This was in a sense the most isolated of all Virginia plantations being separated from the main body of the settlement by the wide waters of the Chesapeake. It enjoyed, however, a healthful climate, fruitful land and waters, and a continuing friendly Indian population.

As early as June, 1608, an exploring group under John Smith had made a landing on the Eastern Shore and visited the Indian "King of Accawmacke." They learned much of the area including the observation that the natives fished "with long poles like javelings, headed with bone." This was the beginning of a lasting friendship with "Laughing King," a friendship which was strengthened by Thomas Savage, the young boy exchanged with Powhatan in 1608, who later went to dwell across the Bay.

In 1613 Samuel Argall, seeking fish for the James River settlements as well as trade, visited the Eastern Shore. He found people "who seemed very desirous of our love." He traded successfully for corn, found great store of fish and then explored along the outer islands observing that "salt might easily be made there, if there were any ponds digged, for that I found salt kerned where the water had overflowne in certain places."

Argall's thoughts about salt manufacture were followed up in June, 1614 when a group of some twenty men under Lieutenant Craddock was dispatched to the area to set up a salt works and to catch fish. This was the first settlement "across the Bay" and it was known as "Dale's Gift" after Sir Thomas Dale then deputy governor in Virginia. The site selected for the work was on Smith's Island along the outer edge of the point of the peninsula. The quarters for the workmen may have been built on the mainland just above the point of the peninsula long known as Cape Charles.

Dale's Gift endured for a time although it appears to have been abandoned during Argall's administration. It was one of only six points of settlement as listed for Virginia in 1616. John Rolfe's description of it at this time shows its garrison-like quality: "At Dales Gifte (lieng upon the sea neere unto Cape Charles, about thirty miles from Kequoughtan) are seventeen [men] under the command of one Leiftenaunte Cradock; all these are fed and maintained by the Colony. Their labor is to make salte; and to catch fishe at the two seasons aforemencioned [spring and fall]." The work was allowed to lapse and in 1620 the "salt works" were described as "wholly gone to rack and let fall" with serious consequences. It led, it appears, to some "distemper" in Virginia caused by the colonists "eating pork and other meats fresh and unseasoned." In any case measures were taken in 1620-21 to re-establish the works and Pory reported that he had found a suitable spot not far from "where was our salt-house."

Permanent colonization of the Eastern Shore dates, it seems, from about 1619 when Thomas Savage went there to live on a large tract of land lying between Cheriton and King's Creek (Savage's Neck) given him by "Laughing King" (Debedeavon). Savage, as reported by John Martin who visited there in April, 1619, was already well established in Indian councils. Both Savage and Martin recognized the value of trade with the Indians here as did John Pory who visited the Eastern Shore in 1621. Pory, Secretary of the Colony, had been authorized the year before to lay out 500 acres and to place 20 men on them for the support of his office. This he did sending 10 men in 1620 and 10 more in 1621. In 1621, too, John Willcox planted across the bay. In this same year Sir George Yeardley obtained a large acreage from Debedeavon. When Yeardley, in June, 1622, crossed the bay to inspect his property he was so pleased with what he saw that he stayed six weeks. There had been no massacre here for "Laughing King" had refused to join in the Indian plot. He had, in fact, warned the Governor of the impending catastrophe. The area across the Bay had also escaped the "foull distemper" that swept along the James plantations about this time. Mortality had been high from the epidemic that probably came from the newly arriving immigrants to Virginia.

The Eastern Shore was now well established. In 1624 its first representatives, Captain John Willcox and Henry Watkins, were sent to the Assembly which met at Jamestown in March. It appears that a minister, the Rev. Francis Bolton, served here for a time. Others moved over from the western shore including Lady Elizabeth, widow of Sir Thomas Dale. Few, it seems, came directly from Europe to Virginia's Eastern Shore. Most came after a sojourn in one, or more, of the settlements along the James.

ELIZABETH CITY (KECOUGHTAN) (40)

Early in 1625 the community of Elizabeth City, or rather the communities that made up Elizabeth City, could count some 359 persons. This included those "Beyond Hampton River" earlier referred to as "At Bucke Row." In the year before, 1624, this area had counted some 349 (thirty at "Bucke Roe") and in that year a total of 101 had died. These figures indicate both a high mortality as well as a high rate of immigration into this section. Elizabeth City, in 1625, was the largest community in Virginia, much larger than James City and its Island with its 175 persons (218 in 1624), which held second place in population.

In 1625 it was an established community including 279 males and eighty females. Four were negroes. More than twenty-five per cent were living beyond Hampton River. It had the large total of eighty-nine houses besides twenty stores, all beyond Hampton River, and twenty-four palisadoes. Its supplies of corn and fish were large and ample compared with other settlements although it was weak in livestock and poultry when viewed in comparison with Jamestown and some of the upriver communities. Although strong in small arms, it had a major allotment of ordnance. It did boast of six boats. Excepting Jamestown, this was the largest fleet in the Colony although the Eastern Shore was close with its five.

There were fifty-four separate musters or groups in Elizabeth City with the largest of them being that of Capt. William Tucker including his wife and daughter, "borne in Virginia in August," and eighteen others. Among these were three negroes, Antoney, Isabell and "William theire Child Baptised." There was, too, the muster of the ancient planters John and Anne Laydon and their four girls, all Virginia "borne." The oldest of them was the first child born in the Colony. Nicolas Martiau was listed here, as was Ensign Thomas Willoby and Edward Waters. In addition to the fifty-four musters, or groups, in Elizabeth City proper there were sixteen resident beyond Hampton River. These embraced Captain Francis West and Sergeant William Barry. The latter had fifteen servants which was a larger number than most musters enumerated. It appears that in excess of 4,000 acres of land had been patented and the greater part of it had been planted. Patents, too, had been issued for land across the Hampton Roads on the south side of the James River, yet none is listed as having been planted at this date.

Elizabeth City began on the site of an Indian village on the west side of Hampton Creek and was known by its Indian name of Kecoughtan for a decade. The English first saw this spot on May 1, 1607 when the three ships moved over from Cape Henry. The friendly Indians welcomed the shore party and took them to their village of some 18 houses of twigs and bark and twenty fighting men where there was food, a friendly smoke, and entertainment.

After this visit the settlers moved on up the James and it was fall before the English were here again. John Smith then traded successfully with them for corn. Smith was here again in the summer of 1608 and in the following winter always being well received and refreshed before leaving. There is clear evidence that the first post established by the Colonists for trade with the Indians was here where Indians and whites lived together in some number. When, however, Humphry Blunt out of Fort Algernourne, that is Old Point Comfort, was killed by Indians at Nansemond, Sir Thomas Gates used the opportunity to punish the Indians by driving the Kecoughtans away from their cornfields and fishing grounds. It was in the summer of 1610 that he "posseseinge himselfe of the Towne and the fertill ground there unto adjacentt haveinge well ordered all things he lefte his Lieftenantt Earley to comawnd his company and retourned to James Towne."

In October, 1609, after Smith's departure for England, President George Percy had sent Captain John Ratcliffe down to the mouth of the river to erect a fort due to "the plenty of the place for fisheinge" and "for the comodious discovery of any shippeinge which sholde come uppon the co[a]ste." He chose Point Comfort, so named in 1607, and designated it "Algernowns Foarte" after Lord De La Warr's "name and howse." When Ratcliffe was killed by the Indians while on an expedition up the York, Captain James Davis was named to command in his stead.

Those at Point Comfort in the winter of 1609-10 apparently fared much better than those at Jamestown. When Percy visited here he found them, he reports, "in good case and well lykeinge haveinge concealed their plenty from us above att James Towne beinge so well stored thatt the crabb fishes where with they fede their hoggs wold have bene a greate relefe unto us and saved many of our lykes."

It was on the Kecoughtan site that an English settlement (Hampton) began to evolve. For two or three years it was little more than a military outpost and a plantation where corn was grown to help fill the larder at Jamestown. To supplement the fort at Point Comfort, De La Warr had two more built on either side of a small stream, Fort Henry and Fort Charles. This river De La Warr called the Southampton (Hampton), the name that came to be applied, too, to the wide waters into which it flowed, Hampton Roads. The forts were intended both as strongholds against the Indians and as a rest stop, or acclimation point, for incoming settlers "that the weariness of the sea may be refreshed in this pleasing part of the countree."

The forts were abandoned in the fall, but when Sir Thomas Dale reached Point Comfort on May 22, 1611, he reoccupied them. He left James Davis in command of Fort Algernourne and proceeded to restore Fort Charles on the east side of, and Fort Henry on the west side of, Hampton River before going on to Jamestown.

It was in 1611 that a Spanish caravel appeared at Point Comfort, picked up an English pilot and sailed away leaving three of its crew. One of them was the spy Diego de Molina who later reported that Fort Algernourne had a garrison of twenty-five and four iron pieces. A fire destroyed the fort, except for Captain Davis' house and storehouse. He, however, rebuilt it with "expedition." In 1614 "Point Comfort Fort" as Fort Algernourne was called after Percy left in April, 1612, was described as a stockade "without brick or stone" containing fifty persons (men, women and boys), protected by seven iron pieces. Soon after this the fort evidently fell into disuse.

In 1613 each of the forts on Hampton River had fifteen soldiers but no ordnance and in 1614 Capt. George Webb was the principal commander of both. Ralph Hamor at this time described them as "goodly seats and much corne ground about them, abounding with the commodities of fish, fowle, deere and fruits, whereby the men live there, with halfe that maintenaunce out of the store, which in other places was allowed." He thought it an excellent spot except "we cannot secure it, if a forraigne enemy, as we have just caus to expect daily should attempt it."

The settlement grew slowly as the report of John Rolfe in 1616 shows: "At Keqoughtan, being not farr from the mouth of the river, thirty-seven miles below James Towne on the same side, are twenty [persons] whereof eleven are Farmors. All these also mayntayne themselves as the former. Captain George Webb Commander, Mr. William Mays Mynister there."

At this time it ranked fifth in size of the then existing six Virginia settlements. Only Dale's Gift on Eastern Shore was smaller. The largest at the time was Bermuda Hundred with its 119 persons. Jamestown was second with fifty. Although small it can be assumed that since 1611, although much a military post, it was changing. Rolfe relates that there were women and children "in every place some" and where there are women and children there is family life.

In 1619 the settlement of Kecoughtan was captained by William Tucker and he and William Capps represented the settlement in the first House of Burgesses. It was evidently on their petition that the Assembly was asked "to change the savage name of Kiccowtan, and to give that Incorporation a new name." It was so ordered, and the new name was Elizabeth City after the daughter of King James.

The next five years saw extensive growth in this area including the assignment of 3,000 acres of Company land, 1,500 acres for common use and 100 acres for a glebe. In 1620 some Frenchmen were sent to the Buck Roe section to instruct the colonists in planting mulberries and vines and in sericulture and viniculture. In 1621 Captain Thomas Newce came as manager of the Company lands and obtained a grant of 600 acres for himself. The resident minister at the time was Reverend James Stockton who took a rather dim view of Indian character.

The massacre of 1622 did not leave any dead at Elizabeth City. This appears to have been due in part to the good work of Captain Newce who took defensive measures and made plans to alleviate the suffering resulting from the Indian devastation. The massacre stimulated the growth of population in Elizabeth City which still, however, was not immune from Indian attack as witnessed by the four who were killed in September, 1622.

William Tucker of Elizabeth City was one of those whom Wyatt called on to lead punitive attacks on the Indians. Following these the Indian threat to Elizabeth City was essentially removed and the area came to enjoy peace and freedom for development as was reflected in the census of 1624 and that of 1625. In 1623 it was called in one document "the first plantation." The Elizabeth City community embraced the sites of Point Comfort, Fort Charles, Fort Henry, and Kecoughtan, west of Hampton Creek, as well as the areas of Buck Roe, "Strawberry Banks," east of Hampton Creek, and "Indian Thickett."

NEWPORT NEWS (41)

The English first saw the site of Newport News on May 2, 1607 as they ascended the James River en route to Jamestown. There is, however, no reference to an Indian site here or to any specific use of the area, which Smith listed as "Point Hope" on his map of Virginia, until more than a decade later, November, 1621 when Daniel Gookin settled here. It is reported that "at Nupor[t]s-newes: the cotton trees in a yeere grew so thicke as ones arme, and so high as a man: here; any thing that is planted doth prosper so well as in no other place better."

A brief account penned by David Pietersz de Vries, a Dutch shipmaster, who visited Virginia in March, 1633 implies that Newport News then was an established watering point for incoming, and even outgoing, vessels. His description tends to provoke the thought that such had been the case for years, perhaps from the early days of Virginia. "The 10th, we sailed up the river [James]. When we came to the before-mentioned point of Newport-Snuw, we landed and took in water. A fine spring lies inside the shore of the river, convenient for taking water from. All the ships come here to take in water on their way home. After we had procured some water, we sailed on...." On March 20, when leaving Virginia, De Vries observed again "anchored at evening before the point of Newport-Snuw, where we took in water."

The earliest known reference to the name Newport News is in a letter written from Jamestown on November 11, 1619 when the inhabitants of Kecoughtan were assured the opportunity "to choose ther divident alonge the banke of the great river betweene Kequohtan and Newportes Newes." The origin of its name is obscure yet it is not unlikely that Captain Christopher Newport is honored here. A second reference, one in January, 1620 lists "Newports Newes." Later references, in the Virginia Company records (1621-24), show varying forms: "Newportnewes," "Nuports Newes," "New ports-newes" and "Newport newes." The name seems established before Gookin and his friends, the Newces, entered the scene; hence it is improbable that Newce or Newcetown, Ireland, is responsible for the name. The name "Newportes Poynte" is shown on Robert Tindall's map of 1608 but it refers to a point on the York River rather than to the Newport News site.

Daniel Gookin was a friend and associate of Sir William Newce and Captain Thomas Newce, both prominent in Virginia affairs, yet not of long time in the Colony, and like them was from Newcetown in Ireland. All had plans to establish a strong settlement in Virginia. As early as November, 1620, the Company had agreed to pay Gookin to transport some livestock to Virginia. He was promised a patent in Virginia for a "particular" plantation. His arrival and establishment, late in 1621, is recorded in a letter of the governor and council in January, 1622:

There arived heere about the 22th of November a shipp from mr Gookine out of Ireland wholy uppon his owne adventure, withoute any relatione at all to his contract with you in England which was soe well furnished with all sortes of provisione, as well as with cattle, as wee could wishe all men would follow theire example, hee hath also brought with him aboute fifty more uppon the adventure besides some thirty other passengers, wee have accordinge to their desire seated them at Newportes news, and we doe conceave great hope (if the Irish plantacone prosper) that frome Ireland greate multitudes of people wilbe like to come hither....

His plantation did, it seems, prosper, yet not without loss in men and effort. In the spring of 1623 when forty new men reported to the settlement things were not good. "Of all Mr. Gookins men which he sent out the last year we found but seven, the rest being all killed by the Indians, and his plantation ready to fall to decay." At the time of the Indian massacre he refused to take refuge in a stronger place deeming his settlement strong enough to withstand attack. With thirty-five men he succeeded in this and, it seems, was the first to reach England with news of the massacre. His son Daniel Gookin, Jr., evidently took over the management of the settlement when he left.

The census of 1625 from "Newportes newes" lists only the muster of Daniel Gookin and would indicate that neither he, nor his son, was in residence at the time. The listing shows only a total of twenty servants, eight of whom came in the Flyinge Hart in 1621 and twelve of the forty who had come in the Providence in 1623. The entire population was male and evidently they lived in four houses; at least only four were reported. At the time corn supplies stood at thirty barrels and cattle numbered fifteen head. For arms, the plantation had sixteen fixed pieces, twenty swords, and three pieces of ordnance. It would seem that the area of the plantation embraced 1,300 patented acres all of which were "planted."

In January, 1624 it had been sufficiently strong to be included in the Governor's instructions to Captain William Tucker, of Elizabeth City. These called for the meeting of "all the free men inhabiting in those plantacons under your comand at Keycotan & Nuport Newes [for the purpose of] by pluralitie of voices to make election of twoe men" to attend the General Assembly called for February. Of the four who were chosen from the "Incorporation of Elizabeth City," however, two were from Elizabeth City proper and two from "Elizabeth City beyond Hampton River." None was from Newport News.

BLUNT POINT (42)

The extent of settlement in this area on the north side of the James above Newport News in 1625 is difficult to determine. There had been a number of land patents issued prior to this date. One for 100 acres, on August 14, 1624, was to Edward Waters at "Blunt point" and several others were issued four months later in the area between the point and Newport News. Some were to old residents of Newport News and Kecoughtan and several were issued to new arrivals. One grant for 150 acres to Maurice Thompson had been made as early as March 4, 1621. Patented acreage at "Blunt Pointe" and "belowe Blunt Point" in 1625 embraced some 2,200 acres and 1,390 acres respectively.

The massacre of 1622 forced the withdrawal of any who may have been located in the area at that date. Included in the list of those killed at the time was Edward Walters, his wife, child, maid and boy all at "Master Edward Walters his house" which may have been in the Blunt Point vicinity. If this were really Edward Waters who received the patent at Blunt Point in 1624, it would mean that he had already established himself here. Such is conceivable since, at the time of the massacre, he and his wife were made prisoners by the Nansemond Indians and possibly could have been listed as dead. He was fortunate in being able to manage an escape and took refuge at Elizabeth City (Kecoughtan).

Waters was an ancient planter who had come to Virginia with Gates, reaching the Colony in 1610. He was one of a party who returned to Bermuda for hogs for Virginia. Circumstances intervened and he remained there about seven years. It was not until about 1617 that he returned to Virginia where he was married and settled down. In 1625 he was listed as living at Elizabeth City with his wife, son and daughter, "borne in Virginia." His muster then included six servants and five others.

In a statement made by a number of Virginia planters on April 30, 1623, there is mention of the plantation at "Blunt point" which would imply an established settlement here at that time. It was enumerated along with a number of others, including Newport News, which were described "as verie fruitfull and pleasant seates." This was ten months after Captain Samuel Each's offer to "erect before the end of March [1623] uppon the oyster bankes, a block-house, that should forbid the passage of any shipp" up the James. Each felt that he could lay his vessel near "Blunt point" and do this with dispatch with his mariners and twelve carpenters. The Governor and Council embraced his offer to build this "Block house about Blunt Point." Company officials in England, too, liked the idea very much. Seemingly, however, it never materialized. Instead, talk turned to the fort which was undertaken at Warrascoyack on the opposite shore of the James.

MULBERRY ISLAND (43)

On the north side of the James River some ten miles below Jamestown, this "island" embraces some ten square miles of ground. Its name evidently was derived from a heavy growth of the native Virginia mulberry trees (Morus rubra). This must have been the case since "Mulberry Island" and "Mulberry Point" were in use as place designations as early as July, 1610. It was so named even before it was settled.

When Gates was proceeding down river, having abandoned Jamestown, in June, 1610, it was just off Mulberry Island that he encountered Lord De La Warr's "long boat" which gave word of reinforcements and supplies. This saved the Colony and Gates reversed his course and returned to Jamestown. In this way Mulberry Island is linked with this decisive meeting which greatly affected the survival of the Colony.

It is not clear when actual settlement of the Island began. Seemingly it was not before 1617 or 1618. In any event, about this time, settlers did begin to drift in to this section of the James River basin. In 1619 it appears that Captain William Pierce patented 650 acres in this quarter. Pierce had been in Virginia since 1610 and in 1617 was well established being Captain of the Guard at Jamestown where he had "the fairest [house] in all Virginia." Now, however, he removed to his new holding where, before March, 1622, he built another home and established his residence.

Another prominent patentee at Mulberry Island was John Rolfe who had "land on Mulberry Island Virginia" before March 10, 1621. He and "some others," including William Pierce, obtained 1,700 acres by patent and proceeded to "plant" it. His chief residence at the time was in Bermuda Hundred and it is doubtful that he resided here. He had, it might be mentioned, in 1620, married Jane the daughter of Captain William Pierce and he appears to have lost his life in the Indian massacre.

It is not known how many others "planted," or lived, here at this time. Evidently it was not sufficient to send a representative to the Assembly in 1619. Whatever growth it enjoyed was checked by the Indian massacre in 1622. It is recorded that Thomas Pierce, probably a son of William, his wife and child, two men and "a French boy," were killed at Thomas' house "over against Mulberry Island." The resettlement of the area after the massacre was delayed. No persons are listed from this locality in 1624 nor were there representatives in the Assembly of the same year. Within a year, however, the picture had changed.

The census of January, 1625 lists thirty persons, twenty-five males and five women, at "Mulburie Island." Not much else is listed in the muster except the arms of the settlement. The twenty-two suits of armor, the thirty-seven "fixed pieces" and the forty-two swords would indicate that protection was uppermost in the plans. There were several distinct musters including those of Anthony Baram and Thomas Harwood, yet the largest was that of Captain William Pierce. Although not in residence himself, he had thirteen servants at Mulberry Island. Except for Pierce's, there were no other servants save one of Thomas Harwood.

MARTIN'S HUNDRED (44)

This was one of the earliest of the "particular" plantations and had a larger and more vigorous life than most. It has been said that this might be listed as the leading, or model, Hundred in the Colony. It was one organized and promoted by a group within, yet outside of, the regular Company projects. It was named for Richard Martin, an attorney for the London Company. He was a leading member in the Society of Martin's Hundred as this special group of adventurers was known. Another leader in the sponsoring group was Sir John Wolstenholme whose name was associated with the town, described in January, 1622 as "the Towne in Martin's Hundred [which] is now seated called Wolstenholme Towne."

Wolstenholme was located on the James, it seems, and the boundaries of the Hundred, when laid down in 1621, were measured five miles along the "river called (Kinge) James River" in each direction from it. This was five miles toward Jamestown and five toward "Newportes Newes." Northward the bound was the Queenes River alias Pacomunky [York]. It is of interest to note that the boundaries were to "the middest" of the rivers. Roughly its 80,000 acres lay on the north side of the James between Archer's Hope and Mulberry Island.

In October, 1618, the Society sent its first colonists to Virginia. These made up a party of 280 who reached Virginia several months later in the Guift of God. Several additional groups were sent out in 1619, a large party in 1620 and others in 1621. The latter were sent, it was recorded, "to plante and inhabite and to erect and make perfect a church and towne there already begunne." At the time of the Assembly in 1619 it was an established community and sent its representatives up to Jamestown—John Boys and John Jackson.

It appears to have been a determined lot of "ancient adventurers" who sponsored Martin's Hundred and the record indicates that they worked hard and zealously to make it a paying organization. They were, however, often beset with difficulties. Shipmasters and mariners abused them as did the "Capemarchant," according to their reports. When they sought Company shares to sustain losses in one shipment to Virginia, Sir Edwin Sandys reminded them that they were a particular group. He related "As Martins Hundred hath been at great charges, so have divers other hundreds, so have also beene many perticuler persons, Captaine Bargrave alone hath brought and sett out divers shipps ... Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir Thomas Dale, besides a multitude of other[s], who have spent a large portion of their estates therein...."

In May, 1621, Yeardley wrote concerning the arrival of servants to be located at Martin's Hundred. He described the difficulty of making land assignments "because we have never a surveyour in the lande." He added too that "the undertakers at Martins Hundred would thinke themselves muche wronged, if any other should be sett on worke to divide their groundes." He commented, too, that a proper division might be better since he had heard that the Society "intende ... to buy out the Indians of Chischiack [on the York River]."

Martin's Hundred suffered severely in the massacre of 1622. The slaughter took a total of seventy-eight persons including the commander. Among those killed were a score of women and children showing that family life was well developed here. The loss was so great that the settlement was temporarily abandoned along with a great many others in Virginia. The abandonment was of short duration, it seems, for new references soon appear such as that naming Captain Ralph Hamor "to have absolute power, and comand in all matters of war over all the people of Martins Hundred." In any case "the replantinge" was left to the Society which had originally established it. Although the Company deemed it, along with others which had been deserted, "of absolute necessitie," it was too busy with its own projects to aid materially.

The Society "set forth a verie chargeable supply of people" in October, 1622. When William Harwood was mentioned for the Council, Martin's Hundred asked that he not be named since they needed his services full time. Reverend Robert Paulett was named instead. In April, 1623 it was a going concern although life was dark in the eyes of Richard Frethorne who wrote of the danger, hunger, and the heavy work. He related "ther is indeed some foule [fowle], but wee are not allowed to goe, and get it, but must worke hard both earlie, and late for a messe of water gruell, and a mouthfull of bread, and beife." He stated that of twenty who came the last year but three were left. In all, he said, "wee are but thirty-two." The Indians he feared; "the nighest helpe that Wee have is ten miles of us." Here "wee lye even in their teeth." The break in the monotony, it seems, was an occasional trip to Jamestown "that is ten miles of us, there be all the ships that come to the land, and there must deliver their goodes." The trip up took from noon till night on the tide. The return was the same.

Nothing came, at this time, of the proposal for "runninge a pale from Martin's Hundred to Cheskacke," between the York and the James rivers. The stockade across the peninsula was still a decade away. When built it would be several miles to the west. There is nothing to indicate that the church, or school, for which William Whitehead left funds in his will in 1623, ever materialized. The plan was that it be built in Martin's Hundred.

Evidently conditions at this time were at a low ebb. George Sandys felt it was a pity that the project could not be pushed more vigorously. When the plantation was asked to take a number of the "infidelles children to be brought up" the officials asked to be excused since they were "sorely weakened and ... in much confusion." The Indians, too, were still around. The Governor in May, 1623 urged that the "Commander" keep watch, insure the carrying of arms and prevent stragglers from loitering about. The Indians were suspected of coming to "spy and observe." Seemingly the plantation, perhaps already a parish in the church organization, was not represented in the Assembly in 1624.

At this time Martin's Hundred was reported to have twenty-three persons, but twenty-eight had died within the year, two being killed. At the time of the general census of the next year, there were but thirty-one, a fact that indicates small growth. To accommodate these there were seven houses, supplies of corn and fish and some cattle and hogs. The settlement was well stocked in weapons with thirty-two armors of various types, thirty-one swords, and fifty-two small arms. Perhaps William Harwood, who was in charge, remembered well the massacre.

ARCHER'S HOPE (45)

The place name Archer's Hope is older even than Jamestown located several miles upstream from it. Here on May 12, 1607 colonists went ashore to evaluate a spot as a site for their initial settlement. It had advantages, yet it was not possible to bring the ships in close to the shore so the next day they made choice of Jamestown. Gabriel Archer, it appears, liked the spot and it was named in his honor. The site was at the mouth of College (Archer's Hope) Creek, the waterway that may have been used by the Spanish Jesuit missionaries four decades earlier when, in 1570, they were searching for a mission site in Virginia.

Even though the settlers elected not to establish themselves here in 1607, it was in the Jamestown neighborhood and very likely was soon in use. It is clearly established that a distinct community took form within a dozen years. Unfortunately not much is known prior to 1619 when a number of land grants were made to men like William Fairfax, John Fowler, William Capp and Joakim Andrews, most with established Jamestown connections. It was at Archer's Hope that the great massacre reached closest to Jamestown. Five persons were slain "At Ensigne Spence his house." Following the slaughter the settlement appears to have been abandoned with survivors taking refuge elsewhere, perhaps, at Jamestown.

The abandonment was of short duration. On February 16, 1624 some fourteen persons were in residence here, at least three family units and presumably a number of servants. Evidently this was not sufficient to merit representation in the Assembly of 1624. The fact that Archer's Hope had a commander, Thomas Bransby, and that its inhabitants had been cautioned not to go too far from their homes alone, even when armed, leads to the conclusion that there was still danger from the Indian, "the Enemie," even in 1625. At the same time there is evidence of an expanding agriculture and increasing population. Archer's Hope had its disturbers of the peace as well in citizens such as Joseph Johnson who from time to time found himself answering to the General Court.

The census of 1625 named fourteen persons as constituting the settlement of Archer's Hope which then extended to the east as well as to the west of the creek bearing the same name. Each of the four major entries showed a single house although there must have been more than this in aggregate. On a population basis the amount of arms and armor available would indicate that, perhaps, the community had a military cast. Food supplies were about normal, yet no livestock is shown except eight hogs which included "piggs" as well.

Altogether, by this date, at least 3,000 acres of land had been taken up by fifteen persons, many of them "ancient planters." The largest grant, 750 acres, had been to Rev. Richard Buck, minister for Jamestown. Richard Kingsmill had received 300 acres as had Ensign William Spence and John Fowler. Two, William Claiborne and John Jefferson, had 250 acre parcels, but all others had lesser amounts. Only three were shown as "planted." The list omits a grant of some size to George Sandys which was located in the precincts of Archer's Hope but well to the east "on the ponds, dividing from the land of Martin's Hundred." On the west Archer's Hope was separated from James City's "Neck-of-Land" by the Jamestown parish glebe land.

"NECK-OF-LAND NEARE JAMES CITTY" (46)

This area lay behind Jamestown Island on the mainland between Mill and Powhatan Creeks. Even though separated from "James Citty" only by the narrow Back River and its marshes, settlement seemingly was delayed for a decade. At least the records are silent on the matter if colonists did establish here in the first years.

It clearly emerges as an established settlement in 1624 when its population was given at twenty-five persons including at least four families with servants and dependents. That same year it sent its own burgess to the Assembly at Jamestown, its most prominent resident, Richard Kingsmill. Early in 1625 the population stood at eighteen, six freemen, three women, three children, five servants and a single negro. A comparison of the names given in 1624 with those in 1625 points up the shifting of persons that must have been a part of the Virginia scene at this time. As might be expected from its proximity, a number of the residents of the "Neck-of-Land" had property also at Jamestown or in the Island.

The 1625 muster listings included six houses, a boat, twenty-six and a half barrels of corn as well as some "flesh," fish, and meal. Livestock embraced eleven cattle and thirty-one hogs, "yong & old." There was only one "armour" and two "coats of male" yet small arms, shot and powder were in greater supply. The General Court records offer an occasional glimpse of life here in these years. There was, for example, the decision in 1624 that the "lands and goods" of John Phillmore, who died without a will, should be given to Elizabeth Pierce "unto whom he was assured and ment to have maryed."

* * * * *

This then was the Virginia of 1625—a settled area embracing the James River basin and the lower part of the Eastern Shore. It was very rural with the people busy about the task of developing a new land. Some twenty-seven distinct communities, groups, or settlements were enumerated at this time, yet even these may not fully suggest the scope of the occupied, or cultivated, land. These settlements were chiefly along the north and south shores of the James River, eastward from the falls to the Chesapeake Bay. Though loosely knit geographically, they were a unit politically with affairs, for the most part, administered from the capital "citty" of Jamestown. Actually the Colony even now was poised for an extension of its frontier inland from the river fringe especially across to the banks of the York and into what was to become the Norfolk area. This would precede "the push to the west" that later became such a familiar pattern.

In the first seventeen years, despite hardship, suffering, death, discouragement and defeats, a great deal had been accomplished in Virginia. The colonists, some of whom had already become "ancient planters," had met and learned many of the ways of the wilderness and the new environment. They had learned to survive and had gained knowledge of the country's advantages and disadvantages and its nature and extent. After many false starts, a source of wealth had been found in tobacco. Security was coming to replace insecurity and individual well-being was rising above the earlier general storehouse or magazine system. Government, too, after several changes of direction, had become stable and even embraced a representative legislative assembly. It seems that King James I, when he took over, directly, the management of the Colony, must have found that the Virginia Company of London had built well in the New World. Otherwise, the change of administration would have been more disrupting than it was in Virginia.



SELECTED READINGS

Andrews, Charles M., The Colonial Period of American History: The Settlements I. New Haven, c.1934 (several printings).

Andrews, Matthew Page, Virginia: The Old Dominion. New York, c.1937.

Brown, Alexander, The First Republic in America. Boston, 1898.

Brown, Alexander (ed.), The Genesis of the United States.... Boston, 1896. 2 volumes.

Chandler, J. A. C., and Thames, T. B., Colonial Virginia. Richmond, 1907.

Craven, Wesley Frank, The Dissolution of the Virginia Company of London. New York, 1932.

Forman, Henry Chandlee, Jamestown and St. Mary's: Buried Cities of Romance. Baltimore, 1938.

Hamor, Ralph, A True Discourse of the Present Estate of Virginia and the Successe of the Affaires There Till the 18 of June, 1614. London, 1615. The J. Munsell reprint (Albany, 1860) The Virginia State Library are more readily available.

McIlwaine, H. R. (ed.), Minutes of the Council and General Court of Virginia, 1622-1632, 1670-1676. Richmond, 1924.

Neill, Edward D., History of the Virginia Company of London. Albany, New York, 1869.

Virginia Vetusta, During the Reign of James the First.... Albany, New York, 1885.

Powell, William S., "Books in the Virginia Colony before 1624." The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, V, 177-184 (April, 1948).

Rolfe, John, A True Relation of Virginia [in 1616] as printed by Henry C. Taylor. New Haven, 1951.

Sams, Conway Whittle, The Conquest of Virginia. 4 volumes ("The Forest Primeval," "The First Attempt," "The Second Attempt," and "The Third Attempt"). New York, 1916-1939.

Smith, John, The Travels and Works of Captain John Smith. Edited by Edward Arber with introduction. Edinburgh, 1910. 2 volumes.

Stanard, Mary Newton, The Story of Virginia's First Century. Philadelphia, 1928.

Strachey, William, The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania (1612). Edited by Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund and printed for the Hakluyt Society. London, 1953. (Also available in an edition edited by H. H. Major. London, 1849.)

Tyler, Lyon Gardiner (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625. New York, 1930.

The Cradle of the Republic: Jamestown and James River. Richmond, Va., 1906 (2nd edition).

Virginia Company, The Records of the Virginia Company of London. Edited by Susan Myra Kingsbury. Washington, D. C., 1906-1935. 4 volumes.

Wertenbaker, Thomas Jefferson, The First Americans 1607-1690. A History of American Life, Volume II. New York, c.1927 (various printings).

Wingfield, Edward Maria, A Discourse of Virginia. Edited by Charles Deane. Boston, 1860.

Wright, Louis B., Atlantic Frontier: Colonial American Civilization: 1607-1761. New York, 1947.

Yonge, Samuel H., The Site of Old "James Towne" 1607-1698. Richmond, c.1907 (several reprints).



APPENDIX

SUPPLIES FOR VIRGINIA

One of the most informative ways, perhaps, to get an idea of daily living in early Virginia is to read, and study, a list of the household, personal and general objects which were sent to the Colony. One of the most detailed such lists that has been preserved is one that itemizes the cargo sent in the ship, Supply, which left England in September, 1620, bound for Berkeley Hundred. This is given in digest below. It is adapted from the list in the Smith of Nibley Papers and is available in published form in the Bulletin of the New York Public Library, III, No. 7 (July, 1899), pp. 283-290 as well as in the Records of the Virginia Company of London, III, pp. 385-393.

Bought at London

15 grosse of buttons; 60 eles of linnen cloth; 15 eles of canvas; 10 yards of blue linnen for facinge the doublets; tape and thread; 42 yards of brode cloth at 6s the yard for 20 cassacks & breeches; 57 yards of dyed holmes fustian at 18d the yard for 20 doublets; makinge the said 20 doublets cassacks & breeches at 3s 4d; 10 doublets & breeches of russet lether with lether lynings L8 15s & 9 gros of lether buttons 10s In the wholl with the makynge; glas beades of severall sorts; drugs & phisicks bought of Mr Barton Apothecary by doctor Gulsons direccon for the flipp & scurvy &c; wainscot boxe and hay to pack the same in &c; drifatt to send downe the 30 sutes of apparell and cariage of the same from the Taylors to the wayne at Holborne bridge & porters.

Bought at Stoke

20 bushells of wheat at 3s 6d; 336 lbs. of butter at 5d; 336 lbs. of cheese at 25s the 112 lbs.; 2 corslets & 2 callivers furnished; a musket.

Bought at Nibley and in the Country.

22 bushells of white pease bought by Mr Smyth of Mris. Leigh of Combe at 2s the bushell 44s & cariage to Nibley 2s 6d; 9 bushells more of white pease bought of Sam Trotman at 22s the bushell (which were the best of all.); 9 bushells of 3 square wheat in ears in 2 great pipes at 4s; 12 bushells & halfe of malt (dryed on purpose) put into another great canary pipe at 2s; 3 pipes, & for one other pipe, 2 hoggsheads &, 2 lesser casks to put the said pease in, & caryage in 2 waynes from Nibley to Berkeley, with 12s spent by the plowman there, & to the couper to head & dresse them.

Bought at Bristoll faire and after there.

522 dozen of buttons, parte thread, parte haire and 6 dozen of greene silke; 12 dozen yards of garteringe, of 2 sorts & 4 colors &c; 6 grosse of poynts beinge 72 dozen whereof the one half of lether, the other of thread; 5 paire of double boxcombes & 6 bone combs; 10 dozen of knives whereof 9 dozen of one sort and one dozen of another sort; one dozen of sisers; one dozen of womens sheares; 4 payres of Taylors sheares of 2 sorts; one dozen of paringe knives; 6 other knives; 600 & an halfe of cheese bought by Wm Hopton at 14s & 16s the hundred beinge 101 cheeses; 4 quires & an halfe of paper for all the servants indentures and other draughts, ec; 54 ells of dowlas at 15d ob. for shirts; 58 els 3 quarters of canvas for sheets at 14d; 24 els of canvas at 15d and 66 els of canvas at 13d ob; 52 els of canvas at 15 for shirts; 84 ells of canvas at 13d for sheets; 81 ells quarter of canvas at 14d; 82 ells and an halfe at 14d of canvas; 56 ells & an halfe of canvas at 14d; 32 ells of dowlas at 14d; 3 dozen of fallinge bands at 7s 6d the dozen; 5 dozen of fallinge bands at 6s 6d the dozen; 2 dozen falling bands at 5s 6d the dozen; 10 dozen of handkercheifs; 49 payre of Irish stockins; 22 payre of Irish stockins; 34 payre of Irish stockins; one barrell of tarre; one barrell of pitch; 6 hoggsheads of baysalt for Virginia; 30 stone of stocks at 2s 6; 10 reaphooks; 2 fryinge pans; 2 bolts of browne thread; one bolt of black thread; 8 lbs. browne thread; 20 pickaxes; 40 weedinge howes; 30 spades; 2 sithes; 10 felling axes; 6 squaring axes; 20 bed mats; 10 bushells di. [i.e. one-half] peck of oatmeale at 4s; 5 bushells of oatmeal grots at 6s; 2 grindstones; 2 french mill stones; 102 lbs. of sope; 10 traces of onyons; 10 gallons 3 quarts of oyle & the runlet to put it in; 6 baskets used about the ship; 6 bells; 6 bandeleres; 1 quarter of 100 of match; 6 swords; makinge 51 shirts at 3d & 2 towells; makinge 25 payre of sheets; 100 di & 13 lbs. of lead beinge 6 bars; 200 of lead shot at 1d the lb.; 160 lbs. di of powder at 15d; a little caske to put 12 lbs. of powder in; 200 payre of shoes of 4 sizes.

Garden seeds vzt parsnip, carret, cabbage, turnep, lettuice, onyon mustared and garlick; 2 tun of sider bought at Bristoll; 1 hoggeshead of new sider sent Mr Thorpe; hallinge to the storehouse and lynes to maile in it; charges of Robt Lawford at Bristoll imployed divers dayes buyinge of provisions &c; 60 gallons & one pottle of aqua vite at 3s; 22500 nayles of severall sorts; 2000 of hobnayles; 4000 of sparrowbills; bags to put nayles in and to the porter; given, to the poore and spent at hiringe the first ship by Felgate; given to break of from that ships after 14 days; one dryfatt and 3 tun of caske untrimd; 15 dozen of candles at 4s 4d the dozen; 2 barrells of Irish beoffe bought by Toby Felgate; one other barrell bought by Tho. Kewis; 2142 lbs. of beoffe & porke, salt for it & charges in saltinge and barrellinge beinge in 13 barrells; 200 di [i.e. one-half, or 50 lbs.] of codfish at 46s the 100 called Cornish fish; cariage of 1300 waight from London parte by horse & parte by wayne to Bristoll & waighinge; a chest to put small parcells in; 100 3 quarters 7 lb. of iron hoopes to hoope 6 tun of beere at 3d the pound; dyet & lodginge in Bristoll upon one accompt at the Horshooe and Horsmeat & hire of Toby Felgates horse twice to Nibley.

Markams works of husbandry & huswifry bound togeather and for the like of Gowges &c; the copies of the counsells order for fishinge & about tobacco and of Sir Edwin Sandis project, and of the artificiall wine, to be sent over to Mr Thorpe, payd the Secretary; 18 tun of beere at 36s p. tun and for 3 barrells spent in the ship; 8800 of bisket at 12s the 100 lbs. and 21 lbs. over and a quarter of 100 more; 20 ruggs at 8s the peece; 100 of monmoth caps and bands; a boylinge kettle filled for the ship at 17d the lb. beinge 36 lbs. di [i.e. one-half]; 60 gallons of sack at 2s 6d the gallon in 4 runlets; one hoggeshed of wine vinegar; cloutleather 32d shoo-thread 26 dozen 4s and 4 half quarter of hemp 4s 1d; to the couper upon his bill for 39 tun of caske and 2 barrells of all the fraight contayninge 142 vessels bought of him besides what came from Mr Tracy & Mr Smyth; and to the coupers journeyman for many labors by him done; to Mr Ewens in parte of the wages for the hire of his ship before hand by acquitance and by indorsement of his chartre party; to the grosser for sugar, pepper, ginger, cynamon, nutmegs, cloves, mace, dates, raisons, currants, damaske prunes, rice, saffron, almonds, brimston, starch & one ream of paper; a masons great hammer & trouell bought by Richard Piers for himselfe; 8 bushells of meale at 4s the bushell; 2 great & 2 lesser lanthornes 5s 2 shod shovels, 20d bellowes, lables, trenches, mustard bolls, tape cannells, bread baskets, wooden spoones, tundish, 18 cans, mustard pot, 12 porridge dishes 18 quarter cans, 2 horne tunnels, 2 horne cups, a pair of scales, 3 little drynking cups, 3 dozen wodden sawcers, 4 dozen platters, 6 wyre candlesticks, 2 panyars, & 1 pepercorne all wood; makinge of bolsters and other parcells upon many particulars, as hallyers, 29s 10d wood 23s 4d cordage to trusse and cabynes 7s 4d padlockes 4s 6d, 3 spades & 2 howes 9d makinge 30 sheets and 21 shirts, 11s 8d 28 bolsters makinge &c.

Bought of Mr Tracy.

100 payre of knit stockins; watchinge the wayne & cariage of the 13 brode clothes that Benedict Webbe sent to Bristoll to the storehouse; 9 swordes; 9 corslets; 9 muskers wherof 6 are with snaphanses; 6 callivers; 4 coates of plate; 4 partizans; 12 felling axes made in Deane, and for 2 squaring axes; 10 hatchets; 24 augurs of severall sorts; 2 handsawes; 12 sithes; 24 reaphooks; a vise for a smyth; a bras serine for a glister pipe; 15 peeces beoffe roafed [?] & 4 tongues; 43 lb. of cheese; 9 flitches of bacon; 20 bushells of white pease at 2s 4d; a barrell of pippen vinegar; 2 broadaxes; 2 felling axes; 2 adizes; 2 handsawes; 2 hatchets; one 2 inch augur; 6 turnynge tools; 2 googes; 4 brode chesills; 7 playnge irons; small chesills; one twibill; mendinge of servants tooles; 4 millpecks; one anvill; 2 turninge irons; 13 brode clothes of 29 yards the peece and 7 brode bought of Benedict Webb by Mr Tracy; buckerom & canvas to pack them in; to Boswell the apothecary upon his bill for drugs and other like stuffs bought by Mr. Pawlet as appeareth.

Payd Mr Felgate upon accompt for charges about the breadroome, & cabins, for joyners worke, pitche, nayles, bordes &c; payd for wages of 5 of our seamen for 3 weeks di [i.e. one-half] 4s the weeke dayly helpinge ended 17 September Saturday night; and for the dyet of Toby Felgate at Bristol for 7 weeks at 6s p. weeke; payd Toby Felgate upon his bill for the charges of himselfe and hire of his horse to Bristoll and cariage of his sea cards, affaires & apparell; payd at the Horshooe for a chamber to stowe our goods bought at St James faire for 5 weeks; imprest to Mr Felgate to buy 1000 couple of Newfoundland fish; 2 sives to make gunpowder in Virginia; a barre of iron and hangers in the cookroome in the ship; the hire of the Swanne cellar 5s and for Hendens cellar for all our goods 11s; charges of diet of Mr Smyth & parte of the company at the White Lyon, and for the bord wages of other parte of the company for 14 dayes as by accompt kept by Willm Archard; paper, inke & parchment for comissions and quadripartite covenants & indentures &c; 2 boxes for cariage of comissions, lettres indentures &c. into Virginia; the hire of a boat that caryed Mris Tracy & the weomen & children from Bristoll to Crockhampill; to the boatmen at Barkley for caryage of 2 tun di of pease, wheat, wheat eares malt &c. to Bristoll; to Mr Willet Customer outwards for the customs of 10 brode clothes & pretermitted dutyes, which is to be repayd upon certificate from Sir Garroway & Sir John Worsuam; payd Mr. Tracys bill for a tramell net; payd for the passage of 20 men & weomen from the partes of Hayles to Bristoll, & the hire of some horses dyet & lodginge at the Horshooe and at Mris Lewis house and lodginge of many servants as by severall bills appeareth over & besides what Mr Smyth thought indifferently fit to abate which Mr Tracy referred to him &c; for wrytinge & ingrossinge the 2 comissions quadripartite covenants 35 payre of indentures and divers other particulars; sent to Mr Tracy upon his lettres after I was come to Nibley to be supplyed, whilst he lay for wynd at Crockampill with all his company &c.

This list makes it crystal clear that supplying Virginia was both a costly and time consuming operation. It is clear, too, that supplies were of the nature that encouraged permanent colonization and residence in Virginia. Those Englishmen who founded the Colony took as much of the English way of life with them as was possible be it personal or political rights and freedom, books, food, clothing, utensils, or working tools.

THE END