebels. 2d. The skedadlers. 3d. Refugees. 4th. Bounty jumpers and escaped criminals. The term rebel is applied only to persons who have been or are connected with the rebel army, and they again are subdivided into two classes; first, those rebels who have gone to Canada as a means of escape to the South; and, secondly, those who, having been accustomed to easy and luxurious living in times of peace, and having become thoroughly disgusted with service in the army, where they were subjected to strict military discipline, sought in Canada an asylum from compulsory service of both parties. 2d. Skedadlers, as they are called, are those persons who having been drafted, or seeing a possibility of it, in the United States army, had fled to Canada to avoid the service. This class consisted mostly of fast young men, having either their own or the pockets of their parents well lined, and accustomed to live without labor of any kind, were not disposed to take a part on either side which would subject them to the inconveniences, hardships or privations of a soldier's life; and partly of persons who, while they sympathized with the rebellion, still did not care to make their precious bodies targets for the sake of upholding the principles which they professed to entertain. 3d. Refugees, or persons who, for the sake of expressing their opinions and feelings against the government, without fear of imprisonment, had removed to Canada where they could vent their spleen and malice against all things connected with the United States, and vaunt their pernicious principles under the protection of the outstretched paw of the British lion. 4th. Bounty jumpers and criminals who could not be pursued and brought back to this country for punishment under the existing extradition treaty between the United States and Canada. This last class exceeds by far all the others in point of numbers, and the low degree of infamy to which they are reduced—rebels, skedadlers, refugees and bounty jumpers, with a mixture of escaped criminals, forming an almost indescribable mass of people, from all nations, all climes, and of almost every imaginable description, and chiefly distinguished for being more frequently found in the bar-rooms, billiard saloons, gambling halls, &c.



CHAP. XI.

THE FIRST ATTEMPT TO RELEASE THE PRISONERS OF WAR AT CAMP DOUGLAS—THE CHARACTER IN WHICH THEY CAME—UNDER THE LEAD OF CAPT. HINES—THE REASONS WHY THEY FAILED TO EFFECT THEIR OBJECT—REBEL OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS DRILLING COPPERHEADS IN SOUTHERN ILLINOIS AND INDIANA.

It is the writer's intention to speak first of two expeditions to Chicago, for the release of the prisoners confined there. The first of these took place during the Chicago Democratic Convention, when it was hoped that the rebels from Canada and their sympathizers from Missouri, Kentucky, Indiana and Illinois, who came armed to assist them in their projects, would be enabled to go quietly into the city without fear of detection, in the vast crowds who were then assembling there, from all parts of the United States, and under the guise of friendly visitors, were to be ready at a moment's notice whenever their leaders called upon them to spring out before the people in their true light, and effect the release of those rebels confined at Camp Douglas. As early as the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth of August last, at the request of Jacob Thompson, secretly and quietly circulated all through the Canadas, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, all the Rebels, Skedadlers, Refugees, and others who could be relied upon to take part in the expedition, began to assemble in Toronto, Canada West, at the different hotels and boarding houses; of these, at that time, it was generally reported that there were about three hundred; but so far as positive evidence goes, out of this number only about seventy-five men were induced to join this expedition and go to Chicago. At Toronto the objects of the expedition were made known to nearly all of them, and arms furnished them—arms manufactured in New York city and shipped to Canada for that express purpose. The details of the affair were only known to a few of the leaders, who maintained the strictest silence upon the subject, and enjoined upon the men the most implicit obedience to their orders, pledging themselves for their safety and the feasibility of their plans. On the nights of the twenty-sixth, twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth of August, these men began to leave Toronto, by all the different routes leading to Chicago, in squads of from two to ten, and began to arrive at the Richmond House in that city, as early as the Saturday before the Convention. They were all pledged to fight to the last, and never under any circumstances surrender, as their lives would be forfeited, if caught. The whole expedition was under the charge of Capt. Thomas H. Hines, who had a commission as Major-General in the Rebel army, to take effect and date from the release of the rebel prisoners of war at Rock Island or Camp Douglas. Hines is the person who is said to have effected the escape of General John H. Morgan himself, and others from the penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio, and although it is not generally known in the North or South how Morgan escaped, and there not being one word of truth in his report, he has enjoyed for a long time the reputation of having been the author of it, and of being a desperate shrewd character. The real facts in the case were (and it does not do the service of the United States much credit to mention them,) that General John H. Morgan "was bribed out." It was absolutely necessary however for General Morgan to make some report of his escape to the public, that would hoodwink the United States Government and save the officers, whom his friends in the North had bribed to let him out, from punishment by the authorities, and therefore a very romantic tale was made up, and Morgan's pet Capt. Hines, was made the hero of it; and it was the object of the rebel government in sending Hines to Canada to give an air of truth to this romantic tale, to secure the United States officials who have failed in their duty to their country. Hines was assisted in his efforts by Col. St. Leger Grenfel an English adventurer of great military experience, personal bravery and daring, who has had a romantic connection with nearly every important war in America, Europe, Asia and Africa for the past thirty years, and served in the Southern army with the rank of Col., as Adjt.-Gen. to Morgan, and afterwards on General Bragg's staff; but who pretended to have resigned his commission in the rebel army and was living quietly in Canada; also by one Capt. Castleman of Morgan's command, from Kentucky, who acted as Quartermaster of the party, and about seventy-five, rank and file, (nearly all of whom were officers) of the rebel army from Canada. These men were to be met here in Chicago by parties from nearly all the middle, western and border States, who came armed like themselves and for the same purpose. Of those citizens who came to Chicago, armed and ready like the rebels, there were over a thousand persons organized and officered, camped in this city, just waiting for the command, and there were in the vast throng then assembled in Chicago five or six thousand, who, while they would not attach themselves to any organization, and were afraid to risk the first attempt, yet if the first attempt had been successful they would have joined the others in their work of devastation and destruction. The above is most too low an estimate of the number of these malcontents who did not join any military organization, but would have eventually joined if it had been successful; for rebel officers have been heard to say in Canada, after the Convention was over, that if they could have "started the thing right," they would have had an army of twenty-five thousand in a week. With such a force, or even a force of ten thousand, in possession of the city of Chicago, almost every city and large town where there were many Democrats, and where the Sons of Liberty, the Illinois Societies, Illini, &c., had full sway in Missouri, Kentucky, Indiana, Ohio and Illinois, were to raise the insurrectionary cry, and endeavor to bring all peace men and Democrats under their banners. They were also to endeavor to maintain themselves in their respective neighborhoods, districts, States, etc., were to seize upon all the railroads and public buildings, and in the event they were not strong enough to hold all the country, they were to rally around the liberated rebels and their friends at Chicago, Camp Chase, Camp Morton, and other places, after destroying all the public works, railroads, etc., that would be of any service to the Government, in following them up, or baulking their movements. In the meantime, however, the military authorities in Chicago had not been idle, and the rebels and their abettors looked with dismay upon every fresh arrival of troops and artillery, as it was reported in their headquarters by spies, who had the temerity to go to the observatory just opposite the camp, from which they could see almost all over it, and send up hourly reports of everything taking place inside.



They not only had their spies, one might almost say, in Camp Douglas, but in the telegraph offices, and were in or so near Post Headquarters, that they were able to chronicle nearly every event of any importance to them, that transpired, in any of those places.

On the third day of the Convention, it was announced from rebel headquarters at the Richmond House, that the expedition was a failure, that owing to the precautions taken by the military authorities, and the non-arrival of a thousand or two of other Copperheads, who had promised to be in Chicago, ready to assist in the undertaking, and owing to the want of sufficient discipline and organization among the Copperheads, who were on hand, that an attempt at that time upon the garrison of Camp Douglas would involve the destruction of the lives of too many prisoners, and perhaps the killing and capturing of all those who made the attempt to release them. As soon as it was generally known among the rebels that they had failed in attaining the objects for which they came to Chicago, Col. Grenfell and Capt. Castleman made their appearance among them, and stated that it had been generally agreed upon that all who were willing should go to Southern Illinois and Indiana, to drill and organize the Copperheads for the coming struggle, which they thought would take place very soon, or in other words, as soon as Gen. Lee should have Gen. Grant's army in full retreat towards Washington city, or should have inflicted some other almost irreparable disaster upon the Union arms, which event both they and the Copperheads with them, were not only wishing to take place, but confidently expecting every day; that they with Hines and others were going home with some delegates to the Convention, where they could live quietly and work to a great advantage. On the fourth day of the Convention, the men and officers were paid various sums from twenty to one hundred dollars, and it was left to their option whether they would go to Southern Illinois, Indiana, or return to Canada. Some fifteen or twenty went to Canada, and about fifty went to Southern Illinois and Indiana. Thus ended the first attempt to release the rebel prisoners of war at Camp Douglas. It was certainly a bold movement, both on the part of the rebels, who exposed themselves to such great risk of suffering a disgraceful and ignominious death, and the citizens who aided them in their nefarious designs. But it seemed that an angel of an all-seeing Providence stretched its protecting wings over the fair city, which was doomed by the rebels and their friends at the North first to see and feel the demoralizing influence of an insurrectionary force. What expression, or what degree of contempt is most appropriate for the citizens connected with these rebel efforts;—persons owing a true and faithful allegiance to the Government, yet aiding and abetting its public enemies, persons who while professing a common fealty with their fellow citizens, would welcome to their homes incendiaries, and incite them to murder and plunder those very fellow citizens, and compel them to suffer all the horrors of a cruel warfare! No epithets that human ingenuity could heap upon them would be too harsh, or too undeserved, no contempt too humiliating for a people so devoid of honesty and all the qualities essential to render them prosperous and happy.



CHAP. XII.

SECOND ATTEMPT—HINES IN COMMAND AGAIN—COPPERHEADS AGAIN TO BE THE MAIN FORCES TO BE RELIED UPON—REBEL GENERALS TO TAKE COMMAND OF THE RELEASED PRISONERS AND THE INSURRECTIONARY FORCES—THE DAY OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION APPOINTED AS THE ONE MOST PROPER FOR THE UPRISING—THE CAPTURE OF SOME OF THE REBEL LEADERS AND THEIR SYMPATHIZING FRIENDS.

At the time the rebel officers and soldiers left Chicago, after the Convention, none of them had any idea of ever coming back again, except Capt. Hines and a few of the leaders who consulted with him. He was shrewd enough to see that any effort at that time would be fruitless, and determined, so far as possible, to have all the Copperheads who would assist him in any second affair of the kind, drilled and organized, and men able to render effective assistance. It was for this purpose that he, with his comrades, went to Southern Illinois and Indiana with cavalry and infantry tactics and all the appliances for instructing others in military matters. The conspirators having failed at Chicago during the convention to make their starting point, having failed to make the great bonfire, which was to be the signal for thousands of others not quite so large, to burn up brightly from almost every hill-top in Ohio, Missouri, Kentucky, Indiana and Illinois, it was necessary for their leaders to meet again, and determine upon a new programme. It appears that they did meet again, and again the starting-point of the whole conspiracy was the release of the rebel prisoners of war at Chicago, and from facts brought to light by the evidence before the great military commission held in Cincinnati, Ohio, the plan of operations was nearly the same as that of the first. The prisoners being released at Chicago, those at Johnston's Island, Camp Morton, Camp Chase and other places were to be released by their friends, and then all were to be immediately placed under the command of rebel generals sent here for the purpose of heading the rebellion, when it once broke out. This may seem like fiction to some; the idea of rebel generals being here in the North for the purpose of aiding and taking the lead of the conspirators; but it is nevertheless true, as disclosed by one of the prisoners taken at Chicago; and it also appears that these generals had several states partitioned off into districts and departments, of which, each department commander was to have exclusive control.

The new programme having been adopted, all that was necessary was to fix upon the day. The day must be one upon which more than the usual number of visitors would be in the city, in order that their coming and staying would not be noticed, and it seemed they selected the day of election, as the one most suitable for their purposes; and if possible a day when the military and civil authorities would be most likely to be caught off their guard. For several days before the 8th of November last, their spies had been coming into the city, in order to get suitable quarters for the men when they arrived, and in parts of the city where they would be least liable to suspicion. In the efforts to secure suitable boarding houses for these incendiaries, various citizens of Chicago took an active part, and even went to the depots to receive them, and escort them into the bosom of the city they were so soon to attempt to destroy. It was not until the Saturday just before the election, that Gen. Sweet had positive information of the rebels being in the city, and received full information of the details of their plans, and began to take measures quietly to capture them. This he did at once, and at the same time had every preparation made to repel any attack upon the garrison of Camp Douglas; and he succeeded admirably, following up his information with such energy, that before daylight of the Monday morning following, he had captured enough of the rebel leaders (and their friends in such connexion as to leave no doubt of their guilt,) to make every disloyal man quake in his boots. The captures of the military and police were not confined alone to the conspirators, and in addition to them were captured immense military stores of all kinds, boxes of guns already shotted, cart loads of army pistols loaded and ready for the bloody work expected of them, holsters, pistol belts, cartridges by the cart load, and enough munitions of war to have started an arsenal of moderate size. These arms were not taken from the rebels, but found in the houses of citizens of Chicago, who can produce witnesses upon the stand (of pretended loyalty and standing, some of them being office-holders under the Government,) to swear that they themselves are, and have always been loyal and true to their allegiance. In the house of Charles Walsh, most of these arms were taken, and also there were captured two rebel soldiers, Captain George Cantrill and Charles Travis Daniels, who were shortly after identified; and Cantrill partly confessed his views, and his complicity with the Copperheads. This man Cantrill had been one of those who had come to Chicago during the Convention, for the same purpose, and averred that then and at the election, the Copperheads had offered and held out to them every inducement to get them here. That had it not been for them he would never have come here. It may be well here to publish a little incident, showing fully the kindred feelings existing between the conspirators and the inmates of Camp Douglas. It was a well known fact, that there were several thousand of John Morgan's desperadoes confined in this prison, and the Copperhead conspirators, to show their refinement of feeling, their accommodating dispositions, and their attention to the worst of these men, had purchased for their use exclusively, the finest cavalry carbines then made in the United States, and had them stored in the immediate neighborhood of the prison, when upon being released they could at once begin to revel in a carnival of blood. Happy, happy for the people of Chicago, having passed through one of the most critical periods of their existence, without knowing that they were threatened with any disaster, ignorant that there was a mine beneath their feet, just ready to be sprung at any moment, with their own fellow citizens pulling at the spring, willing to involve them in general and complete ruin—willing to subject them to the ravages of such bloodthirsty villains as the inmates of Camp Douglas. The people of Chicago never can appreciate, to its fullest extent, the danger through which they have passed, for several reasons. First, because they were ignorant of it at the time, and the conspirators had and have now at their command, a bitter partizan press in their interests, and entirely subservient to their views, whose interests it is to prevent these facts from becoming generally believed, and when they are presented to the public with the naked truth, to hiss at and cry them down as emanating from the brains of lunatics, or a conspiracy of detectives to ruin the reputation of innocent and guiltless persons. Secondly, because they never experienced the horrors which must necessarily have followed had the conspirators been successful.



CHAP. XIII.

FIRST ATTEMPT OF THE REBELS TO CAPTURE UNITED STATES STEAMER MICHIGAN CARRYING EIGHTEEN GUNS—MODUS OPERANDI—WHY THEY FAILED, &c., &c.—UNITED STATES COMMERCE UPON THE LAKES TO BE DESTROYED—NORTHERN CITIES TO BE LAID UNDER CONTRIBUTION, &c.

Canada, occupying the geographical position and belonging to another nation as it does, has been ever since this war broke out, the rendezvous of thousands upon thousands of the vagabond and criminal population of the United States, together with the rebels and refugees, until its population far exceeds what it had in 1860; almost every business occupation is crowded to such an extent that it is almost impossible to obtain employment of any kind, many persons being obliged to keep from starving by begging, for their food, and the clothes they wear upon their backs. Some of this refugee population have means, others are supplied by their friends and families at home; but by far the greater number are without any occupation or visible means of support, habitue of the gambling hells, drinking saloons, &c., in favor of any crime or villainy to supply their depleted purses, and furnish them with the means of living at ease and idleness. Under such circumstances and among such a class of population, is it anything strange, that the robbery of banks, the pillaging of the inhabitants of the Northern border, that raids with all the necessary plundering and so forth, found plenty of advocates and supporters, and when the time arrived to carry them into execution, plenty of desperadoes, fit tools for such infamous projects. The great difficulty in Canada was not in getting enough of these men to participate in matters of this kind; but to prevent too many of them from knowing of them, so that there would be a smaller number among whom to divide the spoils and plunder thus obtained, so that the chief difficulty lay in getting together just enough of the most desperate characters to carry out an expedition. During the Chicago Democratic Convention the efforts of the rebels were not confined alone to Camp Douglas; but simultaneously with their efforts in Chicago, they were to make an attempt to capture the United States Steamer Michigan, carrying eighteen guns, stationed on Lake Erie, the steamer permitted by the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, for the better protection of rebel prisoners confined at Johnston's Island.

The prisoners of war at Chicago, Illinois, being released, and the great conspiracy in the North once fairly inaugurated, the capture of the steamer Michigan was to be one of the combined movements that were to startle the country, and aid the conspiracy in overturning the authority of the United States Government, With the "Michigan" in their hands, the conspirators would have a powerful auxilliary in their pernicious designs upon the country, and be able to render effective aid to the Southern Rebellion; ruining the commercial status of the United States on the great lakes, and effectually closing all the ports on their borders, and in addition to this, their laying all the large towns and cities on the northern portion under contributions, and exacting from them enormous sums of money, through fear of bombardment. The plan of the conspirators to get possession of the Michigan was by bribery and by surprise. Mr. Thompson, in his efforts to seize the vessel, secured the services of a man named Cole, of Sandusky City, who, whilom, had been a citizen of Virginia, but who still retained his sympathies for the rebellion, and took an active part in aiding it whenever he had an opportunity, and a woman, said to have been his paramour, who carried dispatches backwards and forwards between the parties. This man Cole seems to have been the most wiley conspirator of them all, and played his infamous part of the plot with the most adroit shrewdness; and the defeat of the whole scheme was not owing to any blunder of his, but rather the blunder of those who employed and furnished him with the means. Having been well supplied with money by Mr. Thompson, and no limit put to his expenses, he began his work with a will. He seems to have begun by getting generally well acquainted with the officers of the vessel, by feasting them, and now and then lending them money, or accommodating them in some other way, until he had won the confidence of all those in command of the steamer, as well as those in charge of Johnston's Island. After a time, he found out those who were most vulnerable on the money question, and those whom he did not dare to approach upon the subject. Of the latter class, there is one mentioned in particular by the rebels, whose suspicions they did not care to arouse, and which they made every attempt to lull. This was an officer named Eddy, from Massachusetts. Of the former class, whom they bribed, the rebels mentioned particularly the chief engineer, who, they said, had agreed, for twenty thousand dollars in gold, to get the machinery out of order, and otherwise aid in the vessel's capture, and one or two others.

[Illustration: BRIG. GEN. CHARLES WALSH,

A citizen of Chicago, he was at one time the Democratic candidate for Sheriff of Cook County, in which is the city of Chicago, during the earliest part of the war he was very active in helping to raise what was called the Irish brigade. He afterwards became a bitter democratic partizan and was connected with the Sons of Liberty. Just before and during the Convention be received into his family several rebel soldiers who were there during the day and night time, making cartridges for the expected release of the rebel prisoners of war at Camp Douglas. He was arrested in his own house on the morning of the 7th of November, as was also his son, and two Rebel soldiers and taken to Camp Douglas. In his house and on his premises were an immense numbers of guns of several kinds and also immense military stores, consisting of powder, buckshot, cartridges, with two or three cast braces of army revolvers, all these guns and pistols were loaded and ready with the exception of being capped. Charles Walsh is of Irish extraction and about forty years of age, and a fine looking man. He is generous, impulsive, rather easily influenced, agreeable in conversation, and except in the character he assumed as an enemy to his country was possessed of qualities which would win for him many friends. There are as bad men, in our opinion, as Mr. Charles Walsh, to day at liberty and talking treason in our midst.]

Of the remainder of the officers of the Michigan, they thought their well-known Democratic faith and sympathy with the rebellion, would prevent them from seeing or knowing too much, until too late to avoid the disaster. Of these last, the conspirators did not seem to entertain the least fear, some of them being Southern men by birth, and at most, but passive in their fidelity to the government. The men of the vessel who were loyal, were also tampered with, and the rebels in Canada looked for assistance from them, and claimed that some of their own men from Canada had enlisted on board of her for the purpose of aiding to capture her. Of these rebels, however, there were but few. As the writer has stated before, the attempt on the steamer Michigan was to be simultaneous with that at Chicago, Ill., and while the rebels and their friends were assembling in Chicago, they were also gathering in Sandusky City, for the capture of the Michigan. The exact number of conspirators in Sandusky, at that time, is not known to the writer, nor the details of their plans; but let it suffice to say, that they were there, armed and ready. When the time of action arrived, however, the engineer and his accomplices were no where to be found, and after waiting for nearly two days, the rebel portion of the conspirators, with the exception of Capt. Beall, returned to Canada. On their return, they said that the persons whom they had bribed were afraid to toe the mark—that is, were afraid to carry out their infamous and hazardous part of the contract. The rebels were in great fear, lest something had happened that would put an end forever to their hopes, in regard to the steamer, but in a few days after this, the non-appearance of the engineer and friends, were duly explained, and the alarm caused by it quieted, and another time set for the attempt; the sequel will show how much they intended, and how much they ventured to effect their aims. It is a well known fact that the rebels while in Sandusky city, were feasted and toasted in the houses of some of the prominent citizens and business men, and encouraged in every way by them. The day being set once more, preparations were again made to capture the vessel, and this time occurred what was called the Lake Erie Piracy, nearly everything connected with which was so disgraceful to the United States service, that although the government hastened to remove all the reprehensible officers, and retain those who deserved well of their country, yet seems to have endeavored to keep some of the facts connected with it, from being made public. About one week before the time set for the second attempt arrived, Capt. Beall returned from Sandusky to Windsor, Canada West, and announced that all was ready for the capture, and immediately telegraphed to Jacob Thompson, who was then at the Queen's Hotel, in Toronto, who at once answered that he would come to Windsor that night, and desired not to be recognized. That evening he arrived at Windsor, and without apparently being known got into a carriage waiting, and was taken to the residence of a Col. Steele, about a mile below Windsor, where he was expected. During this week all the men who were to participate in the affair were notified, and this time the services of some of the men who had been to Chicago during the Convention, were called into requisition. The officers of the rebel army could be seen running about, here and there, to the different boarding houses where the men were stopping, carrying ominous looking carpet bags, distributing from them pistols, ammunition and other things, deemed necessary for the undertaking, which was to be made on the night of the following Monday. Most active in these efforts to incite these men to deeds of desperation, were Col. Steele and Jake Thompson—or when he used his assumed name, Col. Carson. The plans of the pirates were as follows, and the writer gives them just as he heard them from the lips of two of the rebel officers who participated in the affair, commanding detachments on board of the "Philo Parsons." Part of the men, amounting in all to about seventy-five, were to go from Canada to Sandusky city by rail, another party were to cross the river at Detroit early on Monday morning, and take passage on the steamer "Philo Parsons" for Sandusky, another portion were to take passage on her from Sandwich, Canada, about two miles below Detroit, and still another party of them, consisting of about fifteen (with eight or ten citizens who knew nothing of what was contemplated), on Sunday morning were to charter a small steamer called the "Scotia," plying between Windsor and Detroit, ostensibly for the purpose of taking a pleasure ride to Malden, Canada, about twenty miles below Detroit, and near the entrance of the river into the lake, when they were also on Monday to take passage for the same place on the Parsons. At Kelley's Island, one of the points at which the boat touched in her daily trips, they were to receive a messenger from Cole, letting them know, that up to that time everything was going on smoothly in Sandusky; upon receiving this information, all the different portions of the gang were to unite and seize the steamer, before she reached the next landing, at which she generally stopped. The engineers and pilots were to be forced, by threats of instant death if they refused, to still occupy their respective places; the passengers were to be put off at some out of the way place, where it would be impossible for them to give any information to the authorities, and after dark they were to run down into Sandusky bay, where they would see certain signals, made by those conspirators on the shore, when they would land, take on board all those who had come by rail from Detroit, and some Copperheads from Cincinnati, Ohio, and other places, and at once would immediately turn the prow of the Parson for the steamer Michigan. Cole was to give a champagne supper on board the Michigan that evening, to the officers, and was to be there himself with a party of rebels, who had also become well acquainted with the officers, and was invited at the request of Cole, to join in the festivities of the occasion. It was intended for the Philo Parsons to reach hailing distance of the Michigan about eleven or twelve o'clock that night, in order that by this time as many of the crew as possible, through the champagne, would be incapable of rendering any resistance, when the Parsons was hailed by the watch on board the steamer, and Cole and his associates were at once to take possession of a gun, which would sweep the whole decks, to prevent that portion of the crew who were not rendered incapable of it by drink, from attempting any effectual resistance to the conspirators boarding her from the Parsons. Once in possession of this vessel of war, the prisoners on the island were to be immediately released, landed at Sandusky, when the Sons of Liberty, Illini and other secret societies were to seize the opportunity of rising up, and asserting their peculiar doctrines, under the protection of this powerful man of war. The same course was to be pursued at Cleveland and other places, along the lake coast, where their secret societies were in full blast, the conspirators exacting an enormous tribute of the loyal portion of these communities to save their property from the dangers of bombardment. This expected tribute of ten millions of dollars, (to be divided equally among them,) from the border cities, was the greatest inducement held out by the rebel leaders before leaving Canada, to their desperadoes, in order to excite their cupidity and zeal, and inflame their minds to such a pitch, that they would render a strict obedience to their officers, and hesitate at no act of violence. These were the plans of the conspirators, and although they may seem almost ideal and improbable, yet are very possible even to the most minute details, when one will take time to stop and consider the great chances of success the pirates had in having a portion of the crew bribed, and their prospects of having the remainder too excited by liquor, to make any effectual opposition—the surprise, the chaos and confusion of the crew at finding those whom they supposed their friends, as well as their own comrades and fellow-soldiers, fighting them hand to hand. Under such circumstances as these, it is very easy to conceive of the capture of a vessel by a band of desperadoes, who would hesitate at no act of bloodshed or villainy to accomplish their objects. In addition to this, they were rendered more desperate, if such a thing could be, by the certainty that if they failed and were captured, a speedy and disgraceful death awaited them. The Michigan being captured, it is also easy to conceive that all the other portions of their plans could have been carried out, perhaps to a greater extent than already mentioned, that contributions could have been levied and exacted from the people, and especially that the Sons of Liberty and other secret societies would joyously seize such an opportunity as the protection of this man-of-war afforded them, to throw off the mantle of secrecy and darkness from their hell-born principles, and parade them to the view of the public in all their hideousness. We will now follow up the plans of the conspirators, and mention the facts as they occurred. On Sunday the —th of September, just preceding the attempt, although it was a rainy and very disagreeable day, in accordance with orders, the Scotia was chartered and conveyed her part of the pirates, together with some arms to Maiden, C.W. It is due to the citizens who were with the pirates, to say here, that they had no idea that the piracy was contemplated, and thought that it was only a fishing excursion, which at that time was a very common occurrence with the Southeners at Windsor. That evening when the Scotia returned, they alleged that it was so unpleasant that they would wait until the next day before going back to Windsor, in this way lulling everything like suspicion in the minds of those who had only been invited to go with them, the more effectually to conceal the real objects of the pirates. On Monday, on the arrival of the Steamer Philo Parsons at Malden, those who had taken passage from Detroit and Sandwich, were seen in very conspicuous places on the decks, by those on the wharf, who immediately boarded her in the capacity of passengers. It was not the intention of the pirates to seize the vessel until nearly to Sandusky, and in the event they received no messenger from Cole, at Kelley's Island, they were not to take possession of her at all, but continue in their characters as passengers to Sandusky, and there learn the cause of his failure to communicate with them. But as subsequent events will show, they were compelled to change their whole plan of operations. Shortly after the vessel left Malden, the frequency with which all of these men patronized the bar of the boat, attracted the suspicions of some of the passengers, as well as the officers, one of whom, from some remarks let fall by one of the men, thought they were a suspicious set, and said that as soon as the boat arrived at Sandusky, he would have them arrested and taken care of. Some of the pirates happened to hear this remark, and as soon as it was generally known, created the greatest consternation among them, and upon arriving at Kelley's Island and not receiving the messenger promised by Cole, they were in a very unenviable position. To go to Sandusky they would be arrested; the only course they could take to save their own lives and liberty, was that which they eventually adopted. Capt. Beall, after hearing this report, quickly determined to seize the vessel, which was accordingly done, to the great terror of the passengers and crew. One or two of the crew who refused to obey the orders given by the pirates, were severely wounded. Finding that there was only wood enough on board to last for a short time, she was run to Put-in-bay to get a supply, and it was at this landing that they seized the Island Queen, which happened to be there also, for the same purpose. This vessel, after removing her valuables, was immediately scuttled and left floating with the current in a sinking condition. After dark that night, the pirates ran down into Sandusky Bay, but failing to see the signals agreed upon, and after waiting a short time, again returned to the open lake, convinced by this time that something had happened to their friends in Sandusky. Capt. Beall then seeing that something had happened which would prevent them from capturing the Michigan, announced his determination to cruise on the lake as long as possible, burning and destroying all he could, and endeavored to induce his men to go with him; but they were already scared, and begun to fear the consequences of their act, and insisted upon going back to Canada. This is what Capt. Beall himself told Mr. Thompson on his return to Canada, that "if it had not been for these mutinous scoundrels, I could have run that boat on these lakes for two weeks, burning and destroying all the vessels we met with, before the Yankees could have made us take to land." The owners of shipping upon the great lakes, can now if they never could before, appreciate fully the danger to their vessels at that time. The day before the rebels left Windsor, C.W., the United States authorities had been notified of the expedition, and fully placed upon their guard, and if the plans of Lieut. Col. Hill, the efficient commander of the post at Detroit could have been followed, he would have captured the whole gang. However, he telegraphed to Sandusky, and had Cole arrested while he was sitting at the table, taking dinner with the officers on board the Michigan. This effectually prevented Cole from communicating with the conspirators.